THE  UNIVERSITY 


OF  ILLINOIS 


LIBRARY 


From  the  collection  of 
Julius  Doerner,  Chicago 
Purchased,  1918. 


973.8 

B57WK 


Return  this  book  on  or  before  the 
Latest  Date  stamped  below,  A 
charge  is  made  on  all  overdue 
books. 

U.  of  I.  Library 


12  /9S!l 


11148-S 


Of  the 

^^7  C7  :Lum^ 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/eariyiifepublicc00houg_0 


Early  Life  and  Public  Career 

OF 


HOS.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE, 


PATRIOT,  STATESMAN  AND  HISTORIAN, 


Reciting  the  Annals  of  his  Brilliant  Career  from  Obscurity  to 
THE  Foremost  Position  in  the  Councils  of  the  Nation 
AND  THE  Affections  of  the  People. 


INCLUDING  A BIOGRAPHY  OF 


Gen’L  JOHN  A.  LOGAN, 

AND  EMBRACING  A 

HISTORY  OF  THE  PRINCIPLES  AND  ACHIEVEMENTS 


REPUBLICAN  PARTY, 

With  Platforms  of  Both  Parties  from  1856,  and  Other 
Valuable  Political  Documents. 


FULLY  ILLUSTRATED  WITH  PORTRAITS  AND  OTHER  ENGRAVINGS. 


BY 


WALTER  R.  HOUGHTON,  A.  M. 

Professor  Political  Science,  Indiana  University,  and  author  of  “ Conspectus 
of  the  History  of  Pol'tical  Parties,”  “Wail  Chart  of  United  States 
History,  Literature  and  Geog-raphy,”  Wheels  of  State 
and  National  Government,”  and  “History 
of  American  Politics.” 


CHICAGO  AND  NEW  YORK : 
CANTON  PUBLISHING  COMPANY. 
1884. 


COPYRIGHT. 

1884. 

By  James  Clarke. 


PRINTED  AND  BOUND  BY 

Donohue  & Henneberry, 


CHICAGO. 


PEEFAOE. 


HE  American  Nation,  through  the  instrumentality  of 


the  great  political  parties  of  our  land,  has  entered 
upon  a campaign  which  must  ever  be  memorable  in  the 
political  annals  of  the  country. 

Nominations  have  been  made  with  the  greatest  fore- 
sight and  wisdom,  and  political  parties  stand  facing  and 
opposing  each  other,  importuning  the  people  to  hear  their 
warning  voice.  The  Democratic  party,  having  suffered 
defeat  after  defeat,  and  its  treasures  having  been  drained 
without  compensation,  enters  upon  the  canvass  doubtful 
of  its  strength  and  without  assurance  of  success. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Eepublican  party,  proud  of  its 
achievements  and  principles,  eager  for  the  contest,  vigor- 
ous and  full  of  life,  appeals  to  the  American  people  with 
a confidence  that  insures  success. 

The  career  of  this  party  is  full  of  wonder. 

It  has  accomplished  for  mankind  more  in  the  same 
length  of  time  than  any  Other  political  organization,  and  it 
looks  upon  its  long  career  of  supremacy  and  recalls  to  mind 
but  few  things  for  regret. 

Its  value  to  the  country,  its  aid  to  the  people  and  the  just- 
ness of  its  cause,  commend  it  to  all  voters  for  their  con- 
tinued acceptance  of  its  rule.  The  nominees  of  this  party 
are  the  pride  of  our  republic,  and  their  qualities  are  such  as 
to  unite  all  the  shades  of  Eepublican  belief  in  one  unbroken 
rank  of  opposition  to  opposing  political  parties. 

James  G.  Blaine  is  a great  favorite  of  the  American 
people,  and  as  such  will  be  the  standard  bearer  of  a cam- 
paign, as  successful  and  brilliant  as  has  been  his  career. 


3 


4 


PREFACE. 


General  Logan  possesses  those  sterling  attributes  so 
much  admired  by  our  citizens,  and  which  will  render  the 
Senate  and  Cabinet  the  possessor  of  one  of  Americans 
ablest  sons. 

That  the  story  of  the  celebrated  career  of  James  G, 
Blaine  may  be  rendered  accessible  to  all,  and  that  the  prin- 
ciples which  his  nomination  involves  may  be  clearly  set 
forth,  this  publication  has  been  designed  and  written. 
Whether  or  not  the  object  is  accomplished,  the  reader 
is  left  to  judge. 


Walter  R.  Houghtoi^-. 


TABLE  OE  CONTENTS. 


PAET  FIEST. 

CHAPTER  I. 

ANCESTRY  AND  PARENTAGE. 

Ephraim  Blaine  Washington’s  Commissary  General — James  Gilles- 
pie Blaine,  the  diplomat — Family  of  Ephraim  L.  Blaine — Birth- 
place of  James  G.  Blaine — Possessions  of  Ephraim  L.  Blaine — 
Brownsville,  Pennsylvania 15-20 

CHAPTER  II. 

LIFE  AT  WASHINGTON  COLLEGE. 

Blaine’s  father,  prothonotary — Family  removes  to  Washington — 
Characteristics  of  James  on  entering  college  — Argumentative 
nature — Love  for  politics — Respect  for  instructors — Remarkable 
memory — Partial  to  journalism — Leader  in  college — Attendance 
at  church — Graduates  with  honors 21-28 

CHAPTER  III. 

EDITOR  AND  STATE  POLITICAL  LEADER. 

Professor  in  college — Defense  of  the  oppressed — Marriage — Journal- 
ist in  Maine — A State  political  leader 29-33 


CHAPTER  IV. 

A CONGRESSMAN  FROM  MAINE. 

First  eJGforts  in  Congress — Reconstruction  period — Positive  convic- 
tions   34-41 


5 


6 


COOTEKTS, 


CHAPTER  V. 
spHakek  op  the  house. 

During  Forty-first  Congress — Second  election,  Forty-second  Con- 
gress— Takes  the  floor  in  self-defense — Credit-Mobilier  investiga- 
tion— Third  election,  Forty -third  Congress — Reception  of  the 
Hawaiian  king — Valedictory  address  — Retirement  from  the 
speaker’s  chair 42-53 


CHAPTER  VI. 

REPUBLICAN  LEADER  ON  THE  FLOOR  OF  THE  HOUSE. 

Political  acumen — Famous  discussion  on  amnesty — Great  speech 
on  finances — "‘On  Riders  and  Bribery” — Eyes  of  the  nation 
toward  him — Reasons  for  his  candidacy— ^ An  alarming  stroke.  54-67 

CHAPTER  VII. 

BEFORE  THE  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1876. 

Proceedings  of  the  convention — Speech  of  Colonel  Ingersoll  nomi- 
nating Mr.  Blaine — Speech  of  Hon.  M.  Turner,  seconding  the 
nomination  of  Mr.  Blaine — Speech  of  William  B.  Frye — Ballot- 
ing— Ballots  on  last  day  of  the  convention — The  true  spirit — Pro- 
posed amendment 68-78 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

MR.  BLAINE  A UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 

Successor  to  Senator  Morrill — The  silver  dollar — Speech  on  cur- 
rency at  Biddeford — Violations  of  rights  at  elections — Tariff — 
Removing  disa  bilities — Chinese  immigration — Peace  at  the  polls — 
Order  out  of  chaos — Ohio  campaign,  1879 — Eulogy  on  Senator 
Chandler — The  Republican  National  Convention,  1880 — Speech 
of  James  F.  Joy,  nominating  James  G.  Blaine — Speech  of  Mr. 
Pixley,  seconding  the  nomination  of  James  G.  Blaine — Speech  of 
William  B.  Frye,  seconding  the  nomination  of  James  G.  Blaine — 

A look  beyond 79-128 

CHAPTER  IX. 

SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Garfield’s  invitation — Extra  session  of  the  Senate — The  immortal 
eighty  days — Hopes  of  the  nation — Neutrality  of  the  Isthmian 


COISTTEKTS. 


7 


canal — The  war  between  Chili  and  Peni — Peace  congress  at 
Washington — Retirement  of  Secretary  Blaine — President  Arthur’s 
foreign  policy — Blaine’s  letter  to  President  Arthur 129-180 

CHAPTER  X. 

BLAINE’S  FOREIGN  POLICY. 

Summary 181-193 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  HISTORIAN  AND  PRIVATE  CITIZEN. 

Twenty  years  in  Congress  — At  home  — Characteristics  of  Mr. 
Blaine — Oration  on  Garfield 194-203 

CHAPTER  XII. 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  CHICAGO,  JUNE  3,  1884. 

Speech  of  Judge  West  nominating  James  G.  Blaine — Nomination 
seconded  by  Governor  Davis — Nomination  seconded  by  Thomas 
C.  Platt 204-214 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

LOGAN,  THE  CIVILIAN. 

Parentage,  education — Lieutenant  in  Mexican  war — A leading  attor- 
ney— Marriage — A member  of  Congress 215-225 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIER. 

Congressman  Logan  at  Bull  Run — He  returns  to  Washington  and 
to  “ Egypt” — The  sacrifices  he  made  for  the  Union  cause — The 
magical  effect  of  his  patriotic  eloquence  upon  a howling  mob — 
How  he  turned  secession  sympathizers  into  Union  soldiers — How 
Southern  Illinois  was  saved  to  the  Union — The  effect  of  his  great 
influence  there 226-229 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Colonel  Logan  at  the  battle  of  Belmont — His  bravery  and  admira- 
ble tactics  ” — His  horse  shot  under  him — His  care  for  the  proper 


8 


CONTENTS. 


outfit  and  comfort  of  his  men — Logan  at  Fort  Henry — His  intre- 
pidity and  skill  at  Fort  Done!  son — He  is  wounded  and  carried  from 
the  field,  having  earned  a brigadier-generalship 230-234 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

General  Logan  in  command  of  a brigade — His  services  at  and  about 
Corinth — General  Sherman’s  appreciation  of  them — Logan  solic- 
ited to  return  to  Congress — His  grandly  patriotic  refusal — “I 
have  entered  the  field  to  die,  if  need  be,  for  this  government” — 
His  only  politics,  his  attachment  for  the  Union” 235-236 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

General  Logan  leads  the  advance  in  the  Xorthern  Mississippi  cam- 
paign— The  return  to  Memphis,  Tennessee — The  campaign  to 
and  before  Vicksburg — Logan  in  command  of  the  third  division 
of  McPherson’s  corps — Canaling  at  Lake  Providence — A bold 
proposal — Logan’s  men  man  the  transports  that  run  the  terrible 
fire  of  Vicksburg’s  guns — The  victory  of  Port  Gibson — Logan’s 
men  determine  the  day — Battle  of  the  Big  Black — Logan  flanks 
the  enemy,  who  are  driven  again — Consequent  evacuation  of 
Grand  Gulf — “The  road  to  Vicksburg  now  open ” 237-211 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

The  battle  of  Raymond — ^Logan’s  division  wins  it — “One  of  the 
hardest  small  battles  of  the  war” — Logan  outflanks  the  enemy  at 
the  battle  of  Champion’s  HiU  and  secures  victory  to  the  Union 
arms — Retreat  and  rout  of  the  enemy — “The  most  complete 
defeat  of  the  Confederates  since  the  commencement  of  the 
war” 242-248 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

The  siege  of  Vicksburg — “ The  Gibraltar  of  the  South”— Logan  at 
the  centei — Bombardment  by  land  and  water — the  two  desperate 
and  bloody  assaults — The  regular  siege  works — Logan  blow^s  up 
Fort  Hill,  the  “Melakoff”  of  Vicksburg — The  figbt  of  Logan’s 
men  in  the  crater — Logan’s  close  approaches  to  the  enemy’s 
works — He  advises  a final  assault,  orders  for  v^^hich  are  issued — 
The  armistice  and  surrender — Logan’s  column  leads  the  entry — 
He  is  made  military  governor  of  Vicksburg,  and  receives  a 
medal 249-254 


CONTENTS. 


9 


CHAPTER  XX. 

A military  interlude — Logan  takes  the  stump  in  support  of  the 
Lincoln  administration — He  attacks  the  enemy  in  the  rear” — 
His  eloquent  appeals  to  the  patriotism  of  the  North  to  stand  by 
the  government  and  its  armies — The  good  they  did  to  '*the 
cause” 255-259 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Logan  in  command  of  the  fifteenth  army  corps — He  orders  as  its 
corps  badge  a cartridge-box  and  ‘ ‘ forty  rounds  ” — The  advance 
on  Atlanta — The  stubborn  battle  of  Resaca — Logan’s  victorious 
attack  on  the  enemy’s  flank — The  battle  of  Dallas — Logan’s  corps 
brilliantly  repulses  repeated  charges  of  Harlee’s  veteran  corps — 
Logan’s  gallant  bearing  at  a critical  moment  — He  is  again 
wounded 260-266 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

The  battle  of  Big  Kenesaw  Mountain — The  desperate  assault  upon 
the  impregnable  face  of  Little  Kenesaw  Mountain — Wonderful 
discipline  of  our  brave  soldiers  of  the  West — Unparalleled  hero- 
ism of  Logan  and  his  men — On,  through  Marietta  and  Decatur, 
to  the  front  of  Atlanta 267-269 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

The  great  battle  of  Atlanta — The  death  of  the  gallant  McPherson — 
The  heroic  Logan  succeeds  him— Taking  command  of  an  army 
flanked  in  front  and  rear,  with  its  idolized  commander  killed,  and 
panic  impending,  Logan  converts  threatened  disaster  into  victory — 

“ The  bloodiest  battle  of  the  West” — Logan’s  personal  prowess — 
One  of  the  finest  battle  pictures  of  the  war 270-282 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Another  flank  movement  in  a pitch-dark  night,  with  Logan  all  night 
in  the  saddle — Logan’s  military  skill  displayed — Howard’s  ap- 
pointment to  command  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee — Without  a 
word  Logan  returns  to  his  brave  corps — The  desperate  battle  of 
Ezra  Chapel — Logan’s  corps  defeats  the  enemy’s  army,  repulsing 
six  gallant  charges 283-288 


10 


COKTEKTS. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

Logan  again  whips  Lee’s  and  Hardee’s  corps  badly  at  the  battle  of 
Jonesboro’ — Consequent  evacuation  of  Atlanta — Logan’s  pathetic 
address  to  his  gallant  corps 289-295 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Another  interlude — Logan  on  the  stump  again,  defending  the  party 
of  the  Union — Assigned  to  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Cum- 
berland— Logan  performs  an  act  of  rare  magnanimity — He  ac- 
cordingly rejoins  his  old  corps  at  Savannah 296-297 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

He  establishes  the  fifteenth  corps  in  comfortable  quarters — Returns 
to  Illinois  amid  great  rejoicing  of  her  people — Mass-meeting  at 
Carbondale — His  eloquent  and  impassioned  speeches — His  return 
to  the  field  and  his  promotion — Assumes  command  of  three  army 
corps — Strong  sense  of  duty — Resumes  command  of  the  fifteenth 
corps — Mid-winter  campaign — As  a volunteer  fireman — General 
Logan  as  he  appeared  at  the  final  grand  review  of  troops  at 


Washington 298-303 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

General  summary 304-312 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 
logan’s  speeches. 


Union  speech  at  Chicago,  August  10,  1863 — A hero’s  eloquence — A 
brilliant  battle  picture  by  General  John  A.  Logan — Letter  of  Hon- 
orable John  A.  Logan  to  Honorable  John  A.  Rawlins,  secretary 
of  war,  in  regard  to  the  importance  of  continuing  the  improve- 
ments of  the  Illinois  River — Logan  on  the  witness  stand  in  the 
Credit  Mobilier  — Logan’s  popularity  with  the  people — Logan  at 
Fort  Donelson — The  Grant  Triumvirate  ensconsed  at  the  Capitol 
— Speech  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  July  12,  1867 — 


Logan  for  Vice-President — General  and  Mrs.  Logan 313-380 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

Life  of  Chester  Allan  Arthur 381-389 


COKTEI^TS. 


11 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Life  of  John  Sherman 390-396 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

Life  of  George  F.  Edmunds 397-399 


12 


CONTENTS. 


PAET  SECOND. 

CHAPTER  I. 

INTRODUCTION. 

Inspiration  to  citizens  — Unbroken  success — Vastness  of  Repub- 
lican enterprises 403-404 


CHAPTER  II. 

GROWTH  OP  REPUBLICAN  PRINCIPLES. 

Slave  oligarchy — Awakening  of  conscience — Missouri  compro- 
mise— Nullification  — National  Anti-slavery  society — Right  of 
Petition  — Abolition  party — Barnburners  — Free  soil  party — 
Compromise  measures  of  1850 — Dissolution  of  the  Whig  party 
— Kaiisas-Nebraska  bill — Anti-Nebraska  party — Organization 
of  the  Republican  party 405-409 

CHAPTER  III. 

FREE  SOIL — FREE  SPEECH — FREE  LABOR — FREE  MEN. 

Resolutions  as  to  free  soil  — Freedom,  the  normal  condition  of 
territory  — Extended  application  of  free  soil  doctrine  — The 
twenty-first  rule  — Meaning  of  free  speech  — Slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia — Emancipation — Fugitive  slave  law — Re- 
publican success  a necessity  — Confidence  lost  in  Democratic 
leaders — Lincoln’s  opinion  on  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union.  .410-413 

CHAPTER  IV. 

NON-EXTENSION  OP  SLAVERY. 

Annexation  of  Texas — Wilmot  proviso — The  government  for  the 
Mexican  cession — Purchase  of  Cuba — Fillibustering  expeditions 
— Homestead  bills — Resolution  of  Republican  platforms,  1856 
and  1880 — Election  of  Lincoln 414-416 

CHAPTER  V. 

PRESERVATION  OP  THE  UNION— REVIEW  OP  SECESSION  MOVEMENTS. 

Secession  Confederate  States  of  America — The  Crittenden  compro- 
mise— The  peace  convention — Inaugural  address  — Attempted 
adjustment  of  diificulties — The  border  States— Bombardment  of 
Fort  Sumter — Lincoln’s  call  for  seventy  five  thousand  troops — 
Reply  of  Southern  governors — Republican  party  in  power. 417-443 


CO]S^TE]^TS. 


13 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Extirpation  of  slavery 444-448 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  war  party 449-451 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

A sound  national  currency — National  banks — Specie  resumption — 

452-456 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Amendments  to  the  Constitution 457-468 

CHAPTER  X. 

The  United  States  a Nation , . .469-472 

CHAPTER  XL 

Reconstruction  by  Congress 473-477 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Tariff  for  the  Protection  of  American  Labor 478-482 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Suppression  of  Polygamy 483-486 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Development  of  the  West 487-488 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Party  Traditions 489-492 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

A Free  Ballot  and  a Fair  Count — Authority  of  the  Govern- 
ment  493-499 


14 


CO^TTEOTS, 


PAET  THIKD. 

1 856 — Democratic  Platform 503-508 

1856 — Republican  Platform .508-510 

1860 — Republican  Platform 510-513 

1860 — Democratic  (Douglas)  Platform 513-514 

1860 — Democratic  (Breckinridge)  Platform 514-515 

1864 — Republican  Platform 515-517 

1864 — Democratic  Platform 518-519 

Emancipation  Proclamation  bj  Abraham  Lincoln 519-520 

1868 — Republican  Platform 521-523 

1868— Democratic  Platform 523-526 

1872 — Liberal  Republican  Platform 526-528 

1872 — Democratic  Platform 528-528 

1872 — Republican  Platform 528-531 

1872— Democratic  (straight  out)  Platform 531-532 

1876 — Independent  (Greenback)  Platform 532-533 

1876 — Republican  Platform 533-536 

1876— Democratic  Platform 536-541 

1878 — National  Platform 541-543 

1880 — Republican  Platform 543- 

1884 — Democratic  Platform 555- 

political  STATISTICS  COMPILED  FROM  OFFICIAL  REPORTS  OF  THE 
GOVERNMENT. 

Rank  of  States,  with  Divisions  of  Population 563-564 

Revenue  Losses  to  the  United  States 565-565 

Summary  of  Popular  and  Electoral  votes 566-567 

Statement  showing  expenditures 568-571 

Summary  of  Popular  and  Electoral  votes  in  Presidential  elec- 
tions, 1789,  1880  572-573 

Speakers  of  the  House  of  Representatives 574-575 

Presidents  of  the  United  States 576 


THE  EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  SOUTH  FRONT. 


THE  LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


CHAPTER  I. 

ANCESTRY  AND  PARENTAGE.. 

EPHRAIM  BLAIHE,  WASHINGTON’S  COMMISSARY-GENERAL. 

The  impoverished  condition  of  Washington’s  army  at 
Valley  Forge,  conpled  with  the  lack  of  patriotism, 
prompted  many  inhabitants  in  the  country  about  Phila- 
delphia to  take  food  and  provisions  to  the  British  soldiers, 
from  whom  they  received  remuneration  in  a better  cur- 
rency than  the  continental  money  of  the  American  soldiers. 
Colonel  Walter  Stewart  wrote  to  General  Washington  on 
the  22d  of  January,  1778,  and  called  attention  to  the  con- 
duct of  the  citizens  in  carrying  food  to  the  British  army. 
Colonel  Ephraim  Blaine,  who  had  received  the  title  of 
commissary  of  purchases  in  Washington’s  army,  was  the 
officer  set  apart  to  counteract  this  conduct  on  the  part  of 
the  inhabitants. 

The  general,  amazed  at  the  great  amount  of  provisions 
reported  to  be  going  daily  into  Philadelphia,  took  measures 
to  find  out  whether  the  action  proceeded  from  the  remiss- 
ness of  guards  or  from  the  connivance  of  the  officers,  and 
spoke  to  Colonel  Blaine  regarding  the  unwelcome  intelli- 
gence and  the  inefficiency  of  his  deputies.  Commissary 
Blaine  informed  the  general  that  he  would  look  after  the 
matter  in  person,  or  send  a competent  officer.  In  addi- 
tion to  this,  Washington  told  General  Lacey,  who  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  roads  of  the  country,  that  if  any  par- 
ticular mode  of  cutting  off  the  pernicious  communication 

15 


16 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIFTE. 


should  occur  to  him,  the  same  should  be  reported  at  once. 
The  property  taken  was  ordered  to  be  seized  without  dis- 
tinction, and  persons  captured  were  to  be  punished,  since 
they  could  not  plead  ignorance  of  their  crime,  having  had 
ample  warnings.  The  commander-in-chief  ordered  that 
captures  of  provisions  going  into  Philadelphia  had  to  be 
made  under  the  eye  and  with  the  approbation  of  a com- 
missioned officer,  or  no  forfeiture  could  take  place.  Pro- 
visions so  taken  were  for  the  benefit  of  the  captors,  who 
received  pay  for  them,  provided  they  presented  an  authen- 
tic certificate  of  capture  to  Ephraim  Blaine,  the  commis- 
sary of  purchases  in  Washington's  camp. 

The  preceding  furnishes  an  instance  of  Colonel  Ephraim 
Blaine^s  connection  with  the  father  of  our  country,  and  of 
the  manner  in  which  he  did  commendable  service  in  sus- 
taining his  General  through  these  perilous  and  evil  times. 
In  1778  he  received  the  title  of  Commissary-General  of  the 
Continental  Army,  and  so  continued  until  the  end  of  the 
war.  After  the  rebellion  of  the  colonies  resulted  in  a 
successful  revolution  he  returned  to  private  life,  and  be- 
came a leading  and  respectable  citizen  of  Carlisle,  Cum- 
berland county,  Pennsylvania. 

JAMES  GILLESPIE  BLAIFTE,  THE  DIPLOMAT. 

James  Gillespie  Blaine,  the  son  of  Colonel  Ephraim  Blaine, 
was  educated  as  a lawyer.  He  visited  Europe,  and  remained 
there  for  a number  of  years.  His  life  abroad  diverted  his 
attention  from  pursuing  the  practice  of  his  profession. 
Possessing  independent  means,  he  was  enabled  to  follow  a 
life  of  leisure.  In  1793  he  returned  from  Europe,  having 
achieved  a certain  diplomatic  distinction.  He  brought  with 
him,  as  special  bearer  of  dispatches,  a famous  treaty  with  a 
foreign  power,  since  become  memorable.  On  his  return 
he  made  Carlisle,  Pennsylvania,  his  home,  chiefly  following 
the  life  of  a private  gentleman,  but  subsequently  removed 
to  Brownsville,  Pennsylvania,  where  he  was  made  justice 


AKCESTRY  AKB  PAREKTAGE.  . 17 

of  the  peace,  and  was  known  as  James  Blaine,  Senior. 
He  was  a man  of  commanding  appearance,  being  broad- 
shouldered  and  six  feet  in  hight.  A general  favorite  among 
the  people,  he  was  especially  liked  by  the  boys.  He  de- 
lighted to  see  improvement  in  the  young,  and  would  stop 
the  school  children  upon  the  street,  point  to  their  books, 
inquire  of  their  progress,  and  close  the  greeting  with  a 
cordial  word  of  advice. 

The  household  of  this  diplomat  was  made  pleasant  by 
the  presence  of  four  intelligent  sons,  named  Ephraim  L., 
James,  Samuel  and  William.  These  boys,  all  studious, 
attended  school  in  their  native  town,  and  were  recognized 
as  among  the  ready  reciting  pupils  of  their  class.  Though 
careful  and  obedient,  they  were  spirited  and  full  of  life. 
William,  the  youngest,  was  especially  mischievous,  and 
was  singled  out  as  such  by  his  teacher,  who  denominated 
the  three  youngest  as  Blaine,  Senior, Blaine,  Junior, 
and  Blaine,  Rowdy. 

FAMILY  OF  EPHRAIM  L.  BLAIHE, 

Ephraim  L.  Blaine,  the  oldest  of  the  four  sons,  born 
and  reared  in  Carlisle  before  his  father  removed  to  Browns- 
ville, was  a well-educated  young  man  for  the  day  and 
place  in  which  he  lived.  He  traveled  extensively  beyond 
the  borders  of  the  United  States,  visiting  Europe,  the 
West  Indies,  and  South  America,  before  he  made  Wash- 
ington county  his  home.  At  Brownsville,  there  was  a 
noteworthy  lady.  Miss  Maria,  the  daughter  of  Mr.  Neal 
Gillespie,  the  head  of  a family  well  known  in  that  section 
of  the  country,  and  interesting  to  a certain  portion  of  the 
community  as  much  for  the  attractiveness  of  his  daughters 
as  for  his  wealth  and  personal  qualities.  Miss  Maria  Gil- 
lespie, refined,  gentle  and  beautiful,  became  the  wife  of 
Ephraim  L.  Blaine.  Both  were  fond  of  society,  and  their 
Avinning  qualities  attracted  young  people  to  their  house. 
Mr.  Blaine  was  ^^tall,  fine-looking  and  handsome,  and  with 
2 


18 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


eyes  remarkable  for  their  strength  and  brilliancy. He 
walked  erect,  dressed  well,  and  went  through  the  world 
with  a stateliness  that  tended  to  attract  attention.  Mrs. 
Blaine,  with  winning  ways  and  sterling  nature,  cultivated 
those  special  qualities  which  rendered  her  life  pleasant  and 
her  company  desirable.  The  children,  following  the 
inclination  of  their  parents,  were  as  a rule  fond  of  society. 
ISTeal  G.  Blaine  and  Ephraim  were  the  two  oldest  sons. 
Next  to  Ephraim  was  Eliza,  who  married  a naval  oflEicer, 
Mr.  Kobert  G.  Walker,  of  Elizabethtown. 

BIRTHPLACE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

The  first  stone  house  ever  erected  on  the  western  side 
of  the  Monongahela  river,  located  on  Indian  Hill  Farm, 
in  Washington  county,  Pennsylvania,  was  the  home  of  this 
happy  family.  Here,  on  the  thirty-first  of  January,  1830, 
was  born  the  mothers  favorite  son,  James  Gillespie  Blaine. 
For  him,  named  after  his  grandfather,  the  diplomat,  she 
prophesied  fame;  but  it  is  hardly  probable  that  her  vision 
saw  him  the  favorite  of  the  people  inhabiting  the  greatest 
republic  that  ever  existed  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  This 
house,  built  by  the  elder  Neal  Gillespie,  and  now  famous, 
has  the  appearance  of  two  buildings,  though  it  is  really 
one,  the  parts  being  connected  by  a covered  alley-way 
between  them.  Although  the  building  is  over  eighty 
years  old,  it  is  still  occupied  by  tenants.  A pilgrimage  to 
the  old  homestead  was  made  by  Mr.  Blaine  six  years  ago, 
on  which  occasion  he  spent  several  hours  alone  in  the  room 
in  which  he  v/as  born.  Within  this  house  James  G.  Blaine 
spent  part  of  his  boyhood,  but  when  he  was  about  ten 
years  old,  his  parents  removed  into  a neighboring  house  in 
the  town  of  West  Brownsville.  While  a citizen  of  this 
place,  Ephraim  L.  Blaine  was  justice  of  the  peace,  a place 
of  considerable  importance  at  that  time,  and  was  always 
highly  esteemed  by  his  neighbors. 


I . 


ANCESTEY  AND  PARENTAGE. 


19 


POSSESSIONS  OF  EPHRAIM  L.  BLAINE. 

He  was  the  possessor  of  a generous  heart,  like  many 
gentlemen  of  his  time,  and  kept  an  open  house,  generally 
living  beyond  his  means.  Though  this  resulted  in  the 
dwindling  of  a handsome  patrimony,  he  was  a very  suc- 
cessful business  man,  and  the  ample  means  left  him  by  his 
father,  James  Gillespie  Blaine,  he  invested  in  tlie  purchase 
of  great  tracts  of  land  in  western  Pennsylvania.  These 
lands  are,  at  the  present,  the  site  of  numerous  coal  fields 
and  iron  mines,  and  are  wortli  millions  of  dollars.  Although 
he  did  not  hold  on  to  this  property  till  anything  of  its 
modern  value  was  discovered,  yet  he  retained  enough  to 
leave  a handsome  patrimony  to  his  son. 

In  1825,  this  landowner  deeded  to  the  Economites,  a 
band  of  socialists  from  Germany  headed  by  Father  Kapp, 
a splendid  tract  now  occupied  by  the  city  of  Pittsburgh. 
For  this  property  he  received  twenty-five  thousand  dollars, 
little  dreaming  the  many  millions  at  which  it  would  ulti- 
mately be  valued.  Ephraim  Blaine  was  likewise  the  pos-  * 
sessor  of  timber  tracts  on  the  Alleghany  river,  and  coal 
lands  on  the  Monongahela,  which  represent  vast  sums  in 
the  hands  of  their  present  owners.  He  left  to  his  son 
James,  highly  valued  coal  tracts  in  the  Monongahela  val- 
ley. Their  extent  is  but  a part  of  what  he  might  have 
hoped  to  inherit;  but  it  is  much  greater  in  value  than  all 
the  lands  owned  by  his  father  a half  century  ago. 

BROWNSVILLE,  PENNSYLVANIA. 

Brownsville,  one  of  the  oldest  and  quaintest  villages  in 
Pennsylvania,  is  located  on  the  banks  of  the  Monongahela 
river,  some  fifty  miles  above  the  city  of  Pittsburgh.  It  was 
famous  in  the  days  of  the  stage-coach  as  the  head  of 
western  navigation,  the  old  national  road  across  the  Alle- 
ghany mountains  passing  through  it  and  affording  a place 
for  freight  transfer  from  the  road  wagons  to  steamboats 


20 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIFTE. 


which,  would  ply  down  the  Monongahela  to  Pittsburgh, 
connecting  there  with  the  big  Ohio  and  Mississippi  river 
steamboats.  Now  the  town  is  a quiet  but  beautiful  village, 
situated  at  the  head  of  a valley  unsurpassed  for  its  natural 
resources,  and  made  famous  by  its  coke,  coal,  and  other 
interests. 

Brownsville  proper  is  on  the  east  side  of  the  Mononga- 
hela, in  Fayette  county,  Pennsylvania.  On  the  west  side 
of  the  river  in  Washington  county,  in  the  same  State, 
is  West  Brownsville,  the  early  home  of  Mr.  Blaine,  and 
the  place  that  is  now  of  so  much  interest,  and  toward 
which,  in  every  section  of  the  Union,  all  eyes  are  turned. 
A ferry  opposite  the  old  Gillespie  House,  affording  trans- 
portation across  the  river,  and  connecting  these  towns,  was 
at  one  time  kept  by  Ephraim  L.  Blaine.  Prior  to  1842 
the  family  of  this  gentleman  lived  at  West  Brownsville, 
but  in  this  year  an  event  occurred  that  occasioned  removal 
to  the  county  seat,  and  henceforth  the  name  of  Washington 
becomes  intimately  connected  with  that  of  Blaine. 


CHAPTER  II. 


LIFE  AT  WASHINGTON  COLLEGE. 

BLAINE^S  FATHEK,  PKOTHOKOTARY. 

HE  advantages  of  education  thrust  in  the  way  of 


James  G.  Blaine  were  accidental^  yet  of  the  most 
desirable  kind.  Before  entering  college  he  spent  a year  at 
Lancaster,  Ohio,  where  he  had  special  instructors  and  the 
advantage  of  a preliminary  training  school  with  his  rela- 
tives, the  family  of  the  Hon.  Thomas  Ewing,  then  secre- 
tary of  the  treasury.  He  had  for  a classmate  his  cousin. 
General  Thomas  Ewing,  who  was  recently  in  Congress. 
These  boys  were  under  the  tuition  of  W^illiam  Lyons,  an 
Englishman,  a brother  of  the  elder  Lord  Lyons  and  uncle 
of  the  Lord  Lyons  who  was  recently  a British  minister 
at  Washington.  At  the  expiration  of  twelve  months  an 
event  of  accidental  occurrence  called  the  youth  back  to 
Pennsylvania.  There  was  now  an  opportunity  to  send  the 
boy  to  school  a number  of  years,  and  advantage  was  taken 
of  it,  for  the  father  took  special  pains  to  give  his  son  a 
thorough  intellectual  training.  It  was  with  this  idea  that 
the  boy  was  sent  to  Ohio  the  previous  year. 

The  Democratic  party  was  dominant  at  that  time  in 
Washington  county,  but  on  account  of  alleged  unfairness 
in  the  nomination  for  prothonotaiy,  the  party  presented 
two  candidates — Squire  James  Pollock  and  Zachariah 
Reynolds.  This  was  in  the  election  of  1842.  The  chance 
for  the  Whigs  was  good.  They  nominated  Ephraim  L. 
Blaine  for  prothonotary  (clerk  of  the  district  court),  and 
succeeded  in  electing  their  candidate.  This  success  was 
especially  gratifying  to  Mr.  Blaine,  for  it  opened  the  way 


21 


22 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAISE. 


by  which  his  son  James  would  have  the  advantage  of  a 
collegiate  training. 

FAMILY  KEMOYES  TO  WASHIFTGTON. 

The  duties  of  prothonotary  required  the  presence  of  Mr. 
Blaine  at  the  county  seat  of  Washington  county.  Living 
on  the  Monongahela  river,  and  in  the  extreme  eastern  part 
of  the  county,  he  decided  to  move  his  family  to  Washing- 
ton, the  place  where  his  duties  would  be  performed,  and 
accordingly,  in  December,  of  1842,  the  removal  was  made 
and  the  family  were  at  their  new  home,  in  a town  destined 
to  be  ever  memorable  in  the  annals  of  the  Eepublic. 

Here  was  located  Washington  College,  a Presbyterian 
institution  of  learning,  to  which  James  G.  Blaine,  then 
aged  twelve  years,  was  at  once  admitted.  Herein  was  a 
most  fortuitous  event  in  the  life  of  the  youth  who  would 
soon  develop  so  rapidly.  The  election  of  his  father  had 
rendered  his  higher  education  a certainty,  and  the  thought 
was  highly  gratifying,  for  without  the  advantages  of  this 
office  at  the  county  seat  the  willing  parent  could  not  main- 
tain his  son  in  college. 

CHAEACTERISTICS  OF  JAMES  OK  EKTERII^G  COLLEGE. 

When  Ephraim  Blaine  moved  to  Washington,  Pennsyl- 
vania, the  youthful  collegian  was  familiarly  known  as 

Jim.^^  A lady  who  frequently  visited  Mrs.  Blaine,  and 
who  was  attending  the  seminary  while  James  was  a stu- 
dent, relates  that  all  the  family  were  fond  of  society, 
excepting  Jim.  She  never  knew  him  to  go  into  the  parlor 
when  any  one  was  there.  His  idea  was  a book,  and  he 
would  read  anything  he  could  get  his  hands  on.  She  had 
been  visiting  his  mother  a long  time  before  she  met  him; 
though  she  knew  there  was  a Jim  in  the  family,  he  had 
never  come  within  range  of  her  vision.  Speaking  of  her 
first  sight  of  him,  she  says:  was  going  to  his  mother^ 

and  he  was  coming  down  the  steps,  as  I approached. 


LIFE  AT  WASHIIS'^GTON^  COLLEGE. 


23 


There  were  four  or  five  steps,  aud  he  was  down  before 
I started  up,  but  he  turned  to  look,  walking  one  way, 
with  his  eyes  another,  until  his  foot  caught  on  the  cellar- 
door.  He  fell  down  full  length,  and  the  books  he  was 
carrying  were  scattered  in  every  direction.  I had  just 
reached  the  top  of  the  steps  in  time  to  see  him  fall,  and  I 
stood  laughing  immoderately — laughed  until  he  had  good 
cause  to  grow  angry.  He  got  up,  blushing,  and  took  my 
bad  behavior  good-naturedly.  He  was  not  a fine  looking 
boy  at  that  stage  of  his  career.  His  development  was 
just  then  beginning.  He  had  the  frame  for  the  large  man 
he  is  now,  but  then  he  was  very  thin  and  ungainly  look- 
ing; his  clothes  never  seemed  to  fit,  and  he  was  not  care- 
ful about  the  way  he  dressed  or  kept  himself  fixed.  At 
that  age  I,  never  saw  him  looking  tidy.  His  hobby  for 
books  told  on  him,  and  his  whole  apj^earance  said  that  he 
was  a student.  He  was  just  at  the  age  when  boys  cannot 
be  made  to  look  nice.  As  he  grew  older  aud  began  to  fill 
out  he  became  more  careful,  and  by  the  time  he  graduated 
he  was  a fine  looking  youtli.^^ 

This  statement  accords  with  other  narratives  on  the 
same  subject,  all  indicating  that  Jim  was  shy  and  reserved, 
afraid  of  the  girls,  troubled  about  the  proper  disposition 
of  his  hands  and  feet,  and  giving  no  indication  of  the  true 
metal  that  contact  with  the  world  was  ultimately  to  bring 
from  its  hiding-place  beneath  the  surface.  Such  was  the 
boy  when  he  entered  college.  But  not  long  was  he  to  be 
the  subject  of  such  a description.  Improvements  on  these 
features  were  so  rapid  that  the  statements  concerning 
him  in  other  parts  of  his  college  course  would  seem  to 
apply  to  another  individual.  Indeed,  the  great  trans- 
formation which  a college  course  makes  upon  the  average 
college  graduate  was  applicable  to  him  in  an  unusual 
degree.  He  was  familiarly  known  among  the  students 
and  in  town  as  stout,  rugged  and  full  of  vim.  His  work 
in  college  was  up  to  the  standard  desired  by  his  parents. 


24 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


He  was  regarded  by  his  college  class-mates  as  a brilliant 
and  progressive  student^  being  very  smart  and  excelling 
alike  in  mathematics  and  the  sciences.  He  was  the  most 
skilled  mathematician  in  his  class,  and  would  sometimes 
demonstrate  a problem  in  a way  not  found  in  the  text. 
The  professor  was  sometimes  known  to  say,  ^^Mr.  Blaine, 
you  are  not  demonstrating  that  in  the  proper  way. 
know  I am  not,  would  be  the  reply,  but  give  me  a chance 
to  work  it  out,  and  you  will  see  it  come  out  all  right. 
And  the  result  would  be  as  he  stated. 

Bright  and  industrious,  he  made  early  morning  his 
favorite  time  for  study,  and  after  breakfast  he  usually 
indulged  in  a brisk  walk.  Fond  of  exercising,  he  could 
outrun  and  outjump  any  of  his  classmates. Athletic 
sports  were  limited  at  that  time,  but  he  had  certainly  his 
share  of  what  there  were.  Yet  this  fondness  for  outdoor 
sports  was  not  carried  to  excess,  for  best  of  all,  he  loved 
the  seclusion  of  his  books. 

In  his  literary  society  he  did  not  seem  to  aspire  after 
honors,  but  his  proclivities  were  in  an  argumentative 
direction.  His  whole  aim  was  set  on  superiority  in  the 
college  work,  and  this  he  achieved  in  an  unusual  degree. 
When  president  of  the  society,  he  exhibited  great  execu- 
tive ability,  and  thus  foreshadowed  that  parliamentary 
skill  which  he  wielded  with  such  efficiency  in  later  years. 

AEGUMENTATIVE  NATUEE. 

He  was  always  at  home  in  an  argument,  and  generally 
invited  the  same.  His  room  was  debating  headquarters, 
where  he  would  sit  and  talk  politics  as  long  as  he  could 
get  any  one  to  talk  back  or  listen.  He  desired  an  oppo- 
nent, but  if  he  was  unable  to  get  one  he  was  content  if  any 
person  would  sit  and  listen  to  him.  He  had  a fashion  of 
sitting  at  the  table  with  his  feet  elevated  in  such  a man- 
ner that  he  could  swing  his  right  hand  around  and  hit  the 
table.  In  this  attitude  he  was  prone  to  sit  and  prolong 


LIFE  AT  WASHIKGTOK  COLLEGE. 


25 


his  discussions.  ^^Many  a night/^  said  an  old  room-mate, 
^^have  I plead  with  him  to  stop  and  let  me  go  to  sleep; 
but  the  only  way  to  accomplish  this  was  to  put  out  the 
visitors  and  the  lights  at  the  same  time;  then  James  had 
to  go  to  bed.-"^ 


LOVE  FOR  POLITICS. 

The  Democratic  politicians  delighted  to  engage  him  in 
political  discussions,  for  then  he  was  well  versed  in  polit- 
ical history,  and  to  the  very  last  ardently  supported  the 
doctrine  of  the  Whig  party.  During  his  second  collegiate 
year,  in  1844,  the  party  lines  were  drawn  unusually  close 
regarding  some  widely  discussed  questions,  that  led  to  the 
Mexican  war,  and  so  ready  was  the  young  Mr.  Blaine  on 
all  these  topics  that  his  arguments  became  matters  of 
general  remark.  It  was  during  this  year  that  the  Whigs 
liad,  near  the  college,  a log  cabin,  which  they  used  as 
their  headquarters,  and  which  was  the  scene  of  frequent 
meetings,  whereat  Mr.  Blaine  was  an  active  and  aggressive 
worker  in  defense  of  the  Whig  policy.  He  was  what  is 
called  a born  politician.  His  grandfather  had  been  in 
political  life  as  justice  of  the  peace,  a place  of  consequence 
in  those  times;  his  father  had  been  both  justice  of  the 
peace  and  prothonotary,  and  it  was  but  natural  that  his 
son  in  college,  with  versatility  of  talent,  fondness  for 
argument,  and  aggressive  as  to  temperament,  should 
develop  into  a politician.  He  was  an  ardent  Clay  man, 
and  admired  his  hero  so  much  that  it  has  been  supposed 
he  got  some  of  his  peculiar  powers  from  a study  of  the  life 
and  character  of  the  great  western  compromiser.  He 
became  intensely  interested  in  politics,  while  in  college, 
during  the  presidential  campaign  of  Clay  and  Polk  in 
1844.  It  is  asserted  by  those  who  have  had  an  opportunity 
to  judge,  that  the  manners  of  Mr.  Blaine,  as  speaker  of 
the  House,  greatly  resembled  those  of  Henry  Clay  in  the 
same  position. 


26 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIFTE. 


EESPECT  FOR  II^-STRUCTORS. 

The  youthful  Blaine  won  the  respect  and  confidence  of 
his  teachers.  During  two  terms  of  his  course  he  hoarded 
at  the  house  of  Professor  Nicholas  Murry^  who  held  the 
chair  of  Ancient  Languages  at  Washington  College  for 
nearly  fifteen  years.  Between  this  professor  and  James 
Blaine  there  always  existed  the  warmest  friendship,  which 
lasted  as  long  as  the  professor  lived.  After  his  death  the 
alumni  of  the  college  erected  a monument  to  his  memory, 
which  to-day  stands  upon  the  campus,  the  inscription 
being  in  Latin.  Mr.  Blaine  was  among  the  first  to  engage 
in  the  work  of  raising  subscriptions  among  the  college 
boys. 

REMARKABLE  MEMORY. 

The  leading  and  preponderating  quality  of  this  young 
student^s  mind  was  a remarkable  memory.  In  this  he  far 
excelled  every  other  member  of  his  class,  and  this  natural 
gift,  which  he  greatly  strengthened  by  rigid  discipline,  is 
the  secret  of  his  grand  success  in  public  life.  Being  a great 
reader  of  history  and  very  methodical  in  his  arrangement 
of  facts,  he  could  in  an  instant  ^present  an  array  of  argu- 
ments that  would  overwhelm  any  opponent.  On  his 
fingers’  ends  he  had  national,  state  and  county  affairs; 
was  familiar  with  men  and  measures,”  and  could  enumer- 
ate all  of  them  with  unusual  readiness.  When  he  was  a 
little  boy,  his  sister  challenged  him  to  a contest  in  naming 
the  counties  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  She  named 
them  all,  and  he  immediately  named  them,  and  every 
county  seat  besides. 

PARTIAL  TO  JOURFTALISM. 

From  his  earliest  college  days  he  seemed  to  have  an 
especial  ambition  to  make  his  mark  as  a journalist.  He 
was  an  industrious  writer,  and  prepared,  perhaps,  during 
his  college  course,  a greater  number  and  a greater  variety 


LIFE  AT  WASHIKGTOI^  COLLEGE. 


27 


of  essays  than  any  other  member  of  his  class.  Some  of 
his  essays,  written  when  he  was  a student,  are  still  extant, 
and  are  worthy  of  publication  in  the  best  of  magazines. 

It  was  sometimes  remarked  by  him  that  a school-teacher 
or  an  editor  could  accomplish  more  good  in  this  world  than 
any  one  else;  and  he  thought  after  leaving  college  that  he 
would  surely  enter  the  newspaper  business.  Had  he  fol- 
lowed this  profession  exclusively  he  would  most  probably 
have  shone  with  the  same  brilliancy  that  has  marked  his 
career  in  political  life. 

LEADER  m COLLEGE. 

He  was  a social,  good  fellow,  and  clever  in  his  manner, 
exhibiting  the  same  traits  that  have  since  made  him  so 
influential  among  men  He  was  always  considered  a leader 
among  the  students,  being  conspicuous  in  his  ability  to 
control  others;  and  if  anything  was  going  on  outside,  he 
was  sure  to  assert  himself  and  make  his  presence  felt.  In 
his  own  classes  he  was  always  foremost  as  a scholar,  and 
personally  very  popular.  To  the  new  scholars  who  entered 
in  succeeding  classes  he  was  a hero:  uniformly  kind  to 
them,  ready  to  give  advice  and  assistance,  and  eager  to  * 
make  pleasant  their  path  in  college  life.  The  appearance 
which  he  manifested  when  entering  college  wore  away, 
and  his  handsome  and  neat  attire,  his  ready  sympathy  and 
prompt  assistance,  his  frank  and  generous  nature,  and  his 
brave  and  manly  bearing,  made  him  the  best  known,  the 
best  beloved,  and  the  most  popular  boy  at  college.  He 
was  the  arbiter  among  the  young  boys  in  all  their  disputes, 
and  the  authority  with  those  of  his  own  age  on  all  ques- 
tions. As  to  knowledge  of  politics,  he  was  far  above  every 
one  else  in  college.  He  was  a close  student,  and  possessed 
the  happy  faculty  of  assimilating  knowledge  from  books 
and  teachers  far  more  easily  and  quickly  than  most  of  his 
fellows.  He  showed  in  a most  marked  degree  the  qualities 
of  quick  apprehension  of  all  advantages  and  difficulties  in 


28 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIFTE. 


his  road  and  perfect  command  of  all  resources  for  instan- 
taneous use.  His  ability  to  give  utterance  to  anything  he 
had  to  say  in  the  most  forcible  way  was  noticeable  in  bis 
wrangles  or  political  discussions  with  his  fellow  students. 
One  distinctive  mark  of  his  character  was  absolute  self- 
control  under  exciting  and  difficult  circumstances. 

ATTE]SrDAFTCE  AT  CHURCH. 

While  at  college  Mr.  Blaine,  being  a great  hand  for  a 
sermon^  attended  the  Presbyterian  church  and  Sunday- 
school,  his  face  never  being  missed  in  the  old-fashioned 
gallery  where  the  students  had  their  places.  His  mother/^ 
says  a college  mate,  was  a devout  Catholic,  and  one  of  the 
best  women  that  ever  lived.  No  one  was  more  highly 
esteemed  by  her  neighbors,  nor  could  any  mother  be  more 
conscientious  or  exemplary  in  her  life.  He  always  had  a 
deep  respect  for  his  mother^s  faith,  but  never  in  all  our 
talks  did  he  show  any  affection  for  it.  His  relatives  and 
friends  were  all,  outside  of  his  immediate  family,  Presby- 
terians, and  that  is  the  only  faith  to  which  he  ever  showed 
any  tendency.'’^ 

GRADUATES  WITH  HOIIORS. 

After  an  attendance  of  five  years  at  college,  having  won 
a reputation  as  a scientist,  a mathematician,  an  historian, 
an  essayist,  a debater,  and  a presiding  officer,  he  graduated 
in  1847  with  the  first  honors  of  his  class,  ready  to  go  forth 
into  the  world,  and  well  prepared  in  the  acquirements  and 
training  that  fit  him  to  deal  with  the  problems  of  practical 
life,  bearing  as  a crown  of  youthful  honor  the  affection 
and  esteem  of  all  his  associates.  On  this  occasion  his 
thirty  classmates  began  the  active  duties  of  life,  recogniz- 
ing James  G.  Blaine  as  their  leader,  an  honor  subsequently 
accorded  him  by  his  Commonwealth,  and  afterward  by  all 
the  States  of  the  Union. 


CHAPTEE  III. 


EDITOK  AND  STATE  POLITICAL  LEADER. 
PKOFESSOE  m COLLEGE. 

WHEN  the  young  Blaine  graduated  he  was  seventeen 
years  and  eight  months  old,  and  too  young  to  meet 
with  that  support  in  a profession  which  maturity  of  years, 
coupled  with  ability,  always  secures.  Accordingly,  Mr. 
Blaine  did  not  at  once  engage  in  professional  duties,  but 
remained  a while  at  home.  Here  he  could  not  stay  long 
in  justice  to  himself,  for  his  father^s  earnings  as  prothono- 
tary  were  almost  insufficient  to  maintain  his  large  family, 
and,  as  a consequence,  the  youth  looked  elsewhere  for 
occupation.  He  decided  to  engage  in  the  work  of  giving 
instruction,  for  which  his  college  course  had  prepared  him, 
and  following  the  example  of  Webster,  and  Lincoln,  and 
Sumner,  and  Douglas,  he  began  his  career  by  teaching. 
He  went  to  Kentucky  with  the  object  of  teaching  school  in 
the  country,  and  became  professor  in  the  Western  Military 
Institute,  located  at  Blue  Lick  Springs,  about  four  hun- 
dred and  fifty  boys  being  in  attendance  at  the  school.  A 
retired  officer  who  was  a student  there  at  the  time  relates 
that  Professor  Blaine  was  then  a handsome,  earnest  young 
man,  with  the  same  fascinating  manners  that  have  always 
been  attached  to  him  since  he  attained  his  national  repu- 
tation. He  was  from  the  first  popular  with  the  boys,  who 
trusted  him,  made  friends  with  him,  and  became  warmly 
attached  to  him.  Here  he  used  his  excellent  memory  to 
good  advantage.  He  knew  the  given  names  of  all  the  four 
hundred  and  fifty  boys,  and  understood  their  strong  points 
and  shortcomings.  An  occurrence  at  college  afforded 

29 


30 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


evidence  of  his  great  personal  courage.  During  a fight 
between  the  faculty  of  the  school  and  the  owners  of  the 
Springs^  involving  some  questions  about  the  removal  of 
the  school,  he  behaved  in  the  bravest  manner,  exerting 
himself  to  keep  down  mental  excitement.  Knives  and 
revolvers  were  used  with  freedom,  but  the  young  teacher 
used  only  his  well-disciplined  muscles. 

DEFENSE  OF  THE  OPPKESSED. 

The  late  John  F.  Edmonds,  of  Hopkinsville,  Ken- 
tucky, a gentleman  of  fine  culture  and  popularity  in  the 
southwest  relates  that  Professor  Blaine  stood  bravely  by 
him  in  trouble  while  he  was  a college  boy  at  the  Military 
Institute.  shall  never  forget  his  manly,  generous 
fri endsh ip, remarked  the  gentleman.  was  involved 
in  a difficulty  wnth  a boy  belonging  to  a wealthy  and 
influential  family,  and  in  the  course  of  the  quarrel  he 
applied  a vulgar  epithet  to  my  mother,  for  which  I 
knocked  him  down.  I was  arraigned  before  the  fac- 
ulty, sharply  reproved  for  violating  college  rules,  and 
threatened  with  disgrace  if  I did  not  make  an  ample 
apology.  The  faculty  were  all  against  me  except  Prof. 
Blaine.  He  arose  and  with  much  warmth  and  feeling  said 
that  he  could  not  withhold  his  sympathy  for  a boy  when 
love  and  reverence  for  his  mother  had  involved  him  in 
trouble.  ^ This  boy,^  said  he,  ^only  resented  a foul 
insult  to  his  absent  mother.  What  boy  of  manliness  and 
honor,  especially  with  the  peculiar  training  of  a Kentucky 
boy,  would  not  resent  such  an  insult  more  quickly  than  an 
insult  offered  to  himself?  I will  not  only  not  consent  to 
censure  him,  but  say  that  I think  he  did  right,  and  that  I 
feel  more  like  praising  than  reproving  him.^  This  brief, 
magnetic  speech  worked  like  magic  on  the  strict  minds  of 
the  faculty,  and  the  offender  was  turned  loose  with  a gen- 
tle admonition.’^  The  hearty  sympathy  herein  manifested 
is  part  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  nature,  and  shows  itself  for  the 


EDITOR  AND  POLITICAL  LEADER. 


31 


oppressed  on  all  occasions.  It  is  one  of  tliose  popular 
touches  of  nature  that  make  the  people  kin  to  great 
national  leaders  like  Henry  Clay  and  James  G.  Blaine. 

MARRIAGE. 

The  principal  of  the  military  school  was  Colonel  Thorn- 
ton F.  Johnson,  and  his  wife  had  a school  for  young 
ladies  at  Millershurg,  twenty  miles  distant  from  Blue  Lick 
Springs.  It  was  at  this  place  that  Professor  Blaine  met 
Miss  Stanford,  a lady  belonging  to  an  excellent  family  in 
Massachusetts.  She  subsequently  became  his  wife.  After 
spending  a year  or  two  at  teaching,  Mr.  Blaine  made  up 
his  mind  to  return  to  Pennsylvania  and  engage  in  another 
pursuit.  He  began  the  study  of  law,  read  ifc  carefully, 
obtained  a thorough  knowledge  of  its  principles,  but  never 
presented  himself  as  a candidate  for  admission  to  the  bar. 

JOURNALIST  IN  MAINE. 

After  her  marriage  to  Mr.  Blaine,  Miss  Stanford,  being 
a native  of  Maine,  was  anxious  for  him  to  make  that  state 
his  home.  This  he  determined  to  do,  and  in  1853  the 
young  couple  removed  to  Augusta,  where  they  have  ever 
since  made  their  home,  tliough  temporarily  residing  in 
Washington.  The  following  year  Mr.  Blaine  entered  into 
partnership  with  Joseph  Baker,  a prominent  lawyer  of 
that  town,  and  the  two  purchased  the  Kennebec  Journal, 
of  which  Mr  Blaine  at  once  became  editor.  The  Journal 
was  a weekly  paper,  one  of  the  organs  of  the  Whig  party, 
and  exercised  considerable  political  influence.  This  paper 
had  the  state  printing,  yet  the  income  was  insufficient  for 
Mr.  Blaine^s  support.  In  vain  did  he  endeavor  to  obtain 
a salary  of  twelve  hundred  dollars.  This  prompted  him, 
in  1857,  to  dispose  of  his  interest  in  the  Journal,  and 
assume  the  editorship  of  the  Portland  Daily  Advertiser. 
In  the  campaign  of  1860  he  returned  temporarily  to  his 
old  post  on  the  Kennebec  Journal,  on  account  of  the  illness 


32 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAlKE. 


of  its  editor.  His  career  in  journalism  lasted  only  six 
years^  but  was  marked  tlirougliout  by  ability  and  success^ 
and  it  served  to  give  him  a good  introduction  to  the  world 
of  politics  and  statesmanship. 

A STATE  POLITICAL  LEADER. 

When  the.  old  Whig  party  went  to  pieces,  Mr.  Blaine 
joined  hands  with  Governor  Anson  P.  Morrill  in  organ- 
izing the  Eepubli^an  party  in  the  Pine  Tree  State.  His 
vigorous  attacks  upon  Buchanan^s  Administration  made 
him  a power  in  the  new  organization.  Journalism  rapidly 
led  him  into  politics. 

^^He  first  acquired  reputation  as  a speaker  in  the  Fre- 
mont campaign  in  1856.  He  was  a delegate  to  the  first 
National  Convention  of  the  Eepublican  party  at  Philadel- 
phia, which  put  General  Fremont  in  nomination  for  the 
Presidency.  He  was  one  of  the  secretaries  of  the  conven- 
tion. When  he  returned,  he  was  called  upon  at  a ratifica- 
tion meeting  to  give  a report  of  the  doings  of  the  conven- 
tion, and  then  made  the  maiden  speech  of  his  life.  At 
that  time  he  had  exhibited  all  the  qualifications  of  an 
orator,  but  had  never  ventured  upon  the  public  platform. 
He  seemed  to  have  a strong  fear  of  addressing  a public 
audience,  and  it  was  only  after  much  persuasion  that  he 
consented  on  this  occasion  to  speak.  When  he  arose  to 
his  feet  he  was  in  such  a state  of  perturbation  and  embar- 
rassment that  it  was  some  time  before  he  was  able  to  com- 
mand himself  so  as  to  begin  to  talk.  From,  the  moment 
he  got  possession  of  his  voice  he  continued,  and  made  one 
of  the  finest  speeches  he  ever  made  in  his  life.^^ 

In  1858,  when  he  was  in  his  twenty-ninth  year,  Mr. 
Blaine  was  elected  by  the  people  a member  of  the  Maine 
Legislature,  and  by  his  fellow  members,  in  1860,  speaker  of 
the  lower  branch  of  that  body.  He  availed  himself  of  that 
opportunity  to  perfect  the  knowledge  of  parliamentary  law 
that  enabled  him  later  to  direct  with  marked  ability  the  pro- 


EDITOR  AND  POLITICAL  LEADER. 


33 


ceedings  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives.  He  was  elected 
a member  of  Congress  seven  terms  by  the  following 
majorities: 


1862 

1864, 

1866, 

1868, 


3,422 

4,328 

6,591 

3,346 


1870 

1872 

1874, 


2,320 

3,568 

2,830 


Almost  from  the  day  of  his  assuming  editorial  charge 
of  the  Kennebec  Journal,  at  the  age  of  twenty-three,  Mr. 
Blaine/^  writes  Governor  Kent,  sprang  into  a position  of 
great  influence  in  the  politics  and  policy  of  Maine.  At 
twenty-five  he  was  a leading  power  in  the  councils  of  the 
party,  so  recognized  by  Fessenden,  Hamlin  and  the  two 
Morrills,  and  others  then  and  still  prominent  in  the  State. 
Before  he  was  twenty-nine  he  was  chosen  Chairman  of  the 
Executive  Committee  of  the  Eepublican  organization  in 
Maine — a position  from  which  he  has  shaped  and  directed 
political  campaigns  in  the  State — leading  his  party  to 
brilliant  victory.  Had  Mr.  Blaine  been  Kew-England 
born,  he  would  probably  not  have  received  such  rapid 
advancement  at  so  early  an  age,  even  with  the  same  ability 
he  possessed.  But  there  was  a sort  of  Western  dash  about 
him  that  took  with  us  Down-Easters — an  expression  of 
frankness,  candor,  and  confidence  that  gave  him,  from  the 
start,  a very  strong  and  permanent  hold  on  our  people, 
and,  as  the  foundation  of  all,  pure  character  and  a mas- 
terly ability  equal  to  all  demands  made  upon  him.’^ 

3 


CHAPTEE  IV. 


A COKGHESSMAN  FROM  MAINE. 

FIRST  EFFORTS  IN  CONGRESS. 

HE  estimation  in  which  Mr.  Blaine  was  held  as  editor 


and  state  political  leader,  drew  to  his  support  the 
voters  of  his  congressional  district.  In  1862  he  was 
elected  a Eepresentative  to  Congress,  having  received  in 
Kennebec  district  a majority  of  three  thousand  votes.  A 
long  career  in  the  National  Legislature  followed  this  elec- 
tion. The  House  at  that  time  was  noted  for  its  men  of 
talent.  Among  his  colleagues  were  E.  B.  Washburne,  of 
Illinois;  George  W.  Julian,  of  Indiana;  James  A.  Garfield, 
of  Ohio;  Samuel  J.  Eandall,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  many 
other  men  of  national  reputation.  None  surpassed  Bing- 
ham, of  Ohio,  in  aptness  of  debate,  yet  Thaddeus  Stevens, 
the  great  commoner,^’  was  the  Ajax  of  the  day.  It  is 
doubtful  whether  he  had  a peer  in'  the  House  or  out  of  it. 

Among  these  Mr  Blaine  was  soon  recognized  as  a man 
of  ability,  and  destined  to  have  an  influence  which  would 
be  felt,  and  increase  with  time.  He  delivered  a speech  on 
the  ability  of  the  American  people  to  suppress  the  rebell- 
ion, which,  with  other  things,  elicited  from  Thaddeus 
Stevens  the  compliment  that  Mr.  Blaine,  of  Maine,  had 
shown  as  great  aptitude  and  ability  for  the  higher  walks 
of  public  life  as  any  man  that  had  come  to  Congress  dur- 
ing his  period  of  service.  The  approbation  with  which 
this  speech  was  received,  influenced  the  National  Commit- 
tee to  circulate  two  hundred  thousand  copies  of  it  as  a 
campaign  document  during  the  Presidential  canvass  of 


1864. 


34 


A CONGRESSMA^jq-  FROM  MATXE, 


85 


Though  Mr.  I31aiue  during  his  first  term  gave  himself 
up,  in  a great  measure,  to  study  and  observation,  yet  Con- 
gress had  not  been  in  session  three  weeks  before  his  voice 
was  heard  on  the  floor  of  the  House.  On  the  21st  of 
December  that  body  suspended  the  rules  and  went  into  a 
committee  of  the  whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union,  and 
during  a discussion  regarding  an  appropriation,  Mr.  Blaine 
read  a paragraph  from  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  which  he  designed  as  settling  all  that  might  be 
said  about  commutation  money  from  drafted  citizens. 
Thus  early  did  Mr.  Blaine  manifest  his  watchfulness  and 
indicate  his  knowledge  of  public  affairs.  These  qualities 
were  again  shown  on  the  Gth  of  January,  1864,  when  he 
offered  a resolution  providing  for  the  distribution  of  prize 
money  to  officers  and  seamen  of  our  navy,  asserting  that 
the  prolonged  delay  in  this  was  working  serious  injury  to 
the  service,  by  retarding  enlistments,  as  the  result  of  cre- 
ating a distrust  in  the  good  faith,of  the  government. 

The  representative  from  Maine  has  always  been  a zealous 
guardian  of  the  interests  of  the  states.  Feeling  that  they 
should  not  be  burdened  by  debts  for  prosecuting  the  war, 
he  submitted  a resolution  to  the  House,  directing  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  ascertain  the  amount  of  debts 
incurred  in  the  several  states  in  their  effort  to  aid  in  sup- 
pressing the  rebellion,  and  providing  that  all  debts  legiti- 
mately and  necessarily  contracted  for  this  purpose  should 
be  ultimately  assumed  and  liquidated  by  the  General 
Government. 

Mr.  Blaine^s  information  is  extensive  and  varied.  Dur- 
ing the  first  session  of  the  Thirty-eighth  Congress,  he  spoke 
©n  bills  relating  to  the  adjustment  of  the  revenue,  con- 
scription for  the  army,  tariff  for  protection,  appropriations 
for  government,  the  slave  law  for  fugitive  slaves,  expenses 
for  the  war,  and  other  topics  of  similar  interest  and 
importance.  "" 

During  the  second  session  of  the  same  Congress,  whether 


36 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


the  subject  of  discussion  was  coinage;,  or  cabinet  officers,  or 
the  military  academy,  or  calling  out  the  national  forces,  or 
the  fisheries,  or  resolutions  amending  the  rules,  Mr.  Blaine 
was  ready  to  be  heard,  manifesting  an  aptness  for  his 
duties  and  an  interest  in  his  work.  He  was  an  industri- 
ous committeeman,  and  as  a member  of  the  post-office 
committee  first  made  his  reputation  in  Congress.  He 
took  an  active  part  in  co-operation  with  the  chairman, 
Hon.  J.  B.  Alley,  and  Mr.  Brooks,  of  New  York,  in  estab- 
lishing the  system  of  postal  cars  now  in  use  all  over  the 
country.  No  attempt  at  distribution  of  mail  on  the  cars 
had  been  made  on  a large  scale,  prior  to  the  efforts  of  this 
committee,  on  which  Mr.  Blaine  was  so  efficient.  Appro- 
priations for  this  enlarged  service  were  made,  but  not 
without  opposition. 

Soon  after  entering  Congress  he  attracted  the  attention 
of  Lincoln.  It  was  the  young  representative's  habit  at 
the  outset  of  his  career  to  make  short,  crisp  speeches.  He 
never  occupied  at  these  more  than  a page  of  the  Con- 
gressional Record,  and  never  spoke  unless  he  had  some- 
thing to  say.  This  attracted  Lincoln's  attention.  He 
was  almost  the  first  man  to  divine  Blaine^s  future,  and 
accurately  prophesy  what  he  would  accomplish. 

Mr.  Blaine  would  not  allow  insinuating  remarks  upon 
the  State  lie  represented.  S.  S.  Cox,  of  Ohio,  having  cast 
some  reflections  upon  Maine,  Mr.  Blaine  took  occasion 
to  say  that  no  State  was  more  attached  to  the  Federal 
Union  than  Maine,  that  her  affections  and  her  pride  were 
centered  in  the  Union,  and  that  she  had  contributed  her 
Ijest  blood  and  treasure  without  stint  in  supporting  the 
war  for  the  Union,  and  that  she  would  so  continue  till  the 
end  of  the  struggle.  He  resented  the  insinuation  that  she 
derived  an  undue  advantage  from  federal  legislation,  or 
that  she  got  a single  dollar  that  she  did  not  pay  back. 
He  would  not  allow  the  State  of  Maine  to  be  slandered  by 
the  gentleman  from  Ohio,  or  by  gentlemen  from  any  other 


A COiTGRESSMAK  FROM  MAINE. 


37 


State.  ^^The  sentiment  of  Maine  is  loyal  to  the  core,”  he 
said,  and  she  has  shown  her  loyalty  by  complying  with 
patriotic  readiness  to  all  demands  thus  far  made  upon  her 
for  soldiers  to  recruit  the  army,  or  for  sailors  to  man  the 
navy."^^  In  June,  1864,  there  was  a conscription  bill 
before  Congress,  which  provided  harsh  measures  toward 
citizens  that  had  not  enlisted  in  the  war.  It  was  merciless 
and  sweeping  in  its  nature.  Mr.  Blaine  opposed  this,  and 
advocated  commutation  and  substitution,  as  sufficiently 
effective  if  judiciously  enforced.  Such  a conscription  as 
the  one  under  consideration  was  never  resorted  to  but 
once,  even  in  the  French  empire  under  the  absolutism  of 
the  First  Napoleon,  and  for  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  to  attempt  its  enforcement  upon  their  constituents 
was  to  ignore  the  first  principles  of  republican  and  repre- 
sentative government.  The  pending  measure  was  so 
severe  that  Mr.  Blaine  did  not  believe  it  would  receive  the 
support  of  a respectable  minority  in  any  district  of  the 
loyal  states. 

The  enrollment  bill  was  under  consideration  in  the 
House,  February,  1865,  and  Mr.  Blaine  moved  to  amend  the 
second  section  thereof,  by  providing  that  in  ^^any  call  for 
troops  no  county,  town,  township,  ward,  precinct  or  elec- 
tion district  shall  have  credit,  except  for  men  actually 
furnished  on  said  call,  or  preceding  call,  by  said  county, 
town,  township,  ward,  precinct,  or  election  district,  and 
mustered  into  the  military  or  naval  service  on  the  quota 
thereof. This  amendment  was  leveled  at  substitute 
brokers,  who  were  selling  credits  obtained  in  some  myste- 
rious way,  as  one  would  sell  town  script  in  the  market, 
and  from  this  source  had  arisen  a large  amount  of  con- 
structive paper  credits.""^ 

Mr.  Blaine  would  not  allow,  without  protest,  anything 
to  happen  that  would  discourage  and  dishearten  the  brave 
men  at  the  front  who  were  enduring  the  dangers  of  the 
battle  field;,  and  he  believed  that  proper  measures  adopted 


38 


LIFE  OE  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


at  home  for  the  relief  and  protection  of  the  soldiers,  were 
supports  to  the  gallant  ones,  which  should  never  be  neg- 
lected. ^^Let  us,  then,^’  remarked  he,  ^^in  this  hour  of 
triumph  to  the  national  arms,  do  our  duty  here,  our  duty 
to  the  troops  in  the  field,  our  duty  to  our  constituents  at 
home,  and  our  duty,  above  all,  to  our  country,  whose 
existence  has  been  in  such  peril  in  the  past,  but  whose 
future  of  greatness  and  glory  seems  now  so  assured  and  so 
radiant. Toward  the  close  of  the  war,  when  drafting  had 
caused  disorder  in  many  parts  of  the  country,  every  State 
and  constituency  wanted  to  be  credited,  right  or  wrong, 
with  as  many  men  as  possible.  James  B.  Fry  was  pro- 
vost-martial-general under  Secretary  Stanton.  He  was 
understood  to  be  a citizen  of  Maine.  Mr.  Conkling  took 
Fry  to  task  for  not  having  given  due  credit  to  the  State 
of  New  York  in  the  matter  of  troops.  Mr.  Blaine  defended 
General  Fry,  and  Mr.  Conkling,  impatient  of  opposition, 
fell  on  Mr.  Blaine  expecting  to  crush  him;  but  he  met  his 
match,  and  retired  from  the  wordy  contest.  From  this 
is  dated  the  reported  lack  of  friendship  between  these 
two  distinguished  gentlemen. 

The  period  of  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress  witnessed  the 
evolution  of  new  and  difficult  issues;  yet  Mr.  Blaine 
advanced  with  the  times,  and  was  prejoared  for  the  new 
tasks  as  they  appeared  before  him.  Among  the  numerous 
things  for  consideration,  there  were  the  all-important  ones 
of  the  hostile  attitude  of  President  Johnson  and  the  recon- 
struction of  the  States  which  had  been  in  rebellion.  It 
was  during  this  Congress  that  Mr.  Blaine  gained  national 
prominence,  and  henceforth  to  the  end  of  his  congressional 
career  occupied  a foremost  place  among  the  Eepublican 
leaders. 

EECOKSTRUCTTOl!^  PERIOD. 

The  work  of  Congress  during  the  reconstruction  period 
stands  alone  in  the  annals  of  governmental  history.  That 


A CONGRESSMAN  FROM  MAINE. 


39 


body  was  compelled  to  act  without  a model,  and  without  a 
guide.  Yet  it  was  equal  to  the  task,  and  Mr.  Blaine  was 
found  on  every  measure,  energetic  and  intelligent.  On 
this  subject  he  made  many  speeches  which  attracted  a 
great  deal  of  attention,  and  spread  his  fame  as  an  orator. 

In  January,  1868,  he  introduced  a resolution  in  relation 
to  Congressional  representation,  which  was  referred  to  the 
reconstruction  committee,  and  was  subsequently  made  the 
basis  of  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  No  other  part  of 
Congressional  history  is  so  instructive  and  valuable  as  that 
setting  forth  the  discussions  on  the  great  series  of  recon- 
struction questions,  in  which  Mr.  Blaine  so  prominently 
figured. 

POSITIVE  CONVICTIONS. 

Mr.  Blaine  is  not  a two-sided  man.  His  views  on  all 
public  questions  have  been  clearly  defined  and  boldly 
announced.  In  February,  1866,  he  declared  for  protection 
as  follows:  In  theory  and  in  practice,  I am  for  protecting 

American  industry  in  all  its  forms,  and  to  this  end  we 
must  encourage  American  manufactures,  and  we  must 
equally  encourage  American  commerce. 

In  December  of  the  same  year,  when  citizens  in  some 
if  the  states  were  not  protected  in  their  rights,  and  when 
the  subject  before  the  House  was,  What  the  Government 
Owes  its  Subjects, Mr.  Blaine  spoke  as  follows:  ^ ' Among 
the  most  solemn  duties  of  a sovereign  government  is  the 
protection  of  those  citizens  who,  under  great  temptations 
and  amid  great  perils,  maintain  their  faith  and  their 
loyalty.  The  obligation  of  the  Federal  government  to 
protect  the  loyalists  of  the  South  is  supreme,  and  they 
must  take  all  needful  means  to  assure  that  protection. 
Among  the  most  needful  is  the  gift  of  free  suffrage,  and 
that  must  be  guaranteed.  There  is  no  protection  you  can 
extend  to  a man  so  effective  and  conclusive  as  the  power  to 
protect  himself.  And  in  assuring  protection  to  the  loyal 
citizen  you  assure  permanency  to  the  government;  so  that 


40 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  O.  BLAIKE. 


the  bestowal  of  suffrage  is  not  merely  the  discharge  of  a 
personal  obligation  toward  those  who  are  enfranchised,  but 
it  is  the  most  far-sighted  provision  against  social  disorder, 
the  surest  guaranty  for  peace,  prosperity  and  public  jus- 
tice/^ 

A portion  of  1867  Mr.  Blaine  spent  in  Europe;  and  while 
there  General  Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  and  Mr.  Pendleton, 
of  Ohio,  started  the  theory  of  paying  off  the  public  debt  in 
greenbacks.  This  proposition  was  assaulted  by  Mr.  Blaine 
soon  after  his  return  to  America.  The  remarks  were  made 
in  Congress  in  November,  and  Mr.  Blaine  was  the  first  man 
of  national  reputation  in  either  branch  of  the  legislative 
department  to  attack  the  proposition  enunciated  by  Gen- 
eral Butler;  and  since  that  time,  Mr.  Blaine,  in  Congress, 
out  of  Congress,  in  the  East,  -and  in  the  West,  has  been 
more  prominent  than  any  other  man  in  reaching  the  mind 
and  arousing  the  popular  judgment  on  the  question  of 
the  proper  financial  standing. 

In  November,  1868,  General  Grant  became  the  choice 
of  the  American  people  for  president,  and  a feeling  of 
satisfaction  pervaded  the  land  at  the  thought  that  our 
helm  of  state  would  be  managed  during  the  succeeding 
administration  by  a man  so  honored  and  so  respected  as 
the  liero  of  Appomattox.  Mr.  Blaine  shared  in  this  feeling, 
and  thought  that  General  Grant^s  administration  would 
have  high  vantage  ground  from  the  day  of  its  inaugura- 
tion. He  felt  that  the  executive  qualities  of  the  adminis- 
tration would  be  all  that  the  people  expected,  and  based 
his  belief  on  the  remembrance  that  great  military  leaders 
have  uniformly  proved  the  wisest,  firmest  and  best  of  civic 
rulers.  Cromwell,  William  III.,  Charles  XII.,  Fred- 
erick of  Prussia — are  not,^^  said  Mr.  Blaine,  more  con- 
spicuous instances,  in  monarchical  government  than  Wash- 
ington, Jackson  and  Taylor  have  proved  in  our  own. 
Whatever,  therefore,  may  lie  before  us  in  the  untrodden 
and  often  beclouded  path  of  the  future,  whether  it  be 


A eOlSfORESSMA^  FROM  MAIISTE. 


41 


financial  embarrassment,  or  domestic  trouble  of  another 
and  more  serious  type,  or  misunderstandings  with  foreign 
nations,  or  the  extension  of  our  flag  and  our  so^.^ereignty 
over  insular  or  continental  possessions,  north  or  south, 
that  fate  or  fortune  may  peacefully  offer  to  our  ambition 
— let  us  believe  with  all  confidence  that  General  Grant’s 
administration  will  meet  every  exigency,  with  the  courage, 
the  ability  and  the  conscience  which  American  nationality 
and  Christian  civilization  demand.” 


CHAPTER  V. 


SPEAKER  OF  THE  PIOUSE. 

DUKIKG  FORTY-FIKST  CONGRESS. 

ON  the  4th  of  March^  1869^  the  long  nightmare  of 
Andrew  Johnson  passed  away,  and  the  country, 
shaking  from  its  breast  the  frightful  incubus,  was  arous- 
ing itself  to  a pleasant  awakening  of  the  bright  and 
cheery  dawn  of  a new  administration.  President  Grant 
was  inaugurated  amid  imposing  and  memorable  ceremo- 
nies, and  Speaker  Colfax  having  delivered  his  farewell 
address,  was  tendered  a complimentary  vote  of  thanks, 
whereupon,  Mr.  James  G.  Blaine,  having  just  been  chosen 
Speaker,  and  conducted  to  the  chair,  addressed  the  House 
in  a speech,  setting  forth  his  feelings  on  that  auspicious 
occasion.  He  was  profoundly  thankful  for  the  great 
honor  conferred  upon  him;  and  it  was  indeed  an  honor, 
for  he  was  succeeding  to  a chair  made  illustrious  by  the 
services  of  such  eminent  statesmen  and  skilled  parliament- 
arians as  Clay,  Stevenson,  Polk,  Winthrop,  Banks,  Grow 
and  Colfax,  and  he  well  distrusted  his  ability  to  meet 
the  just  expectations  of  those  who  had  shown  him  such 
marked  partiality.  Yet  he  hoped  to  perform  all  duties 
faithfully  and  fearlessly,  and  to  retain  the  confidence  and 
kindly  regard  of  his  generous  supporters.  He  stated  that 
the  Forty-first  Congress  had  assembled  at  an  auspicious 
period  in  the  history  of  the  government,  and  that  the 
splendid  and  impressive  ceremoniaT  which  they  had  just 
witnessed  in  another  part  of  the  capitol,  ^^appropriately 
symbolized  the  triumphs  of  the  past,  and  the  hopes  of  the 
future.^^  The  Speaker  closed  by  saying:  ^^A  great  chief- 
tain, whose  sword,  at  the  liead  of  gallant  and  victorious 

42 


SPEAKER  OF  TfiE  HOUSE. 


43 


armies^  saved  the  republic  from  dismemberment  and  ruin, 
has  been  fitly  called  to  the  highest  civic  honor  which  a 
grateful  people  can  bestow.  Sustained  by  a Congress  that 
so  ably  represents  the  loyalty/  the  patriotism,  and  the 
personal  worth  of  the  nation,  the  President  this  day  in- 
augurated will  assure  to  the  country  an  administration  of 
purity,  fidelity  and  prosperity;  an  era  of  liberty  regulated 
by  law,  and  of  law  thoroughly  inspired  with  liberty.  Con- 
gratulating you,  gentlemen,  upon  the  happy  auguries  of 
the  day,  and  invoking  the  gracious  blessing  of  Almighty 
God  on  the  arduous  and  responsible  labors  before  you,  I 
am  now  ready  to  take  the  oath  of  office,  and  enter  upon 
the  discharge  of  the  duties  to  which  you  have  called  me.'’^ 

After  two  years  of  faithful  attention  to  duty,  Mr.  Blaine 
received  the  thanks  of  the  House,  and  in  adjourning  the 
assembly  took  occasion  to  state  that  the  Congress  which 
then  closed  enjoyed  a memorable  distinction  in  that  it  was 
the  first  in  which  all  of  the  States  had  been  represented  on 
that  floor,  since  the  baleful  winter  that  preceded  the  late 
bloody  war.  Ten  years  have  passed  since  then,^^  continued 
the  Speaker;  years  of  wild  destruction  and  years  of  care- 
ful rebuilding;  and  after  all,  and  as  the  result  of  all, 
the  National  Government  is  here  to-day,  united,  strong, 
proud,  defiant  and  just,  with  a territorial  area  vastly 
expanded,  and  with  three  additional  States  represented  on 
the  folds  of  its  flag.  For  these  prosperous  fruits  of  our 
great  struggle  let  us  humbly  give  thanks  to  the  God  of 
battles  and  to  the  Prince  of  Peace.  And  now,  gentlemen, 
with  one  more  expression  of  the  obligation  I feel  for  the 
considerate  kindness  with  which  you  have  always  sustained 
me,  I perform  the  only  remaining  duty  of  my  office,  in 
declaring,  as  I now  do,  that  the  House  of  Eepresentatives 
of  the  Forty-first  Congress  is  adjourned  without  day.^^ 

SECOND  ELECTION,  FORTY-SECOND  CONGRESS. 

On  the  following  day,  the  first  session  of  the  Forty- 


44 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINEo 


second  Congress  convened^  and  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine^  of 
Maine,  opposing  George  W.  Morgan,  of  Ohio,  was  elected 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Kepresentatives  by  a vote  of  126 
to  92.  When  Mr.  Blaine  had  taken  the  chair,  he  ad- 
dressed the  House  in  language  which  showed  that  he 
deemed  his  re-election  an  enviable  honor,  and  one  which 
carried  with  it  the  peculiar  gratification  that  it  implied  an 
approval  of  his  official  bearing.  The  duty  of  Speaker 
required  him  to  give  to  the  minority  their  full  rights 
under  the  rules  which  he  was  called  upon  to  administer, 
and  the  successful  working  of  our  grand  system  of  govern- 
ment, he  remarked,  depended  largely  upon  the  vigilance 
of  party  organizations,  in  which  the  opposing  forces 
watched  and  balanced  one  another.  He  concluded  by 
trusting  the  official  intercourse  would  be  free  from  all  per- 
sonal asperity,  believing  that  all  their  labors  would  eventu- 
ate for  the  public  good. 

TAKES  THE  FLOOK  m SELF-DEFEKSE. 

While  performing  the  duties  of  Speaker,  Mr.  Blaine  did 
not  put  himself  before  the  House  as  an  advocate  of  any 
partisan  measure,  but  in  self-protection  he  was  ever  will- 
ing to  defend  himself.  In  March  of  1871  a resolution  was 
before  that  body  providing  for  an  investigation  into  alleged 
outrages  perpetrated  upon  the  loyal  citizens  of  the  South. 
Mr.  Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  indulged  in  criticisms  ujjon 
the  Speaker  for  being  the  author  of  the  resolution,  and  for 
being  mainly  responsible  for  its  adoption  by  a caucus  of 
the  Kepublican  members  of  the  House. 

Having  called  Mr.  Wheeler,  of  New  York,  to  the  chair, 
Mr.  Blaine  took  the  floor  in  self-defense,  and  entered  into 
a colloquy  with  Mr.  Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  and  among 
other  things  spoke  as  follows: 

Mr.  Speaker,  in  old  times  it  was  the  ordinary  habit  of 
tlm  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  take  part  in 
debate.  The  custom  has  fallen  into  disuse.  For  one,  I 


SPEAKER  OP  THE  HOUSE. 


45 


am  very  glad  that  it  has.  For  one,  I approve  of  the  con- 
clusion that  forbids  it.  The  Speaker  should,  with  consist- 
ent fidelity  to  his  own  party,  be  the  impartial  administrator 
of  the  rules  of  the  House,  and  a constant  participation  in 
the  discussions  of  members  would  take  from  him  that 
appearance  of  impartiality  which  it  is  so  important  to 
maintain  in  the  rulings  of  the  chair.  But  at  the  same 
time  I despise  and  denounce  the  insolence  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Massachusetts  when  he  attempts  to  say  that  the 
representative  from  the  third  district  of  the  State  of  Maine 
has  no  right  to  frame  a resolution;  has  no  right  to  seek 
that  under  the  rules  that  resolutions  shall  be  adopted;  has 
no  right  to  ask  the  judgment  of  the  House  upon  that  reso- 
lution. Why,  even  the  insolence  of  tlie  gentleman  himself 
never  reached  that  sublime  height  before.  * * * Now, 

Mr,  Speaker,  nobody  regrets  more  sincerely  than  I do  any 
occurrence  which  calls  me  to  take  the  floor.  On  questions 
of  propriety,  I appeal  to  members  on  both  sides  of  the 
House,  and  they  will  bear  me  witness,  that  the  circulation 
of  this  letter  in  the  morning  prints;  its  distribution 
throughout  the  land  by  telegraph;  the  laying  it  upon  the 
desks  of  members,  was  intended  to  be  by  the  gentleman 
from  Massachusetts,  not  openly  and  boldly,  but  covertly — 
I will  not  use  a stronger  phrase — an  insult  to  the  Speaker 
of  this  House.  As  such  I resent  it.  I denounce  it  in  all 
its  essential  statements,  and  in  all  its  misstatements,  and 
in  all  its  mean  inferences  and  meaner  innuendoes.  I 
denounce  the  letter  as  groundless,  without  justification; 
and  the  gentleman  himself,  I trust,  will  live  to  see  the  day 
when  he  will  be  ashamed  of  having  written  it.^^ 

CREDIT  MOBILIER  IKVESTIGATIOK. 

The  third  session  of  the  Forty-second  Congress  was 
called  to  order  by  the  Speaker,  James  G.  Blaine,  on  the 
second  day  of  December,  1872.  After  the  transaction  of 
some  previous  business,  relating  to  messages,  the  deatli  of 


46 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIFTE. 


Horace  Greeley,  and  a committee  on  foreign  affairs,  Mr. 
Blaine  called  to  the  chair  Mr.  Cox,  a Democrat  from  New 
York,  and,  having  taken  the  floor,  spoke  as  follows:  ^^Mr. 
Speaker,  I rise  to  a question  of  the  highest  privilege,  to 
one  that  concerns  the  integrity  of  members  of  this  House 
and  the  honor  of  the  House  itself.  It  is  quite  generally 
known  to  the  members  of  this  House  that  during  the 
recent  Presidential  campaign  there  was  a widespread  accu- 
sation of  bribery  of  members;  that  members  of  this  House 
were  bribed  to  perform  certain  legislative  acts  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Union  Pacific  Eailroad  Company,  by  presents 
of  stock  in  a corporation  known  as  the  ^ Credit  Mobilier.'’^’ 
The  charge  included  the  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States  and  the  Vice-^  President  elect;  it  included  three 
Senators  of  the  United  States,  two  of  them  ex-Senators 
from  Tennessee  and  Delaware,  and  one  Senator  from  New 
Hampshire;  it  included  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  of 
the  United  States,  and  prominent  members  of  the  House. 
There  were  Dawes,  Garfieid,  Kelly,  Bingham,  Scofleld, 
Brooks,  and  Eliot.  The  accusations  were  that  the  several 
persons  received  bribes  from  the  hands  of  the  Representa- 
tive from  Massachusetts.  ^^The  charge  of  bribery  of 
members  is  the  gravest, said  Mr.  Blaine,  ^^that  can  be 
made  in  a legislative  body.  It  seems  to  me,  sir,  that  this 
charge  demands  prompt,  thorough,  and  impartial  investi- 
gation, and  I have  taken  the  floor  for  the  purpose  of 
moving  that  investigation.  Unwilling,  of  course,  to  ap- 
point any  committee  of  investigation  to  examine  into  a 
charge  in  which  I was  myself  included,  I have  called  you, 
sir,  to  the  chair,  an  honored  member  of  the  House,  hon- 
ored here  and  honored  in  the  country;  and  when  on  Sat- 
urday last  I called  upon  you  and  advised  you  of  this  service, 
I placed  upon  you  no  other  restriction  in  the  appointment 
of  a committee  than  that  it  should  not  contain  a majority 
of  my  political  friends.  I therefore  send  to  the  Clerk^s 


SPEAKER  OF  THE  HOUSE, 


4-7 


desk^  for  adoption  by  the  House,  a preamble  and  accom- 
panying resolution/’ 

It  was  read  by  the  Clerk  as  follows: 

Whereas,  Accusations  have  been  made  in  the  public  press, 
founded  on  the  alleged  letters  of  Oakes  Ames,  a representative  from 
Massachusetts,  and  upon  the  alleged  affidavit  of  Henry  C.  McComb, 
a citizen  of  Wilmington,  in  the  State  of  Delaware,  to  the  effect  that 
members  of  this  House  were  bribed  by  Oakes  Ames  to  perform  cer- 
tain legislative  acts  for  the  benefit  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railway  Com- 
pany, by  presents  of  stock  in  the  Credit  Mobilier  of  America,  or  by 
presents  of  a valuable  character  derived  therefrom;  therefore, 

Besolved,  That  a special  committe  of  five  members  be  appointed  by 
the  Speaker  tempore,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  investigate  and 
ascertain  whether  any  member  of  this  House  was  bribed  by  Oakes 
Ames  in  any  matter  touching  his  legislative  duty. 

Besohed  further,  That  the  committee  have  the  right  to  employ  a 
stenographer,  and  that  they  be  empowered  to  send  for  persons  and 
papers. 

The  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

Upon  the  motion  of  Speaker  Blaine,  a committee  of 
investigation  was  appointed  by  S.  S.  Cox,  of  Xew  York, 
who  was  a noted  Democratic  member  of  the  House.  After 
the  close  of  the  campaign,  the  Republican  party  might  well 
have  claimed,  and  should  have  insisted,  had  they  been 
opposed  to  a thorough  investigation,  and  full  exposure  of 
corruption,  that  the  verdict  of  the  people  in  the  late  can- 
vass was  sufficient  answer  to  these  charges.  The  party 
not  merely  granted  all  the  investigation  sought,  but  sum- 
moned to  the  committee  a majority  of  its  political  foes  to 
conduct  the  inquest.  The  committee  consisted  of  Messrs. 
Poland,  of  Vermont;  McCreary,  of  low^a;  Banks,  of  Massa- 
chusetts; Niblack,  of  Indiana,  and  Merrick,  of  Maryland. 
The  report  of  the  committee  gave  a reliable  history  of  the 
whole  affair,  and  a part  of  it  read  as  follows: 

Among  those  who  have  been  in  the  public  press, 
charged  with  improper  participation  in  the  Credit  Mobilier 
stock,  is  the  present  Speaker,  Mr.  Blaine,  who  moved  the 


48 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


resolution  for  this  investigation.  The  committee  have, 
therefore,  taken  evidence  in  regard  to  him.  They  find 
from  it  that  Mr.  Ames  had  a conversation  with  Mr.  Blaine 
in  regard  to  taking  ten  shares  of  the  stock,  and  recom- 
mended it  as  a good  investment.  Upon  consideration  Mr. 
Blaine  concluded  not  to  take  the  stock,  and  never  did  take 
it,  and  never  paid  or  received  anything  on  account  of  it; 
and  Mr.  Blaine  never  had  any  interest,  direct  or  indirect, 
in  Credit  Mobilier  stock,  or  stock  of  the  Union  Pacific 
Bailroad  Company. 

The  3d  of  March,  1873,  was  the  day  for  adjournment 
of  the  Forty-second  Congress,  and  in  his  closing  speech 
Mr.  Blaine  regarded  it  as  a source  of  honorable  pride  that 
he  had  so  administered  his  trust  as  to  secure  the  confidence 
and  approbation  of  both  sides  of  the  House.  He  thought 
it  would  not  be  strange,  if  in  the  necessarily  rapid  dis- 
charge of  the  daily  business,  he  should  Imve  erred  in  some 
of  the  decisions  made  on  points,  and  often  without  prece- 
dent to  guide  him.  It  was  always  his  good  fortune  to  be 
sustained  by  the  House,  and  in  no  single  instance  did  he 
ever  have  a ruling  reversed.  He  adverted  to  this  gratify- 
ing fact  in  no  vain  spirit  of  exaltation,  but  as  furnish- 
ing a powerful  motive  for  undissembled  gratitude.  ^^And 
now,  gentlemen,^^  closed  he,  with  a hearty  God  bless  you 
all,  I discharge  my  only  remaining  duty  in  declaring  that 
the  House  of  Eepresentatives  f or  the  Forty-second  Congress 
is  adjourned  without  day/^ 

THIRD  ELECTION — FORTY-THIRD  CONGRESS. 

Nine  months  from  this  time,  the  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine 
by  a vote  of  one  hundred  and  eighty-nine  to  eighty,  was 
again  chosen  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives. 
This  was  the  third  time  the  honor  had  been  thrust  upon 
him,  and  the  compliment  thus  shown  was  duly  appreciated 
and  appropriately  expressed  in  his  remarks  immediately 
following  the  election.  To  be  chosen  Speaker  of  tlie 


BPEAKKR  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


49 


American  House  of  Eepresentatives^  is  always  an  honor- 
able distinction;  to  be  chosen  a third  time  enhances  the 
honor  more  than  three-fold;  to  be  chosen  by  the  largest 
body  that  ever  assembled  in  the  capitol,  imposes  a burden 
of  responsibility  which  only  your  indulgent  kindness  could 
embolden  me  to  assume.  The  first  occupant  of  this  chair 
presided  over  a House  of  sixty-five  members  represent- 
ing a population  far  below  the  present  aggregate  of  the 
State  of  New  York.  At  that  time  in  the  whole  United 
States,  there  were  not  fifty  thousand  civilized  inhabit- 
ants to  be  found  one  hundred  miles  distant  from  the 
flow  of  the  Atlantic  tide.  To-day,  gentlemen,  a large 
body  of  you  come  from  beyond  that  limit,  and  represent 
districts  then  peopled  only  by  the  Indian  and  adventurous 
frontiersman.  The  National  Government  is  not  yet  as 
old  as  many  of  its  citizens;  but  in  this  brief  span  of  time, 
less  than  one  lengthened  life,  it  has,  under  God’s  provi- 
dence, extended  its  power  until  a continent  is  the  field  of 
its  empire  and  attests  the  majesty  of  its  law.  With  the 
growth  of  new  States  and  the  resulting  changes  in  the 
centers  of  population,  new  interests  are  developed,  rival  to 
the  old,  but  by  no  means  hostile;  diverse  but  not  antago- 
nistic. Nay,  rather  are  all  these  interests  in  harmony; 
and  the  true  science  of  just  government  is  to  give  to  each 
its  full  and  fair  play,  oppressing  none  by  undue  exaction, 
favoring  none  by  undue  privilege.  It  is  this  great  lesson 
which  our  daily  experience  is  teaching  us,  binding  us 
together  more  closely,  making  our  mutual  dependence 
more  manifest,  and  causing  us  to  feel,  whether  we  live  in 
the  North  or  in  the  South,  in  the  East  or  in  the  West, 
that  we  have  indeed  but  ^one  country,  one  Constitution, 
one  destiny. 

RECEPTIOlSr  OF  THE  HAWAIIAN  KING. 

The  following  December  the  King  of  the  Hawaiian 
Islands  was  given  a reception  by  the  United  States  Senate 
4 


50 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIIIE, 


and  House  of  Eepresentatives.  Upon  that  occasion^  after 
the  senators  had  taken  their  seats  in  the  House,  and  the 
King  had  been  escorted  down  the  main  aisle  fronting  the 
Speaker,  Mr.  Blaine  addressed  his  Majesty  as  follows: 

Your  Majesty:  On  behalf  of  the  American  Congress 
I welcome  you  to  these  halls.  The  Senators  from  our 
States  and  the  Eepresentatives  of  our  people  unite  in  cor- 
dial congratulations  upon  your  auspicious  journey,  and  in 
the  expression  of  the  gratification  and  pleasure  alforded  by 
your  presence  in  the  Capitol  of  the  Nation  as  the  Nation^s 
guest.  Your  Majesty^s  appearance  among  us  is  the  first 
instance  in  which  a reigning  sovereign  has  set  foot  upon 
the  soil  of  the  United  States,  and  it  is  a significant  cir- 
cumstance that  the  visit  comes  to  us  from  the  West  and 
not  from  the  East.  Probably  no  single  event  could  more 
strikingly  typify  the  century^s  progress  in  your  Majesty^s 
country  and  in  our  own  than  the  scene  here  and  now  trans- 
piring. The  rapid  growth  of  the  Eepublic  on  its  Western 
coast  has  greatly  enlarged  our  intercourse  with  your  in- 
sular kingdom,  and  has  led  us  all  to  a knowledge  of  your 
wisdom  and  beneficence  as  a ruler,  and  your  exalted  virtues 
as  a man.  Our  whole  people  cherish  for  your  subjects  the 
most  friendly  regard.  They  trust  and  believe  that  the  re- 
lations of  the  two  countries  will  always  be  as  peaceful  as 
the  great  sea  that  rolls  between  us — uniting,  and  not  divid- 
ing 

A response  to  this  speech  was  made  by  Chief  Justice 
Allen,  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  in  behalf  of  his  King. 

VALEDICTORY  ADDRESS. 

The  Forty-third  Congress  expired  on  the  third  day  of 
March,  1875,  and  Mr.  Blaine  in  his  valedictory  address 
took  occasion  to  say  that  he  had  closed  six  years^  service 
as  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives — a period 
surpassed  in  length  by  but  two  of  my  predecessors,  and 
equaled  by  only  two  others.  The  rapid  mutations  of  per- 


SPEAKER  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


51 


sonal  and  political  fortunes  in  this  country  have  limited 
the  great  majority  of  those  who  have  occupied  this  chair 
to  shorter  terms  of  office. 

To  those/^  continued  the  speaker,  from  whom  I 
differ  in  my  party  relations — the  minority  of  this  House — 
I tender  my  acknowledgments  for  the  generous  courtesy 
with  which  they  have  treated  me.  By  one  of  those  sudden 
and  decisive  changes  which  distinguish  popular  institu- 
tions, and  which  conspicuously  mark  a free  people,  that 
minority  is  transformed  in  the  ensuing  Congress  to  the 
governing  power  of  the  House.  However  it  might  possi- 
bly have  been  under  other  circumstances,  that  event  ren- 
ders these  words  my  farewell  to  the  chair.  The  speaker- 
ship  of  the  American  House  of  Representatives  is  a post  of 
honor,  of  dignity,  of  power,  of  responsibility.  Its  duties 
are  at  once  complex  and  continuous;  they  are  both  onerous 
and  delicate;  they  are  performed  in  the  broad  light  of  day, 
under  the  eye  of  the  whole  people,  subject  at  all  times  to 
the  closest  observation,  and  always  attended  with  the 
sharpest'  criticism.  I think  no  other  official  is  held  to 
such  instant  and  such  rigid  accountability.  Parliamentary 
rulings  in  their  very  nature  are  peremptory,  almost  abso- 
lute in  authority,  and  instantaneous  in  effect.  They  can- 
not always  be  enforced  in  such  a way  as  to  win  applause  or 
secure  popularity;  but  I am  sure  that  no  man  of  any  party 
who  is  worthy  to  fill  this  chair  will  ever  see  a dividing  line 
between  duty  and  policy.  Thanking  you  once  more,  and 
thanking  you  most  cordially  for  the  honorable  testimonial 
you  have  placed  on  record  to  my  credit,  I perform  my 
only  remaining  duty  in  declaring  that  the  Forty-third 
Congress  has  reached  its  constitutional  limit,  and  that  the 
House  of  Representatives  stands  adjourned  without  day.^^ 

RETIREMENT  FROM  THE  SPEAKER'S  CHAIR. 

This  retirement  of  Mr.  Blaine  from  the  chair  of  Speaker 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  Avas  an  event  of  no  little 


52 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIFTE. 


importance.  He  had  filled  that  place  for  six  years;  and 
in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  Speaker  had  displayed  a 
fitness  and  au  ability  of  the  highest  order.  At  the  expira- 
tion of  each  Congress  he  was  complimented  by  a vote  of 
thanks  in  which  the  House  most  heartily  concurred.  Ees- 
olutions  complimenting  him  were  offered  by  Mr.  Cox^  of 
Kew  York;  Mr.  Yiblack^  of  Indiana;  Mr.  Eandall,  of 
Pennsylvania;  Mr.  Voorhees,  of  Indiana,  and  Mr.  Wheeler 
and  Mr.  Potter,  of  New  York. 

Speaker  Blaine^s  knowledge  of  parliamentary  law  was 
complete  and  instinctive.  He  ruled  with  such  fairness  as 
to  receive  the  united  thanks  of  the  majority  and  the 
minority.  It  has  been  said  of  him  that  no  other  man 
since  Mr.  Clay  had  presided  with  such  knowledge  of  the 
rules  of  the  House,  or  with  so  rapid  and  faithful  discharge 
of  business. 

The  position  of  Speaker  is  at  all  times  an  arduous  oiie, 
but  the  duties  of  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives 
had  become  extremely  complicated  during  the  incumbency 
of  Mr.  Blaine.  A successful  Speaker  requires  the  incum- 
bent of  the  chair  to  be  a man  of  ability.  To  be  successful, 
he  must  always  command  the  personal  respect  and  confi- 
dence, both  of  the  majority  and  the  minority.  It  makes 
no  difference  how  strong  may  be  the  party  by  which  he  is 
elected.  He  must  rely  upon  the  confidence  of  the  whole 
House,  and  this  he  can  only  retain  by  being  frank  and  fair 
in  all  his  movements.  The  power  of  the  Speaker  is  very 
great,  much  greater  than  is  generally  supposed.  Under 
the  peculiarities  of  our  parliamentary  law,  extraordinary 
powers  are  necessarily  yielded  to  him.  These  powers  he 
exercises  not  so  much  by  virtue  of  the  law  as  by  the  gen- 
eral acquiescence  of  the  House.  A competent  Speaker, like 
Mr.  Blaine,  backed  by  the  confidence  and  the  respect  of 
the  whole  House,  can  greatly  expedite  business,  avoid 
unseemly  complications,  preserve  the  rights  and  equalities 
of  all  the  members,  and  prevent  the  despotism  of  the 


SPEAKER  OP  THE  HOUSE. 


5:3 


majority.  There  are  always  in  every  party  having  a large 
majority,  a number  of  extreme  men  who  favor  the  rough- 
shod policy,  and  who  deny  that  the  minority  have  any  rights 
which  the  majority  are  bound  to  respect.  These  men  are 
of  necessity  at  variance  with  the  Speaker,  who,  as  the  pre- 
siding officer  of  the  whole  House,  must  hold  the  balance 
even,  and  without  partiality. 

The  sessions  of  Congress  during  Mr.  Blaine's  speaker- 
ship  were  marked  by  a succession  of  a two  thirds  majority 
by  the  Eepublican  party.  The  struggle  of  the  minority 
by  factious  opposition  to  defeat  the  will  of  the  House,  and 
the  struggle  of  an  extreme  faction  on  the  other  side  to 
crush  out  the  minority,  furnished  repeated  occasions  re- 
quiring ability,  energy,  unwearied  attention,  and  strict  im- 
partiality on  the  part  of  the  Speaker.  Mr.  Blaine  proved 
himself  equal  to  all  the  requirements  of  his  high  office, 
and  in  laying  down  the  gavel  at  the  close  of  his  six  years' 
service,  he  did  so  with  the  universal  respect  of  the  whole 
country,  and  with  the  admiration  of  all  those  of  all  parties 
who  served  in  Congress  under  his  speakersiiip. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


REPUBLICAN  LEADER  ON  THE  FLOOR  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


HE  Democratic  tidal  wave’^  of  1874  returned  a 


large  Democratic  majority  to  the  House,  elected 
Mr.  Kerr,  of  Indiana,  Speaker;  and  Mr.  Blaine  returned  to 
the  floor  December  6,  1875,  where  his  parliamentary  skill 
and  self  possession,  together  with  his  audacity  ot  manner 
and  versatility  of  talent,  made  him  one  of  the  most  adroit 
and  aggressive  leaders  ever  enjoyed  by  a political  party. 
He  was  at  once  recognized  as  the  leader  of  the  Republican 
minority,  and  his  influence  was  felt  on  the  first  day^s 
session  of  the  Democratic  House,  December  6,  1875.  An 
attempt  was  made  by  the  Democratic  majority  to  tear 
open  once  more  the  Louisiana  question,  which  had  been 
put  to  rest  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  by  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  and  by  the  people  of  Louisiana;  but 
Mr.  Blaine,  through  superior  political  acumen  and  parlia- 
mentary skill,  carried  the  day  against  the  advantage  of 
numbers.  His  success  was  brilliant  and  complete,  and  his 
victory  handsomely  won. 

A few  days  after  this  success,  Mr.  Blaine  proposed  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  prohibiting  the  sectarian 
control  or  division  of  public  school  funds  in  any  State. 
This  proposition  never  came  up  as  a political  issue,  but  it 
is  an  indication  of  Mr.  Blaine^s  watchfulness  for  the  pro- 
tection of  all. 

FAMOUS  DISCUSSION  ON  AMNESTY. 

In  the  first  days  of  the  Forty-fourth  Congress  the  issue 
between  the  Democrats  and  Republicans  on  the  amnesty 

54 


POLITICAL  ACUMEN, 


REPUBLICAN  LEADER  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


55 


question  was  clearly  defined  by  Mr.  Blaine.  A bill  had 
been  introduced  by  Mr.  Eandall  and  called  up  for  consid- 
eration on  the  10th  of  January,  1876.  The  bill  granted 
general  amnesty  without  exception,  and  made  Jefferson 
Davis  eligible  to  a seat  in  the  Senate,  which  he  had  aban- 
doned to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  a rebellion.  Mr. 
Eandall  moved  the  previous  question,  thereby  intending 
to  cut  off  all  debates  and  amendments,  and  then  force  the 
House  to  a vote.  The  bill  failing  to  receive  the  two  thirds 
vote  required  by  the  constitution,  was  lost,  whereupon 
Mr.  Blaine  moved  to  reconsider,  with  a view  of  moving  an 
amendment.  There  was  a general  rule  in  Congress  that 
no  person  should  be  relieved  of  his  political  disabilities 
unless  upon  application  of  that  person;  and  no  person 
making  that  application  had  ever  been  refused.  There 
were  a class  of  persons  at  the  South,  including  Davis  and 
Toombs,  who  spurned  the  amnesty,  and  ridiculed  those 
who  had  sought  it  — they  claiming  practically  to  be  no 
longer  citizens  under  an  usurping  government.  The  bill 
of  Eandall  dispensed  with  this  application,  and  granted 
amnesty  without  condition.  The  Blaine  amendment  liad 
for  its  special  object  the  exclusion  of  Jefferson  Davis.  It 
proposed  to  make  him  the  solitary  exception,  both  for  the 
general  reason  of  his  chieftainship  as  instigator  and  leader 
in  the  rebellion,  and  for  his  personal  conduct  in  the  cruelty 
practiced  toward  the  prisoners  at  Andersonville. 

Mr.  Blaine  addressed  the  House  in  one  of  the  strongest 
speeches  ever  made  in  that  body,  showing  that  the  Eepub- 
licans,  though  possessing  the  two  thirds  majority  in  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  had  never  refused  amnesty  to  any 
person  who  had  asked  for  it.  He  then  examined  the 
record  of  Jefferson  Davis’  direct  responsibility  for  the 
inhuman  barbarities  with  which  the  Union  prisoners  were 
treated  at  Andersonville,  and  other  rebel  prisons.  Mr. 
Blaine  produced  a general  order,  issued  in  1864,  with  the 
approval  of  Jefferson  Davis,  to  the  effect  that  in  case  any 


56 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


portion  of  the  Union  army  should  advance  within  seven 
miles  of  Andersonville,  the  Confederate  artillery  at  that 
place  was  to  open  fire  with  grape  shot  on  the  prison^  con- 
taining thirty-five  thousand  helpless  Union  prisoners.  Mr. 
Blaine  stated  that  there  were  a great  many  instances  and 
proofs  to  show  that  Jefferson  Davis  was  in  entire  possession 
of  the  facts  in  relation  to  Andersonville.  When  an  inva- 
sion of  that  portion  of  the  country  was  under  way^  there 
was  danger^  or  supposed  danger,  that  it  might  come  into 
the  neighborhood  of  Andersonville.  The  following  order — 
a regular  military  order — No.  13,  dated  Headquarters 
Confederate  States  Military  Prison,  Andersonville,  July 
27,  1864,  was  issued  by  Brigadier-General  John  H.  Winder: 

The  officers  on  duty  and  in  charge  of  the  battery  of  Florida  artil- 
lery at  the  time,  will,  upon  receiving  notice  that  the  enemy  have 
approached  within  seven  miles  of  this  post,  ojMnflre  ujjon  the  stockade 
with  grape-shot  without  reference  to  the  situation  beyond  these  lines  of 
defense. 

^^Here,^^  said  Mr.  Blaine,  ^^were  those  thirty-five  thou- 
sand poor,  helpless,  naked,  starving,  sick  and  dying  men. 
A Catholic  priest  states  that  he  went  to  General  Cobb  to 
represent  to  him  that,  if  he  could  not  exchange  them  they 
should  be  taken  to  the  Union  lines  in  Florida  and  paroled 
and  let  go  free;  and  yet,  if  the  Union  forces  were  to  come 
within  seven  miles,  that  regular  order  of  Mr.  Davis^  was 
to  open  a battery  of  grape  shot  on  those  poor  wretches, 
without  the  slightest  possible  regard  to  what  was  going  on 
outside.  Now,  I do  not  arraign  the  Southern  people  for 
this;  God  forbid  that  I should  charge  any  people  with 
sympathizing  with  such  an*  order.  There  were  many  evi- 
dences of  great  uneasiness  among  the  Southern  people 
about  it,  and  one  of  the  great  crimes  of  Jefferson  Davis 
was  that  he  concealed  it  from  the  Southern  people. 

This  atrocious  order,  issued  at  Andersonville  by  au- 
thority and  by  direction  from  Kichmond,  had  been  for- 
gotten by  many  persons,  and  was  new  to  thousands  who 


REPUBLICAN  LEADER  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


57 


had  grown  up  since  the  war.  It  is  an  order  without  \iSiY- 
allel  in  the  conduct  of  civilized  warfare,  and  that  it  was 
not  carried  into  execution  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  con- 
tingency on  which  it  was  based  did  not  arise. 

Ordinarily  the  American  j^eople  were  disposed  to  let 
Mr.  Davis  and  the  rebellion  pass  into  oblivion,  but  this 
bill  framed  and  pressed  so  ostentatiously  to  make  JVIr. 
Davis  eligible  to  the  Presidency  and  to  the  Senate,  became 
practically  a bill  for  that  purpose,  and  Mr.  l>laine'’s  resist- 
ance of  it,  represented  the  public  sentiment  of  the  great 
body  of  the  American  people. 

The  history  of  Andersonville,^^  said  Mr.  Blaine,  star- 
tled and  shocked  the  world  witli  a tale  of  horror,  of  woe 
and  death  before  unheard  and  unknown  to  civilization. 
No  pen  can  describe,  no  painter  sketch,  no  imagination 
comprehend  its  fearful  and  unutterable  inicpiity.  It  would 
seem  as  if  the  concentrated  madness  of  earth  and  hell  had 
found  its  final  lodgment  in  the  breast  of  those  who  inaugu- 
rated the  rebellion  and  controlled  the  policy  of  the  con- 
federate government,  and  that  the  prison  at  Andersonville 
had  been  selected  for  the  most  terrible  human  sacrifice 
which  the  world  has  ever  seen.  Into  its  narrow  walls 
were  crowded  thirty-five  thousand  enlisted  men,  many  of 
them  the  bravest  and  best,  the  most  devoted  and  heroic  of 
those  grand  armies  which  carried  the  flag  of  their  country 
to  final  victory.  'For  long  and  weary  months  here  they 
suffered,  maddened,  were  murdered,  and  died.  Here  they 
lingered,  unsheltered  from  the  burning  rays  of  a tropical 
sun  by  day,  and  drenching  and  deadly  dews  by  night,  in 
every  stage  of  mental  and  physical  disease,  hungered, 
emaciated,  starving,  maddened;  festering  with  unhealed 
wounds;  gnawed  by  the  ravages  of  scurvy  and  gangrene; 
with  swollen  limb  and  distorted  visage;  covered  with  ver- 
min which  they  had  no  power  to  extirpate;  exposed  to  the 
flooding  rains,  which  drove  them  drowning  from  the  mis- 
erable holes  in  which,  like  swine,  they  burrowed;  parched 


58 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIilE. 


with  thirst  and  mad  with  hunger;  racked  with  pain  or 
prostrated  with  the  weakness  of  dissolution;  with  naked 
limbs  and  matted  hair;  filthy  with  smoke  and  mud;  soiled 
with  the  very  excrement  from  which  their  weakness  would 
not  permit  them  to  escape;  eaten  by  the  gnawing  worms 
which  their  own  wounds  had  engendered;  with  no  bed  but 
the  earth;  no  covering  save  the  cloud  or  the  sky;  these 
men,  these  heroes,  born  in  the  image  of  God,  thus  crouch- 
ing  and  writhing  in  their  terrible  torture  and  calculating 
barbarity,  stand  forth  in  history  as  a monument  of  the 
surpassing  horrors  of  Andersonville  as  it  shall  be  seen  and 
read  in  all  future  time,  realizing  in  the  studied  torments 
of  their^  prison-house  the  ideal  of  Dante’s  Inferno  and 
Milton’s  Hell.” 

The  debates  of  this  memorable  session  are  still  fresh  in 
the  minds  of  the  people.  The  excitements  which  grew 
out  of  them  brought  Mr.  Blaine  more  prominently  before 
the  country  than  any  other  citizen  of  the  time,  and  cen- 
tered upon  him  a malignant  hostility  from  his  enemies  and 
an  admiration  from  his  friends  far  more  enthusiastic  than 
are  often  inspired  by  public  service. 

GKEAT  SPEECH  OFT  FIFIAKCES. 

On  the  10th  of  February,  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine  deliv- 
ered a speech  on  the  question  of  finance,  and  to  him  the 
attention  was  so  great  that  it  was  called  a personal  ovation. 
The  galleries  were  packed  from  an  early  hour,  and  the 
floor  during  the  delivery  of  the  speech  was  occupied  by 
most  of  the  persons  of  prominence  in  Washington.  Secre- 
tary Bristow  was  an  attentive  listener.  The  speech  was  a 
concise  and  graphic  epitome  of  the  financial  history  of  this 
country,  and  a severe  arraignment  of  the  Democratic 
party.  It  attracted  the  more  attention  from  the  fact  that 
it  was  a formal  declaration  of  the  financial  policy  of  one 
of  the  leading  presidential  candidates.  The  speech  was 
expressed  in  good,  clear,  and  strong  English,  was  pointed 


EEPUBLICAK  LEADER  OE  THE  HOUSE. 


59 


in  its  application  to  history,  being  firm  in  its  adherence  to 
the  doctrine  of  good  faith  under  all  circumstances.  It 
described  the  condition  of  the  country,  and  explained  the 
causes,  pointed  out  the  inevitable  results  of  inevitable  laws, 
exposed  the  consequences  of  the  proposed  annihilation  of 
the  national  banks,  and  the  proposed  expansion  of  the  cur- 
rency, vindicated  the  national  honor  and  pledges,  insisted 
upon  such  national  legislation  as  would  by  gradual  means 
bring  the  legal-tender  note  to  par.  He  took  the  ground 
that  while  the  Democrats,  as  a party,  were  divided  on  this 
subject,  there  was  no  division  among  the  Eepublicans,  who 
had  always  been  united  in  maintaining  the  national  credit 
and  favoring  the  resumption  of  specie  payments.  He 
graphically  told  the  history  of  the  legal-tender  notes.  The 
overwhelming  necessity  of  a treasury  wit'hout  a dollar  at 
its  command  to  carry  on  the  war,  the  issue  of  the  first 
legal-tender  notes,  their  subsequent  increase,  and  decline 
in  value,  resulting  in  the  solemn  promise  that  the  aggre- 
gate of  these  notes  should  never  exceed  four  hundred 
millions  of  dollars,  were  clearly  portrayed  by  the  speaker. 

The  instructive  point  was  made  that  in  1864  when  the 
amount  of  legal-tender  notes,  by  successive  issues  had 
been  inflated,  the  whole  four  hundred  millions  then  out 
would  not  purchase  as  much  gold  as  could  have  been  pur- 
chased by  the  original  issue  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  mill- 
ions of  notes.  The  expansion  of  the  notes,  therefore,  did 
not  add  to  their  aggregate  value,  and  such  would  be  the 
result  then,  if  the  United  States  should  become  under  the 
discretion  of  the  majority  in  Congress  the  exclusive  cur- 
rency-maker. Such  a result  was  inevitable  when  the 
volume  of  an  irredeemable  currency  was  inflated. 

The  Democratic  hostilities  to  the  issue  of  the  legal- 
tender  notes — their  assumed  fidelity  to  the  Constitution 
which  restrained  them  in  time  of  war  from  voting  for  an 
illegal  currency,  even  to  enable  the  government  to  carry 
on  the  war  for  the  national  existence,  and  their  subsequent 


GO 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  LLAHS^^E. 


demand  in  time  of  peace  for  the  issue  of  that  same  cur- 
rency, to  an  amount  equal  to  the  purchase  of  sixteen  hun- 
dred millions  of  bonds,  were  admirably  contrasted  by  Mr. 
Blaine. 

The  ability  of  the  United  States  to  maintain  specie  pay- 
ments was  strongly  vindicated,  and  the  vindication  was 
strengthened  by  references  to  the  example  of  the  Pacific 
States,  and  of  Canada,  where  a population  less  than  that  of 
'New  York,  overwhelmed  in  debt,  with  fewer  productions, 
and  frozen  up  one  half  the  year,  enjoyed  the  luxury  of 
specie  payments  with  American  coin,  and  were  prospering 
accordingly. 

The  great  error  of  the  past  was  the  discredit  given  to 
the  legal-tender  notes,  by  the  withdrawal  of  the  privilege 
of  funding  them.  Up  to  that  time  they  had  the  character 
of  being  redeemed,  and  kept  pace  with  the  other  obliga- 
tions of  the  government,  but  that  form  of  redemption 
being  removed,  the  damaging  impression  had  been  created 
that  these  notes  were  never  to  be  redeemed.  Mr.  Blaine 
stated  that.  Congress  having  taken  away  the  provision 
for  redemption,  the  public  had  naturally  come  to  regard 
the  legal-tender  as  perpetually  irredeemable,  and  one  of 
the  first  stej)s  toward  resumption  was  to  change  that 
impression  by  reviving  the  funding  privilege  in  a bond  of 
lower  rate,  with  extended  time,  and  a limitation  on  the 
amount  that  would  be  funded  in  any  given  period. 

In  addition,  Mr.  Blaine  said:  ^^As  an  amelioration  to 
the  debtor  class  the  suggestion  has  been  made  that  the 
bonds  into  which  the  legal  tenders  should  be  thus  con- 
verted might  themselves  be  made  a legal  tender  for  all 
debts  contracted  prior  to  the  passage  of  the  act.^^ 

OK  ^^EIDEKS^^  AKD  BKIBERY. 

In  March,  1876,  riders’^  on  appropriation  bills  were 
under  discussion  in  the  House.  Mr.  Blaine  objected  to 
the  use  of  riders  in  connection  with  such  a bill,  and 


REPUBLICAN  LEADER  OP  THE  HOUSE. 


61 


thonglit  that  every  conceivable  iheasnre  of  a certain  kind 
might  be  piled  upon  an  appropriation  bill,  and  under  the 
thumb-screw — under  the  pressure  that  attends  legislation 
on  appropriation  bills — might  be  forced  through  Congress, 
which  in  its  calmer  moments  could  not  be  done. 

In  the  same  month  the  House  of  Kepresentatives  con- 
sidered a bill  making  it  a misdemeanor  for  any  person  in 
tlie  employ  of  the  United  States  to  demand  or  contribute 
election  funds.  On  this  subject  Mr.  Blaine  stated  that  he 
had  run  seven  times  for  Congress,  and  had  never  contrib- 
uted so  much  as  a postage  stamp  for  any  improper  pur- 
pose in  securing  his  election;  he  stated  that  there  was 
only  one  thing  worse  than  the  bribing  of  voters,  and  that 
was  the  fraudulent  count  of  the  votes  after  they  were 
deposited  in  the  ballot-box.  ^^Bad  as  bribing  the  voter  is, 
and  it  is  an  unendurable  evil  almost,  it  is  not  so  bad  as 
bold,  naked  fraud  in  the  count.  There  you  have  literally 
taken  away  the  foundations  of  free  government.  A fraud 
in  the  count  is  the  destruction  of  republican  government. 
One  or  two  men  may  do  more  there  than  a thousand  bribed 
men  can  do  outside.  * * * This  country  demands 

elections  shall  be  pure.  There  is  not  an  honest  man  in 
either  party  who  does  not  desire  it.  Without  that,  all 
government  is  a failure;  and,  sir,  there  is  a widespread 
conviction  to-day  that  in  a good  many  of  the  States  of  this 
Union  it  is  impossible  to  get  a fair  election.  That  the 
persons  entitled  to  vote  under  the  fifteenth  amendment  to 
the  Constitution — the  colored  voters — get  a fair  show  and 
equal  chance  to  deposit  their  ballots  is  not  believed  by  ten 
honest  men  north  of  Mason  and  Dixon^s  line,  in  my  judg- 
ment. * * * We  invite  you  to  go  with  us  in  provid- 

ing, after  we  shall  have  destroyed  bribery  outside  of  the 
polling-booth,  that  you  shall  not  have  the  embodiment  of 
rascality  behind  it  to  vitiate  and  destroy  the  purity  of  elec- 
tions within.’^ 


62 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


EYES  OF  THE  NATION  TOWAKD  HIM. 

While  Mr.  Blaine  was  thus  sustaining  himself  in  the 
House  so  admirably,  the  eyes  of  the  nation  were  turned 
toward  him,  and  his  popularity  was  manifest  in  all  parts 
of  the  Union  at  Eepublican  meetings  and  conferences. 

His  philippic  arraigning  of  Davis  for  his  horrible  cruel- 
ties to  the  Union  prisoners  at  Andersonville,  awakened 
sympathic  echoes  in  the  hearts  of  multitudes  of  men,  and 
before  the  effect  of  this  emotion  had  subsided  he  delivered 
his  powerful  speech,  appealing  to  the  judgment  of  intelli- 
gent men  in  favor  of  a return  to  honest  money.  These 
two  bold  presentations  of  his  feelings  and  his  views  on 
amnesty  and  currency,  revealed  Mr.  Blaine  to  the  people 
in  a light  that  seemed  to  have  thoroughly  captivated  the 
popular  affections  and  understanding.  The  power,  the 
courage,  and  the  parliamentary  skill  with  which  he  had 
attacked  the  Democrats  jn  the  amnesty  debate  gained  for 
him  the  distinguished  honor  of  being  the  heaviest  and 
most  scientific  hitter  in  the  House.  The  whole  country 
applauded  and  encored  the  performance.  Even  his  bitter- 
est political  opponents  in  the  south,  as  well  as  north,  were 
not  able  to  repress  their  admiration  for  the  man^s  ability. 
When  he  took  hold  of  the  currency  question  and  handled 
it  in  such  a masterly  manner  as  to  arrest  the  attention  of 
the  entire  nation,  the  current  began  to  set  in  strongly  in 
his  favor  for  the  Presidency.  Blaine  had  been  a growing 
man  since  the  time  he  first  set  foot  in  Congress.  Each 
year  he  developed  increasing,  strength,  as  he  studied  the 
lessons  of  statesmanship  and  experience. 

REASONS  FOR  HIS  CANDIDACY. 

His  six  years^  training  in  the  Speakers  chair  tamed 
down  his  natural  impetuosity,  seasoned  his  judgment,  and 
gave  him  a clear  insight  into  the  character  of  men  and 
the  secret  springs  of  human  action.  It  was  fortunate  for 


REPUBLICAN  LEADER  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


63 


him  that  his  party  in  the  House  was  in  the  minority,  as  it 
placed  liim  on  the  floor  as  a leader  of  the  opposition  to  the 
Democracy,  and  afforded  him  an  admirable  opportunity  to 
lead  his  forces  in  attack  and  aid  them  in  defense;  in  short, 
to  exhibit  to  the  very  best  advantage  the  sterling  qualities 
of  the  man.  Among  the  complimentary  reasons  given  for 
the  candidacy  of  Mr.  Blaine  in  1876,  was  the  statement 
that  Mr.  Blaine  was  a national  man.  He  was  born  and 
brought  up  in  Pennsylvania,  lived' for  a time  in  Kentucky, 
aud  then  became  a resident  of  New  England.  He  was 
intimate  with  Western  men,  and  familiar  with  Western 
character  and  interests,  as  v/ell  as  with  those  in  the  East. 
While  Speaker  of  the  House,  he  was  so  broad  and  liberal 
in  his  views,  as  to  make  him  equally  as  popular  among 
Western  members  as  am.ong  the  members  of  his  own  sec- 
tion of  the  country,  and  this  fact  greatly  contributed  to 
secure  for  him  so  large  a backing,  as  was  shown  in  the 
State  conventions.  He  had  no  sjmipathy  with  the  ‘^bloody 
shirt  in  politics,  and  it  was  under  his  speakership,  and  by  a 
committee  he  appointed,  that  the  Louisiana  and  Arkansas 
complications  were  straightened  out.  He  was  mainly  in- 
strumental in  defeating  the  obnoxious  Force  Bill,  which 
Mr.  Conklin  had  done  so  much  to  secure,  and  which,  had 
it  become  a law,  would  have  rendered  the  defeat  of  the 
Republican  party  certain  at  the  North. 

Mr.  Blaine  was.  declared  to  be  warm-blooded,  to  have 
great  elements  of  popularity,  and  to  be  in  every  way  closer 
to  the  people  than  other  candidates  who  had  been  named. 
It  was  said  of  him,  that  he  was  a man  of  large  and  noble 
views,  a great  favorite  with  multitudes  of  people,  and 
widely  known  and  admired;  a conspicuous  man  in  the 
history  of  the  preceding  fifteen  years;  an  admirable  execu- 
tive officer,  and  a genial  and  experienced  statesman,  who 
would  adorn  the  office  of  President  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  American  people. 

Additional  reasons  were,  that  from  first  to  last  he  had 


64 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


been  a strenuous  supporter  of  a policy  of  leniency  which 
some  political  conventions  flatly  denounced.  He  ^supported 
all  the  measures  of  reconstruction,  and  aided  largely  by 
his  efforts  each  one  of  the  States  having  been  in  rebellion 
to  be  restored  to  self-government,  brought  back  within 
the  Union  and  the  people  rehabilitated  in  political  power. 
He  had  framed  every  amnesty  bill,  and  the  latest  and 
grandest  effort  of  his  political  career  was  a ten  days'  strug- 
gle to  remove  every  political  disfranchisement  resulting 
from  the  rebellion,  except  in  the  solitary  instance  where 
the  subject  had  forfeited  human  respect  by  his  cruelties  to 
the  prisoners  of  war.  He  won  a warm  place  in  the  hearts 
of  the  right  thinking  people  by  his  opposition  to  force  bills 
and  civil  government  administered  by  men  with  bayonets. 
He  left  the  bloody  shirt  to  Mr.  Butler  and  the  carpet- 
baggers, and  addressed  himself  to  the  work  of  peace  and 
reconciliation — the  rebuilding  of  a harmony  between  the 
races,  and  the  establishment  of  government  sustained  by 
popular  sentiment. 

Al^  ALARMII^G  STROKE. 

While  portions  of  the  Eepublican  party  were  marshall- 
ing their  forces  for  a contest  in  the  national  convention  at 
Cincinnati,  the  whole  country,  on  the  eleventh  of  June, 
was  surprised  and  alarmed  at  the  intelligence  that  the 
Hon.  James  G.  Blaine  had  been  stricken  with  unconscious- 
ness while  attending  church  in  Washington.  He  rose  at 
the  usual  hour,  and,  after  breakfast,  played  with  his  chil- 
dren for  a time  and  was  in  excellent  humor.  He  remarked 
about  his  pleasant  night^s  sleep,  and  spoke  cheerfully  of 
his  prospects  at  Cincinnati.  Shortly  before  eleven  o^clock 
his  wife  asked  him  if  he  was  going  to  church.  He  answered 
that  he  would  go  along  in  a moment  if  she  would  wait.  He 
joined  her  presently,  and  the  family,  consisting  of  Miss 
Hodge  and  two  young  daughters  of  Mr.  Blaine,  stepped 
out  to  the  sidewalk.  Mrs.  Blaine  reminded  her  husband 


REPUBLICAN  LEADER  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


65 


that  it  v/as  yery  warm,  and  they  would  better  ride.  Mr. 
Blaine  said  he  would  ^prefer  to  walk.  Keference  during 
the  walk  was  made  to  the  extreme  heat,  but  Mr.  Blaine 
made  little  complaint  of  it.  When  he  reached  the  steps 
of  the  church,  he  put  his  handkerchief  to  his  eyes  in  a 
strange  manner,  and  his  wife  asked  him  what  was  the 
matter;  if  he  had  anything  in  his  eyes.  He  said  Oh,  no, 
I think  I am  sun-struck.  Oh,  my  head!  Oh,  my  head!  and 
sank  down  insensible  in  his  wife^s  arms  at  the  threshold  of 
the  church.  His  little  daughter,  Hattie,  about  five  years 
old,  ran  into  the  church  and  told  General  Ballerch,  who 
was  at  the  door,  that  her  father  had  fainted.  On  the  steps 
of  the  church  there  was  a sad  scene.  His  wife  held  his 
head  in  her  lap  and  the  rest  of  the  family  bent  over  her, 
none  knowing  whether  death  had  not  already  overtaken 
the  prostrate  form. 

Assistance  was  soon  at  hand.  A passing  omnibus  was 
reined  up  against  the  walk  and  the  deathlike  form  was 
carefully  lifted  within.  Arriving  at  the  house,  Mr.  Blaine 
was  borne  inside,  and  by  a strong  effort  said:  ^^Lay  me 

on  the  floor. He  was  at  once  stretched  on  the  parlor 
floor,  his  shoes  removed,  and  a cushion  placed  under  his 
head.  Physicians  soon  arrived,  and  careful  hands  smoothed 
his  pillow  all  day.  It  would  be  difficult  to  described  the 
excitement  that  spread  through  the  city.  Crowds  gathered 
at  the  hotels  and  shady  places,  and,  before  half  an  hour, 
the  walk  in  front  of  Mr.  Blaine^s  residence  was  filled  with 
anxious  visitors.  A panic  seemed  to  move  the  people  and 
exaggerated  statements  floated  about  from  tongue  to 
tongue.  The  report  first  gained  circulation  that  Mr. 
Blaine  had  been  stricken  with  paralysis,  but  it  was  soon 
leariled  that  his  limbs  were  flexible  and  sensitive,  and  his 
features  natural.  Then  it  was  reported  that  he  had  an 
attack  of  apoplexy,  but  a closer  examination  showed  the 
symptoms  were  not  at  all  like  it.  Surgeon  Palmer  of  the 
army,  was  probably  the  first  to  discover  the  nature  of  the 
5 


66 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


attack.  He  unhesitatingly  pronounced  it  sunstroke.  For 
the  first  two  hours  Mr.  Blaine  seemed  insensible.  His 
eyes  were  wide  open  and  staring,  and  his  features  without 
expression.  But  gradually  his  eyes  wore  a more  intelli- 
gent look,  his  features  improved,  and  although  lie  said 
nothing,  he  seemed  to  be  conscious  of  what  was  occurring. 
His  eyes  occasionally  turned,  and,  sometimes,  the  lids 
dropped  over.  General  Sherman,  who  bent  over  the  bed 
shortly  after  four  o^clock,  said,  in  quite  a loud  voice: 

Blaine,  do  you  know  me?^^  The  lips  seemed  to  move  a 
little,  but  no  response  came.  Sometime  afterward  Mrs. 
Blaine  said,  James,  do  you  not  know  me?^^  He  spoke 
her  name  distinctly,  and  subsequently  asked,  What  is  it?^^ 
and  then  again,  Where  am  . 

An  immense  crowd  was  before  the  house  all  day  and 
up  to  12  o^clock  at  night.  Mrs.  Blaine  showed  extraordi- 
nary nerve,  and  never  lost  hope.  While  relatives  and 
friends  were  shedding  tears  and  giving  way  to  their  sor- 
rows, she,  with  strong  self-control,  was  attending  to  the 
more  necessary  task  of  nursing  her  stricken  husband. 

Had  not  Mr.  Blaine  been  a man  of  perfect  habits,  it  is 
probable  that  the  attack  would  have  killed  him;  but  no 
man  in  public  life  has  taken  better  care  of  himself  than 
Mr.  Blaine.  He  neither  uses  liquor  nor  tobacco  in  any 
shape.  He  eats  simple  food  and  plenty  of  it,  and  sleeps 
regularly  and  long.  While  he  was  in  this  condition  in 
Washington,  his  supporters  were  spreading  his  banner  to 
the  breeze  in  Cincinnati  on  the  eve  of  the  convention;  yet 
the  news  did  not  cause  an  abatement  of  efforts  made  in  his 
behalf,  though  intelligence  of  his  illness  created  the  most 
intense  excitement  among  the  delegates. 

Many  causes  combined  to  predispose  Mr.  Blaine  to  the 
attack.  For  months  he  had  been  under  a terrible  strain, 
and  on  two  or  three  occasions  had  been  forced  to  put  forth 
©very  energy  in  defense  of  his  character  and  reputation, 
assailed  by  a band  of  conspirators,  who  pursued  him  with 


THE  CAPITOL  AT  WASHINGTON. 


REPUBLICAN  LEADER  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


67 


all  the  arts  of  relentless  malignity.  Kecently  prostrate 
from  the  effects  of  a severe  attack  of  malarial  fever,  he 
was  forced  to  appear  in  the  House  and  committee-room 
before  he  had  fully  recovered,  there  to  defy  and  hurl  back 
the  statements  of  scandal  concocted  by  his  enemies.  Un- 
der these  circumstances,  worn  out  by  incessant  toil, 
oppressed  by  a multitude  of  cares,  perplexed  by  the  anxiety 
of  the  campaign  and  exhausted  by  the  long  continued 
nervous  strain,  his  powerful  constitution  yielded  to  the 
excessive  heat  and  he  fell  a victim  to  relentless  persecution; 
but  in  this  terrible  emergency,  his  life  was  saved  by  the 
strength  of  his  constitution  and  his  well  preserved  mind 
and  body.  The  whole  nation  sympathized  with  him  in  his 
affliction,  and  seemed  to  cordially  unite  in  a fervent  hope 
for  his  rapid  recovery,  and  the  full  restoration  of  all  his 
giant  faculties  of  mind  and  body.  The  affliction  proved 
to  be  of  the  nature  of  a sunstroke,  and  Mr.  Blaine's 
friends  had  the  pleasure  of  witnessing  his  gradual  recovery 
and  his  presentation  to  the  convention  at  Cincinnati  as  a 
candidate  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


BEFORE  THE  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION, 

1876. 

PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  CONVENTION. 

The  sixth  national  convention  of  the  Republican  party 
met  at  Cincinnati,  June  14,.  1876.  The  attendance 
was  greater  than  at  any  previous  gathering  of  the  party, 
and  embraced  the  most  noted  men  in  its  ranks.  To  those 
who  had  not  attended  the  convention  held  in  Philadeliahia, 
four  years  previous  to  that  time,  the  number  of  colored 
delegates  present  caused  some  surprise.  Among  them  were 
congressmen,  or  ex- congressmen,  from  South  Carolina, 
Alabama,  and  other  Southern  States.  The  convention 
was  called  to  order  by  ex-Governor  Morgan,  chairman  of 
the  Republican  national  committee,  who  arose  and  addressed 
the  convention  in  an  interesting  opening  speech.  At  the 
close  of  his  remarks,  he  nominated  Hon.  Theodore  M. 
Pomeroy,  of  New  York,  for  temporary  presiding  officer  of 
the  convention.  Mr.  Pomeroy^s  address,  which  immedi- 
ately followed  his  introduction,  was  received  with  great 
applause.  During  the  hours  of  the  first  session,  speeches 
were  made  by  George  William  Curtis,  General  Logan, 
General  Hawley,  Governor  Noyes,  Henry  Garnett,  and 
Frederick  Douglas.  The  Hon.  Edward  MacPherson,  of 
Pennsylvania,  was  made  permanent  chairman  of  the  con- 
vention. 

After  the  adoption  of  the  platform,  Mr.  Kellogg  pre- 
sented the  name  of  Hon.  Marshall  Jewell,  of  Connecticut, 
as  a candidate  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States; 
Colonel  Thompson  nominated  Oliver  P.  Morton;  General 
Harlan,  of  Kentucky,  presented  the  name  of  Benjamin 

68 


KEPUBLIGAK  NATIONAL  CONTENTION — 187G.  G9 


H.  Bristow;  Stuart  L.  Woodford  presented  the  name  of 
Hon.  Eoscoe  Conkling;  Governor  E.  W.  Noyes  nomi- 
nated General  Kutherford  B.  Hayes;  Linn  Bartholomew 
put  in  nomination  General  John  F.  Hartranft,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, and  Colonel  Eobert  G.  Ingersoll  nominated  the 
Hon.  James  G.  Blaine.  This  nomination  by  Mr.  Ingersoll 
was  one  of  the  greatest  events  of  the  convention;  the 
speaker  carried  with  him,  for  the  moment,  friend  and  foe 
alike  by  the  power  of  his  fervid  eloquence.  William  M. 
Evarts  once  greatly  distinguished  himself  on  the  presen- 
tation of  the  name  of  William  H.  Seward  to  the  convention 
of  1860.  Gentlemen  who  heard  the  nominating  speech  of 
Colonel  Ingersoll,  and  who  had  the  pleasure  of  listening  to 
Mr.  Evarts  sixteen  years  before,  declared  that  Mr.  Inger- 
solFs  effort  far  excelled  that  of  Mr.  Evarts;  in  a word,  that 
the  speech  of  Mr.  Ingersoll  had  no  parallel  in  the  history 
of  convention  oratory. 

When  Mr.  Ingersoll  walked  up  the  aisle  at  the  call  of 
Maine,  the  convention  fairly  turned  itself  into  a vocal 
tornado.  Previous  to  his  appearance,  the  cheers  had  been 
largely  in  the  galleries  and  outside  the  space  assigned  to 
delegates,  but  now  two  thirds  of  the  floor  of  the  conven- 
tion seemed  to  give  a great  heave  upwards,  and  such  a 
tossing  of  hats  and  handkerchiefs,  and  such  a scene  of 
wild  enthusiasm  had  rarely  been  witnessed,  on  any  other 
occasion.  The  seven  hundred  distinguished  guests  behind 
the  Presidents  chair,  sprang  to  their  feet  with  one  impulse; 
the  galleries  were  alive  with  waving  hats  and  swaying 
forms;  as  wave  on  wave  rose  and  fell,  a very  tempest  of 
cheers  seemed  to  shake  the  building.  The  shouts  died 
away  only  to  be  resumed  again  and  again,  until  it  seemed 
as  if  they  would  never  cease, but  at  last  quiet  was  restored 
and  Mr.  Ingersoll  began. 

His  speech  cannot  be  described.  It  was  the  chief  topic 
of  conversation  the  night  following  its  delivery,  and  the 
Illinois  delegation  were  as  proud  of  Colonel  IngersolPs 


70 


LIFE  OF  JAMEJS  G.  BLAIi^E. 


oratory  as  the  Massachusetts  Whigs  were  of  ^^Webster^s 
Eeply  to  Hayne/^  A perfect  deluge  of  applause  rained 
upon  him;  even  those  sitting  opposed  to  Mr.  Blaine  were 
carried  away,  for  the  moment  forgot  themselves  and 
joined  heartily  in  the  cheers  that  greeted  the  great  western 
tribute  to  a great  man.  Mr.  IngersolBs  speech  was  deliv- 
ered in  his  inimitable  manner.  Carl  Schurz  came  to  him 
after  he  had  ceased  speaking,  and  taking  his  hand,  said, 
Mr.  Ingersoll,  let  me  congratulate  you  upon  that  speech; 
it  was  the  most  beautiful  speech  I ever  heard.  1 can  only 
regret  that  it  was  not  made  on  the  other  side."^’  Sena- 
tor, replied  Ingersoll,  could  not  have  made  that 
speech  for  another  man.  If  what  I said  was  effective,  it  was 
because  I meant  it.  Every  word  I said  of  James  G.  Blaine 
was  true,  and  I felt  it.^^  There  is  no  difficulty,^’  rejoined 
Schurz  in  seeing  that  you  are  a Blaine  man.’^ 

SPEECH  OF  COLOHEL  IKGERSOLL,  HOMIHATIHG  MR. 

BLAIHE. 

Massachusetts  may  be  satisfied  with  the  loyalty  of  Ben- 
jamin H.  Bristow;  so  am  I.  But  if  any  man  nominated 
by  this  convention  cannot  carry  the  State  of  Massachu- 
setts, I am  not  satisfied  with  the  loyalty  of  that  State.  If 
the  nominee  of  this  convention  cannot  carry  the  grand  old 
Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  by  75,000  majority,  I 
would  advise  them  to  sell  out  Faneuil  Hall  as  a Democratic 
headquarters.  I would  advise  them  to  take  from  Bunker 
Hill  that  old  monument  of  glory. 

^^The  Eepublicans  of  the  United  States  demand  as 
their  leader  in  the  great  contest  of  1876  a man  of  intelli- 
gence, a man  of  integrity,  a man  of  well-known  and 
approved  political  opinions.  They  demand  a statesman. 
They  demand  a reformer,  after,  as  well  as  before,  the 
election.  They  demand  a politician  in  the  highest,  broad- 
est and  best  sense— a man  of  superb  moral  courage.  They 
demand  a man  acquainted  with  public  affairs,  with  the 


BEPUBLICAN  KATIO^^^AL  COi^^VEKTION — 1876.  71 


wants  of  the  people,  with  not  only  the  requirements  of  the 
hour,  but  with  the  demands  of  the  future.  They  demand 
a man  broad  enough  to  comprehend  the  relations  of  this 
government  to  the  other  nations  of  the  earth.  They 
demand  a man  well  versed  in  the  powers,  duties  and  pre- 
rogatives of  each  and  every  department  of  this  govern- 
ment. They  demand  a man  who  will  sacredly  preserve 
the  financial  honor  of  the  United  States;  one  who  knows 
enough  to  know  that  the  national  debt  must  be  paid 
through  the  prosperity  of  his  people;  one  who  knows 
enough  to  know  that  all  the  financial  theories  in  the  world 
cannot  redeem  a single  dollar;  one  who  knows  enough  to 
know  -that  all  the  money  must  be  made  not  by  law  but  by 
labor;  one  who  knows  enough  to  know  that  the  people  of 
the  United  States  have  the  industry  to  make  the  money, 
and  the  honor  to  pay  it  over  just  as  fast  as  they  make  it. 

^^The  Eepublicans  of  the  United  States  demand  a man 
who  knows  that  prosperity  and  resumption,  when  they 
come,  must  come  together;  that  when  they  come,  they 
will  come  hand  in  hand  through  the  golden  harvest  fields; 
hand  in  hand  by  the  whirling  spindles  and  the  turning 
wheels;  hand  in  hand  past  the  open  furnace  doors;  hand 
in  hand  by  the  fiaming  forges;  hand  in  hand  by  the  chim- 
neys filled  with  eager  fire,  greeted  and  grasped  by  the 
countless  sons  of  toil.  This  money  has  to  be  dug  out  of 
the  earth.  You  cannot  make  it  by  passing  resolutions  in 
a political  convention. 

^^The  Eepublicans  of  the  United  States  want  a man 
who  knows  that  this  government  should  protect  every 
citizen  at  home  and  abroad;  who  knows  that  any  govern- 
ment that  will  not  defend  its  defenders,  and  protect  its 
protectors,  is  a disgrace  to  the  map  of  the  world.  They 
demand  a man  who  believes  in  the  eternal  separation  and 
divorcement  of  church  and  state.  They  demand  a man 
whose  political  reputation  is  spotless  as  a star;  but  they 
do  not  demand  that  their  candidate  shall  have  a certificate 


72 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAII^E. 


of  moral  character  signed  by  a Confederate  Congress.  The 
man  who  has^  in  full,  heaped  and  rounded  measure,  all 
these  splendid  qualifications,  is  the  present  grand  and  gal- 
lant leader  of  the  Eepublican  party — James  G.  Blaine. 

^^Our  country,  crowned  with  the  vast  and  marvelous 
achievements  of  its  first  century,  asks  for  a man  worthy 
of  the  past  and  prophetic  of  her  future;  asks  for  a man 
who  has  the  audacity  of  genius;  asks  for  a man  who  is 
the  grandest  combination  of  heart,  conscience  and  brain 
beneath  her  fiag.  Such  a man  is  James  G.  Blaine.  For 
the  Eepublican  host,  led  by  this  intrepid  man,  there  can 
be  no  defeat. 

^^This  is  a grand  year — a year  filled  with  the  rec- 
ollections of  the  Eevolution;  filled  with  proud  and  tender 
memories  of  the  past;  with  the  sacred  legends  of  liberty; 
a year  in  which  the  sons  of  freedom  will  drink  from 
the  fountains  of  enthusiasm;  a year  in  which  the  people 
call  for  a man  who  has  preserved  in  Congress  what  our 
soldiers  won  upon  the  field;  a year  in  which  they  call  for 
the  man  who  has  torn  from  the  throat  of  treason  the 
tongue  of  slander;  for  the  man  who  has  snatched  the 
mask  of  Democracy  from  the  hideous  face  of  rebellion; 
for  the  man  who,  like  an  intellectual  athlete,  has  stood  in 
the  arena  of  debate  and  challenged  all  comers,  and  who  is 
still  a total  stranger  to  defeat. 

^^Like  an  armed  warrior,  like  a plumed  knight,  James 
G.  Blaine  marched  down  the  halls  of  the  American  Con- 
gress and  threw  his  shining  lance  full  and  fair  against  the 
brazen  foreheads  of  the  defamers  of  his  country  and  the 
maligners  of  his  honor.  For  the  Eepublican  party  to 
desert  this  gallant  leader  now,  is  as  though  an  army 
should  desert  their  general  upon  the  field  of  battle. 

James  G.  Blaine  is  now,  and  has  been  for  years,  the 
bearer  of  the  sacred  standard  of  the  Eepublican  party. 
I call  it  sacred  because  no  human  being  can  stand  beneath 
itg  folds  without  becoming  and  without  remaining  free, 


REPUBLICAi^-  NATIONAL  CONVENTION — 1876.  73 


Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  in  the  name  of  the 
great  Kepublic — the  only  republic  that  ever  existed  upon 
this  earth — in  the  name  of  all  her  defenders  and  of  all  her 
supporters;  in  the  name  of  all  her  soldiers  living;  in  the 
name  of  all  her  soldiers  dead  upon  the  field  of  battle,  and 
in  the  name  of  those  who  perished  in  the  skeleton  clutch 
of  famine  at  Andersonville  and  Libby,  whose  sufferings 
he  so  vividly  remembers,  Illinois — Illinois  nominates  for 
the  next  President  of  this  country  that  prince  of  parlia- 
mentarians, that  leader  of  leaders,  James  G.  Blaine. 

SPEECH  OF  HON.  M.  TUENER,  SECONDING  THE  NOMINA- 
TION OF  MR.  BLAINE. 

When  I left  my  home  in  Georgia,  and  went  westward, 
1 determined  in  passing  through  several  States,  to  ascertain 
the  will  of  the  people.  I knew  it  would  be  almost  impos- 
sible to  give  Georgians  electoral  vote  to  any  Kepublican 
President,  notwithstanding  the  fact  tliat  the  dead  have 
been  raised.  Everywhere  I went,  everywhere  I mingled 
with  the  people,  the  name  of  Blaine  seems  to  have  been 
talismanic,  and  it  extorted  a cheer,  and  the  people  seemed 
to  be  alive  at  the  very  announcement  of  it.  I wish  to-day 
to  second  the  nomination  of  the  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine. 
In  doing  this,  Mr.  President,  and  gentlemen  of  the  con- 
vention, I want  it  understood  that  some  of  the  names  par- 
ticularly that  have  been  mentioned,  I honor  and  revere 
with  a reverence  that  my  tongue  could  not  express.  The 
name  of  Morton,  the  champion  of  governors;  Pinchback, 
the  defender  of  tliQ  outraged  people  of  Louisiana.  I 
would  borrow  Dore^s  pencil  and  dip  it  in  the  sunlight  of 
heaven  and  write  on  the  brow  of  Oliver  P.  Morton  the 
title  of  honor.  Mr.  President,  I believe  we  have  before  us 
now  a name  that  arouses  the  people  of  this  great  country 
in  a manner  that  the  names  of  others  cannot.  I have 
nothing  to  say  against  Mr.  Bristow.  I listened  to  the  elo- 
quence of  the  great  poet  of  New  York  as  he  defended  the 


74 


LirE  OF  JAMEb  G.  BLAINE. 


name  of  Bristow.  I paid  deep  deference  to  that  generous 
son  of  Massachusetts,  our  Minister  to  England,  but  in  the 
person  of  the  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine  we  have  a Eepublican 
about  whom  there  is  no  question.  He  has  commanded  the 
party  for  twenty-five  years.  He  has  been  its^  front,  and 
to-day  he  stands  the  champion  of  Eepublican  principles,  I 
believe,  in  the  United  States  of  America.  He  gave  his 
own  State,  so  says  an  aged  and  learned  doctor  of  divinity 
of  Maine,  to  that  party,  and  forever,  I expect,  buried 
Democracy  in  that  sacred  soil.  It  will  never  lift  its  head 
there  again,  I trust.  He  originated  the  spirit  of  the  four- 
teenth amendment.  He  stood  by  the  immortal  Lincoln 
during  the  trial  through  which  the  country  was  passing 
for  freedom,  and  justice  and  equity  and  all  mankind,  and 
to  chase  out  of  the  nation  a set  of  insurgents  who  lifted 
their  impious  hands  against  that  flag  that  still  floats  in 
heaven,  thank  God ! 

There  is  one  thing  I like  about  Mr.  Blaine,  he  is  the 
representative  of  young  America;  no  question  about  that. 
He  is  no  dead  fossil.  He  is  not  tied  on  to  any  old  consti- 
tutional barriers  that  shut  out  a class  and  parcel  of  God’s 
humanity,  and  fetter  and  bind  him  to  a set  of  principles 
that  are  antiquated.  I have  a dozen  points  I want  to 
make,  but  I will  only  make  one  now,  and  it  is  this:  but 
for  Mr.  Blaine,  to-day  you  would  have  had  no  Eepublican 
party.  I will  show  it.  When  the  Democrats  carried  this 
country  at  the  last  election,  the  Eepublican  party  all  over 
this  land  was  thunderstruck,  paralyzed,  dead  and  bleeding, 
bleeding  to  death;  but  it  was  Blaine,  standing  in  the  halls 
of  Congress  that  shook  life  into  the  party  and  defied  the 
Democracy  of  this  nation.  He  breathed  again  the  spirit 
of  activity  and  hope  into  this  prostrate  party.  Who  can 
deny  it?^^ 

SPEECH  OF  WILLIAM  B.  FRY. 

The  impatience  of  the  convention  is  a warning  to  me 
which  I take  heed  of  as  I start,  and  I would  not  trespass 


REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION — 1876. 


75 


one  word  upon  your  patience  or  time  did  I not  feel  bound 
as  a citizen  of  Maine,  as  a Eepublican  of  Maine,  to  stand 
here  before  this  great  convention  and  declare  her  confi- 
dence in  her  favorite,  her  idol  son,  James  G.  Blaine.  She 
is  a daughter  of  the  old  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts. 
But,  sir,  I say  here,  and  I say  now,  that  w^hoever  is  nomi- 
nated in  this  convention  as  a candidate  of  the  Republican 
party  shall  carry  the  State  of  Maine  by  twenty  thousand 
majority.  And  why  is  it  a contest  of  life?  It  is  a contest 
between  right  and  wrong,  between  liberty  and  slavery, 
between  barbarism  and  civilization,  and  in  Code's  name  is 
this  Republic  to  go  down  now  at  the  commencement  of 
the  second  century  forever  and  ever?  Are  we  to  take  this 
beloved  Republic,  baptized  again  and  again  in  the  blood 
of  our  sons,  sanctified  and  purified  by  the  prayers  and 
tears  of  our  mothers  and  our  wives,  and  to-day  pass  it  over 
into  the  hands  of  men  who,  bloody-handed  within  a score 
of  years,  endeavored  to  destroy  its  life  forever?  My  friends, 
that  is  the  question  which  is  to  be  settled  here  and  now; 
and  when  we  have  nominated  our  candidate,  we  know  he 
will  sweep  all  the  loyal  Union  men  of  the  whole  country 
as  a tornado  sweeps  the  branches  of  the  great  West.  For 
twenty-five  years  have  we  of  Maine  known  James  G.  Blaine 
as  we  knew  our  own  household.  He  is  honest,  he  is  pure, 
he  is  spotless,  he  is  sagacious,  he  is  wise,  he  is  great.  He 
will  be  a power  to  salvation  as  a candidate  of  the  Eepub- 
lican party. 

BALLOTING. 

On  the  third  and  last  day  of  the  convention  the  ballot- 
ing for  candidates  took  place.  The  vote  for  Blaine  rose 
and  fell  and  then  rose  again;  that  for  Morton  and  Conk- 
ling  slowly  declined,  while  Bristow  kept  for  a v/hile  the 
place  first  taken.  At  last  his  supporters  also  began  to 
scatter,  and  slowly  dropped  in  the  Blaine  or  Hayes  col- 
umns. Michigan  made  the  first  important  break  on  the 
fifth  ballot,  joined  Ohio  and  cast  her  twenty-two  votes 


76 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


for  E.  B.  Hayes.  The  sixth  ballot  saw  but  little  chauge, 
excepting  between  Hayes  and  Blaine,  who  gained  slowly, 
while  Bristow  dropped  behind.  When  the  ballot  was  con- 
cluded there  was  great  confusion,  and  it  was  evident  that 
changes  would  be  made  in  the  next  vote.  At  the  call  of 
Indiana,  the  chairman  of  the  delegation  mounted  the  plat- 
form, withdrew  Senator  Morton^s  name  and  cast  twenty- 
five  votes  for  Hayes.  This  announcement  was  heard  with 
loud  cheers,  and  from  that  time  on  until  the  close  the 
wildest  enthusiasm  prevailed;  finally,  on  the  seventh  bal- 
lot, the  vote  was  384  for  Hayes,  351  for  Blaine,  and  21  for 
Bristow.  The  long  and  exciting  convention  came  to  a 
close,  and  Entherford  B.  Hayes,  of  Ohio,  and  William  A. 
Wheeler,  of  New  York,  composed  the  presidential  ticket 
for  the  centennial  year. 

It  was  a sad  disappointment  to  the  Eepublicans  through- 
out the  country  that  Mr.  Blaine  was  not  nominated.  It 
was  as  a personal  grief  to  thousands  in  Pennsylvania  and  in 
Maine,  as  the  news  of  the  defeat  came  to  them.  Mr.  Blaine 
was  decidedly  the  most  popular  man  in  the  convention, 
and  lacked  but  little  of  receiving  the  nomination,  after 
combinations  had  been  formed  against  him. 


BALLOTS  01^  LAST  DAY  OF  THE  COKVEKTIOK. 


CANDIDATES. 

First  Ballot.  j 

1 

Second  Ballot. 

Third  Ballot. 

1 

Fourth  Ballot. 

Fifth  Ballot. 

Sixth  Ballot. 

1 

Seventh  Ballot. 

Blaine 

298 

296 

293 

292 

286 

308 

351 

Bristow 

114 

113 

121 

126 

114 

111 

21 

Conkling 

93 

99 

90 

84 

82 

81 

Morton 

111 

124 

113 

108 

95 

85 

Hartranf  t 

63 

58 

68 

71 

69 

50 

Hayes 

64 

61 

67 

68 

104 

113 

384 

Jewell 

11 

11 

Wheeler 

3 

3 

“2 

’2 

*2 

‘2 

Washburne 

1 

1 

3 

3 

4 

KEPUBLICAK  KATIOKAL  COi^-VENTIOK — 1876.  77 


THE  TRUE  SPIRIT. 

Mr.  Blaine^s  true  spirit  and  his  loyalty  to  Republican 
principles  could  not  have  been  made  more  apparent  than 
by  his  conduct  immediately  following  the  convention  at 
Cincinnati.  He  at  once  gave  in  his  adherence  to  Mr. 
Hayes,  and  during  the  campaign  which  followed,  entered 
the  canvass  as  a political  orator.  In  the  various  States  his 
voice  was  heard. in  support  of  the  Republican  party,  and 
all  the  powerful  influence  of  the  man  was  thrown  into  the 
canvass.  He  was  seen  and  heard  by  tens  of  thousands,  and 
his  oratory  during  the  campaign  endeared  him  to  the 
people  more  closely  than  before. 

PROPOSED  AMENDMENT. 

During  the  summer  of  1876,  the  constitutional  amend- 
ment proposed  by  Mr.  Blaine  received  considerable  atten- 
tion. The  preceding  December  he  had  introduced  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  an  amendment  to  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States,  prohibiting  the  use  of  any  school 
fund  or  other  public  money  by  any  state  or  municipal 
government  for  the  endowment  of  any  school  or  educa- 
tional or  other  institution  under  the  control  of  any  religious 
sect  or  denomination,  or  where  any  religious  doctrine  should 
be  taught.  The  proposed  amendment  was  reported  unan- 
imously from  the  judiciary  committee,  and  passed  the 
House  of  Representatives  with  but  few  dissenting  votes. 
When  the  amendment  reached  the  senate,  the  lawyers  of 
that  body  pronounced  it  altogether  too  loose,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  modify  it,  and  succeeded  in  making  it  more  of  a 
statute  than  a constitutional  provision.  They  further 
included  in  it  the  proviso  that  it  was  not  to  be  construed 
to  prohibit  the  reading  of  the  Bible  in  any  schools,  which 
proviso  was  susceptible  of  meaning  that  such  reading  of 
the  Bible  should  not  be  excluded.  It  also  provided  that 
where  certain  schools  were  already  endowed,  such  endow- 


78 


LIFE  OF  eTAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


ments  were  not  to  be  impaired.  The  result  was  that  an 
opposition  was  excited^  and  the  amendment  failed  to 
receive  the  required  vote.  One  House  did  not  put  enough 
in  the  amendment,  and  the  other  put  too  much,  and 
between  the  two  the  amendment  failed  to  pass. 

This  amendment  was  designed  to  prevent  any  religious 
denomination  obtaining  such  power  as  to  disrupt  the 
American  free  public  school  system.  This  danger  exists 
at  all  times,  and  one  strong  religious  body  is  as  apt  to 
make  the  attempt  as  another.  This  danger  can  be  averted 
for  all  time  only  in  one  way,  and  that  is  by  the  adoption 
of  a constitutional  amendment  similar  to  that  proposed  by 
Mr.  Blaine.  Such  an  amendment  should  receive  support, 
not  only  from  all  liberal-minded  citizens  of  all  parties,  but 
from  the  various  religious  denominations  themselves.  Pro- 
tection would  be  insured  for  all  by  means  of  such  a pro- 
vision, and  all  sects  would  be  on  an  equal  footing,  and 
the  rights  of  the  weakest,  as  well  as  of  the  strongest,  would 
be  fully  protected  under  the  law.  The  provision  would 
protect  the  interests  and  prosperity  of  this  government, 
which  depend  upon  the  absolute  and  permanent  separa- 
tion of  church  and  state,  of  politics  and  religion. 


CHAPTEE  VIII. 


MR  BLAINE  A UNITED . STATES  SENATOR. 

SUCCESSOR  TO  SENATOR  MORRILL. 

ON  the  3d  of  July^  1876,  Governor  Conner,  of  Maine, 
appointed  Mr.  Blaine  United  States  Senator,  to  suc- 
ceed the  Hon.  Lot  M.  Morrill,  who  had  just  resigned  to 
accept  the  post  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  succeeding 
Mr  Bristow,  who  had  just  retired  from  that  trust.  He 
was  subsequently  chosen  by  the  Legislature  of  Maine  to  fill 
out  the  unexpired  term  and  the  one  succeeding  it.  When 
this  honor  had  been  conferred  upon  Mr.  Blaine,  he  wrote 
a farewell  address  to  his  congressional  district,  in  which  he 
said:  Beginning  with  1862,  you  have,  by- continuous 

elections,  sent  me  as  your  representative  to  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States.  For  such  marked  confidence  I have 
endeavored  to  return  the  most  zealous  and  devoted  service 
in  my  power,  and  it  is  certainly  not  without  a feeling  of 
pain  that  I now  surrender  a trust  by  which  I have  always 
felt  so  signally  honored.  It  has  been  my  boast  in  public 
and  private,  that  no  man  on  the  floor  of  Congress  ever 
represented  a constituency  more  distinguished  for  intelli- 
gence, for  patriotism,  for  public  and  personal  virtue.  The 
cordial  support  you  have  so  uniformly  given  me  through 
these  fourteen  eventful  years  is  the  chief  honor  of  my  life. 
In  closing  the  intimate  relations  I have  so  long  held  with 
the  people  of  this  district,  it  is  a great  satisfaction  to  me 
to  know  that,  with  returning  health,  I shall  enter  upon 
a field  of  duty  in  which  I can  still  serve  them  in  common 
with  the  larger  constituency  of  which  they  form  a part.’^ 
Mr.  Blaine  entered  the  Senate  when  the  country  was 
79 


80 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


worked  up  to  fever  heat  over  the  doubtful  presidential 
election.  His  great  prominence  in  national  affairs  at  once 
made  him  a prominent  figure  in  his  new  capacity,  and  he 
often  broke  over  the  traditions  of  the  body  which  require 
that  the  new  members  be  silent  and  allow  their  seniors  to 
monopolize  the  debates.  The  plan  proposed  for  settling 
the  disputed  presidential  election  provided  for  an  electoral 
commission  to  consist  of  five  senators,  five  representatives, 
and  five  supreme  court  judges.  Both  Houses  warmly  dis- 
cussed the  bill  and  passed  it  in  January,  1877.  The  Ke- 
publican  candidates  were  declared  elected.  Mr.  Blaine 
opposed  the  electoral  commission  and  in  this  opposition 
was  supported  by  Senator  Morton  and  other  distinguished 
members  of  that  body. 

Promptly  after  his  inauguration  President  Hayes  recog- 
nized the  Democratic  State  governments  in  South  Carolina 
and  Louisiana,  and  withdrew  such  federal  troops  as  had 
been  detained  there  during  the  previous  administration. 
This  provision,  known  as  Hayes^  southern  policy,  was 
opposed  by  Mr.  Blaine,  who  took  a decided  stand  against  it, 
not  believing  that  the  Eepublican  party  should  abandon  the 
protection  of  the  colored  people  in  the  south. 

THE  SILVER  DOLLAR. 

In  February,  1878,  the  Senate  was  considering  the  bill 
authorizing  the  free  coinage  of  the  standard  silver  dollar  and 
restoring  its  legal-tender  character.  Mr.  Blaine  offered 
a substitute  for  the  bill  which  provided,  First:  That  the 
dollar  shall  contain  four  hundred  and  twenty-five  grains  of 
standard  silver,  shall  have  unlimited  coinage,  and  be  an 
unlimited  legal  tender.  Second:  That  all  profits  of  coin- 
age shall  go  to  the  government,  and  not  to  the  operator  in 
silver  bullion.  Third:  That  silver  dollars  or  silver  bullion, 
assayed  and  mint-stamped,  may  be  deposited  with  the 
Assistant  Treasurer  of  New  York,  for  which  coin-certifi- 
cates may  be  issued,  the  same  in  denomination  as  United 


I 


UNITED  STATES  TREASURY  BUILDING. 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 


81 


States  notes,  not  below  ten  dollars,  and  that  these  shall  be 
redeemable  on  demand  in  coin  or  bullion,  thus  furnishing 
a paper  circulation  based  on  an  actual  deposit  of  precious 
metal,  giving  us  notes  as  valuable  as  those  of  the  Bank  of 
England,  and  doing  away  at  once  with  the  dreaded  incon- 
venience of  silver  on  account  of  bulk  and  weight. 

Mr.  Blaine  addressed  the  Senate  in  a very  effective 
speech.  He  took  the  ground  that  ^^The  effect  of  paying 
the  labor  of  this  country  in  silver  coin  of  full  value,  as 
compared  with  the  irredeemable  paper,  or  as  compared 
even  with  silver  of  inferior  value,  will  make  itself  felt  in  a 
single  generation  to  the  extent  of  tens  of  millions,  per- 
haps hundreds  of  millions,  in  the  aggregate  savings  which 
represent  consolidated  capital.  It  is  the  instinct  of  man, 
from  the  savage  to  the  scholar — developed  in  childhood 
and  remaining  with  age — to  value  the  metals  which  in  all 
tongues  are  called  precious.  Excessive  paper  money  leads 
to  extravagance,  to  waste,  and  to  want,  as  we  painfully 
witness  on  all  sides  to-day.  And  in  the  midst  of  the  proof 
of  its  demoralizing  and  destructive  effect,  we  hear  it  pro- 
claimed in  the  halls  of  Congress  that  ^ the  people  demand 
cheap  money. ^ I deny  it.  I declare  such  a phrase  to  be 
a total  misapprehension — a total  misinterpretation  of  the 
popular  wish.  The  people  do  not  demand  cheap  money. 
They  demand  an  abundance  of  good  money,  which  is  an 
entirely  different  thing.  They  do  not  want  a single  gold 
standard,  that  will  exclude  silver  and  benefit  those  already 
rich.  They  do  not  want  an  inferior  silver  standard,  that 
will  drive  out  gold  and  not  Help  those  already  poor.  They 
want  both  metals,  in  full  value,  in  equal  honor,  in  what- 
ever abundance  the  bountiful  earth  will  yield  them  to  the 
searching  eye  of  science  and  to  the  hard  hand  of  labor. 

The  two  metals  have  existed,  side  by  side,  in  harmo- 
nious, honorable  companionship  as  money,  ever  since 
intelligent  trade  was  known  among  men.  It  is  well  nigh 
forty  centuries  since  ^Abraham  weighed  to  Ephron  four 
0 


82 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAII^'E. 


hundred  shekels  of  silver — current  money  with  the  mer- 
chant/ Since  that  time  nations  have  risen  and  fallen^ 
races  have  disappeared^  dialects  and  languages  have  been 
forgotten,  arts  have  been  lost,  treasures  have  perished, 
continents  have  been  discovered,  islands  have  been  sunk  in 
the  sea,  and  through  all  these  ages  and  through  all  these 
changes  silver  and  gold  have  reigned  supreme,  as  the  rep- 
resentatives of  value,  as  the  media  of  exchange.  The 
dethronement  of  each  has  been  attempted  in  turn,  and 
sometimes  the  dethronement  of  both;  but  always  in  vain! 
And  we  are  here  to-day,  deliberating  anew  over  the  prob- 
lem which  comes  down  to  us  from  Abraham^s  time — the 
weight  of  the  silver  that  shall  be  ^ current  money  with  the 
merchant.^ 

SPEECH  CUEREHCY  AT  BIDDEFORD. 

Mr.  Blaine^s  views  on  currency  are  well  known  to  the 
people  of  the  country,  not  only  from  his  speeches  in  Con- 
gress, but  from  those  in  other  sections  of  the  country.  In 
August,  1878,  he  delivered  a speech  on  financial  questions 
at  Biddeford,  Maine.  The  currency  question  was  by  com- 
mon consent  the  great  question  of  the  hour.  The  speaker 
regretted  that  condition  of  things,  because  if  there  was 
one  thing  the  people  could  not  afford  it  was  a political 
currency  question.  He  wanted  it  settled,  and  to  have  it 
settled  right.  He  then  reviewed  the  history  of  currency 
from  1861  to  the  time  then  present. 

YIOLATIOFT  OF  EIGHTS  AT  ELECTIONS. 

Mr.  Blaine  had  the  national  ear  in  the  Senate,  Decem- 
ber 11,  speaking  on  the  resolution  purposing  an  inquiry 
in  all  cases  into  the  rights  of  citizens  wherein  any  may  have 
been  abridged  or  violated  in  recent  elections.  The  reso- 
lutions singled  out  no  State  or  collection  of  States.  It 
included  Massachusetts  along  with  South  Carolina,  and 
New  York,  as  well  as  Louisiana.  Mr.  Blaine’s  ideas  were, 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOK. 


83 


as  presented  in  his  address,  that  the  South  claimed  a repre- 
sentation in  Congress  in  pi’oportion  to  the  total  population 
including  ex-slaves  as  well  as  whites.  But  the  practical 
disfranchisement  of  the  blacks  permitted  the  white  voters 
in  the  South  to  elect  nearly  twice  as  many  representatives 
as  they  would  be  entitled  to  if  the  blacks  were  excluded  in 
the  apportionment  as  well  as  in  voting.  The  three  States 
of  South  Carolina,  Mississippi  and  Louisiana  had  seventeen 
representatives  apportioned  on  the  basis  of  1,035,000  white 
votes  and  1,224,000  colored.  Nine  of  the  representatives 
given  these  three  States  were  apportioned  by  choice  of  the 
colored  population  who  were  not  permitted  to  elect  one  of 
them.  The  result  was  that  1,035,000  white  voters  had  as 
many  representatives  in  Congress  and  as  large  a voice  in 
the  affairs  of  the  nation  as  the  2,247,000  white  voters  of 
Iowa  and  Wisconsin,  who  had  seventeen  representatives. 
In  other  words,  Mr.  Blaine  put  it  thus:  60,000  white 
people  in  those  southern  States  had  precisely  the  same 
political  power  as  132,000  white  people  had  in  Iowa  and 
Wisconsin.  This  state  of  things  gave  the  South  more 
advantage  over  the  North  than  was  given  in  the  days  of 
slavery.  Then  the  whites  elected  representatives  to  Con- 
gress for  three-fifths  of  their  colored  population  in  addition 
to  their  own  apportionment.  Now  the  Southern  appor- 
tionment included  the  entire  colored  population,  which  as 
a matter  of  fact  had  no  more  voice  in  choosing  repre- 
sentatives than  it  had  while  in  a condition  of  slavery.  The 
argument  was  based  of  course  upon  the  assumption  that 
the  colored  voters  were  practically  disfranchised,  which 
was  the  subject  of  inquiry. 

The  success  of  Mr.  Blaine  in  supporting  his  position 
was  regarded  a brilliant  stroke,  and  won  for  him  applause 
throughout  the  Nation.  One  rule  prevailed  all  over 
the  South:  Wherever  the  colored  people  were  in  the  mi- 
nority, they  were  permitted  to  vote  as  they  pleased;  wher- 
ever they  were  in  the  majority,  they  were  not  permitted  to 


84 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


vote  as  they  pleased.  A variety  of  methods  had  been 
adopted  to  nullify  the  colored  majority  wherever  it  existed. 
In  some  cases  the  ballot  had  been  taken  from  them  by 
imposing  an  excessive  poll-tax,  and  other  conditions  witii 
which  the  majority  could  not  comply.  In  other  cases 
they  were  disfranchised,  their  candidates  driven  off,  some 
of  their  number  killed,  and  others  threatened  and  terrified. 
In  still  other  cases,  the  tissue  and  the  stuffing  of  the  ballot- 
boxes  had  accomplished  tlie  business.  The  net  result  was 
the  same,  namely,  that  the  colored  people  were  counted 
to  give  the  South  thirtj^-five  more  congressmen  than  it 
otherwise  would  be  entitled  to,  but  they  were  not  per- 
mitted to  choose  any  of  these  congressmen.  The  North 
had  a selfish  interest,  as  well  as  a patriotic  concern  in  this 
matter.  By  the  disfranchisement  of  the  colored  voters,  the 
confederates  of  the  South  controlled  one  hundred  and  six 
Kepresentatives  and  thirty-five  Senators.  They  required 
but  a small  number  of  accomplices  at  the  North  to  be  able 
to  disrupt  the  legislation  and  the  policy  of  the  country. 
The  great  financial,  commercial  and  agricultural  interests 
of  the  New  England,  Eastern,  Middle  and  Western  States 
might  thus  be  made  subject  to  the  absolute  despotism  of 
the  minority  within  that  section  of  the  country  by  the 
operation  of  a fraud.  Such  a result  could  not  be  patiently 
submitted  to  by  the  people  north  of  Mason  and  Dixon’s 
line. 

In  replying  to  Mr.  Blaine,  Mr.  Thurman  intimated 
that  a solid  South  was  the  pretext  for  a solid  North,  but  it 
was  thought  to  be  more  accurate  to  say  that  a solid  North 
would  be  the  natural  result  of  a solid  South.  The  South, 
by  a system  of  frauds  and  the  prostitution  of  local  legisla- 
ture and  judiciary,  had  succeeded  in  avoiding  the  consti- 
tutional amendments,  for  incurring  the  penalty  of  a luss 
in  representation,  and  if  there  should  be  no  other  peaceful 
and  lawful  way  of  either  preventing  or  punishing  this 
avoidance,  then  the  remedy  was  in  a solid  North,  and  it 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOll. 


85 


was  asserted  that  the  Democratic  leaders  should  not  pre- 
cipitate the  issue.  But/^  contined  Mr.  Blaine,  when- 
ever a feeble  protest  is  made  against  such  injustice,  as  I 
have  described  in  the  South,  the  response  we  get  comes  to 
us  in  the  form  of  a taunt,  ^ What  are  you  going  to  do  about 
it?'’  and  ^ How  do  you  propose  to  help  yourselves?^  This 
is  the  stereotyped  answer  of  defiance  which  intrenched 
Wrong  always  gives  to  inquiring  Justice;  and  those  who 
imagine  it  to  be  conclusive  do  not  know  the  temper  of  the 
American  people.  For^  let  me  assure  you,  that  against 
the  complicated  outrage  upon  the  right  of  representation, 
lately  triumphant  in  the  South,  there  will  be  arrayed  many 
phases  of  public  opinion  in  the  North  not  often  hitherto 
in  harmony.  Men  who  have  cared  little,  and  affected  to 
care  less,  for  the  rights  or  the  wrongs  of  the  Negro,  sud- 
denly find  that  vast  monetary  and  commercial  interests, 
great  questions  of  revenue,  adjustments  of  tariff,  vast  in- 
vestments in  manufactures,  in  railways,  and  in  mines,  are 
under  the  control  of  a Democratic  Congress,  whose  major- 
ity was  obtained  by  depriving  the  Negro  of  his  rights  under 
a common  Constitution  and  common  laws.  Men  who  have 
expressed  disgust  with  the  ^ waving  of  bloody  shirts,^  and 
have  been  offended  witli  talk  about  Negro  equality,  are  be- 
ginning to  perceive  that  the  pending  question  of  to-day 
relates  more  pressingly  to  the  equality  of  white  men  under 
this  Government,  and  that  however  careless  they  may  be 
about  the  rights  or  the  wrongs  of  the  Negro,  they  are  very 
jealous  and  tenacious  about  the  rights  of  their  own  race, 
and  the  dignity  of  their  own  firesides  and  their  own  kin- 
dred. 

know  something  of  public  opinion  in  the  North.  I 
know  a great  deal  about  the  views,  wishes  and  purposes  of 
the  Eepublican  party  of  the  Nation.  Within  that  entire 
great  organization  there  is  not  one  man,  whose  opinion  is 
entitled  to  be  quoted,  that  does  not  desire  peace  and  har- 
mony and  friendship,  and  a patriotic  and  fraternal  union 


86 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIISTE. 


between  the  North  and  the  South.  This  wish  is  sponta- 
neous, instinctive,  universal  throughout  the  Northern 
States;  and  yet,  among  men  of  character  and  sense,  there 
is  surely  no  need  of  attempting  to  deceive  ourselves  as  to 
the  precise  truth.  First  pure,  then  peaceable.  Gush  will 
not  remove  a grievance,  and  no  disguise  of  State  rights  will 
close  the  eyes  of  our  people  to  the  necessity  of  correcting  a 
great  national  wrong.  Nor  should  the  South  make  the 
fatal  mistake  of  concluding  that  injustice  to  the  Negro  is 
not  also  injustice  to  the  white  man  ; nor  should  it  ever  be 
forgotten  that  for  the  wrongs  of  both  a remedy  will  assur- 
edly be  found.  The  war,  with  all  its  costly  sacrifices,  was 
fought  in  vain,  unless  equal  rights  for  all  classes  be  estab- 
lished in  all  the  States  of  the  Union;  and  now,  in  words 
which  are  those  of  friendship,  however  differently  they  may 
be  accepted,  I tell  the  men  of  the  South  here  on  this  floor 
and  beyond  this  chamber,  that  even  if  they  could  strip  the 
Negro  of  his  constitutional  rights,  they  can  never  perma- 
nently maintain  the  inequality  of  white  men  in  this  Nation — 
they  can  never  make  a white  man^s  vote  in  the  South 
doubly  as  powerful  in  the  administration  of  the  Govern- 
ment as  a white  man^s  vote  in  the  North. 

^^In  a memorable  debate  in  the  House  of  Commons,  Mr. 
Macaulay  reminded  Daniel  O^Oonnell,  when  he  was  mov- 
ing for  repeal,  that  the  English  Whigs  had  endured 
calumny,  abuse,  popular  fury,  loss  of  position,  exclusion 
from  Parliament,  rather  than  the  great  Agitator  himself 
should  be  less  than  a British  subject;  and  Mr.  Macaulay 
warned  him  that  they  would  never  suffer  him  to  be  more. 
And  let  me  now  remind  you  that  the  Government  under 
whose  protecting  flag  we  sit  to-day,  sacrificed  myriads  of 
lives  and  expended  thousands  of  millions  of  treasure  that 
our  countrymen  of  the  South  should  remain  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  having  equal  personal  rights  and  equal 
political  privileges  with  all  other  citizens.  And  I venture, 
now  and  here,  to  warn  the  men  of  the  South,  in  the  exact 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 


87 


words  of  Macaulay,  that  we  will  never  suffer  them  to  be 
more  ! 

TARIFF. 

In  April,  1878,  Mr.  Blaine  offered  these  resolutions: 

Resolved,  That  any  radical  change  in  our  present  tariff  laws  would, 
in  the  judgment  of  the  Senate,  be  inopportune,  would  needlessly  derange 
the  business  interests  of  the  country,  and  would  seriously  retard  that 
return  to  prosperity  for  which  all  should  earnestly  co-operate. 

Resolved,  That,  in  the  judgment  of  the  Senate,  it  should  be  the 
fixed  policy  of  this  Government  so  to  maintain  our  tariff  for  revenue 
as  to  afford  adequate  protection  to  American  labor. 

Nine  days  after  this,  Mr.  Blaine  called  up  his  resolu- 
tions, and  urged  their  passage.  The  appointment  of  the 
tariff  commission  received  consideration  by  the  Senate, 
but  Mr.  Blaine  thought  it  a most  mischievous  measure  in 
its  effects — not,  of  course,  so  designed  by  the  mover  of  it — 
but  he  said  that  nothing  would  more  effectually  unsettle 
the  business  of  the  country,  and  that  the  roving  of  the 
commission  over  the  country  would  only  elongate  the  evil; 
would  only  increase  it,  and  keep  drawing  it  out  over  a long 
time.  There  was  no  form,  in  his  judgment,  which  the 
tariff  discussions  or  the  tariff  legislations  could  take,  that 
would  be  fraught  with  more  mischief  to  the  country  than 
to  have  the  eommission  sitting  upon  it.  After  they  had 
made  their  report,  it  could  not  affect  legislation  here  or 
influenee  the  opinion  of  any  person  in  either  branch  of 
Congress  one  way  or  the  other.  We  have  had  many  of 
these  commissions  upon  divers  and  sundry  subjects,  and  I 
have  never  known  them  to  do  a particle  of  good,  so  far  as 
producing  a result  in  practical  legislation.^^ 

After  listening  to  a speech  on  the  tariff,  delivered  by 
Senator  Beck,  Mr.  Blaine  said: 

^^Mr.  President:  The  honorable  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky (Mr.  Beck),  quite  prematurely,  and  without  my 
expectation,  launched  forth  into  an  argument  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  tariff;  and  very  naturally,  taking  the  side  he 


88 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIFTE. 


does,  he  quarrels  with  the  civilization  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  He  says  it  is  the  machinery  that  is  to  blame. 
We  have  got  machinery  in  this  country,  he  says,  that  will 
do  the  work  of  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  million  men, 
and  there  is  where  all  the  trouble  is.  Of  course,  the 
logical  result  of  the  Senator's  argument  is  to  abolish  the 
locomotive,  the  steam-engine  and  all  modern  appliances  of 
transportation  and  manufacture,  and  go  back  to  the  hand- 
loom  and  the  wagon.  * * * 

The  Senator  said — he  may  correct  his  argument  now — 
that  we  had  the  machinery  here,  which  was  the  slave  of 
the  owners  of  it,  that  they  could  command  it  to  stand  still 
or  to  turn  when  they  chose,  that  the  laborer  was  their 
servant,  and  that  he  had  no  independence  outside  of  the 
machinery.  I do  not  understand  any  logical  result,  or  see 
how  the  Senator  can  free  the  laborer  from  the  position  he 
puts  him  in,  but  by  abolishing  the  machinery;  I do  not 
understand  it  otherwise.  And  I think  among  the  anoma- 
lies that  American  politics  turn  up — and  we  meet  many  of 
them  in  this  chamber — among  the  strange  contradictions 
that  history  develops,  is  that  the  seat  of  Henry  Olay,  in 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  should  be  the  place  from 
which  a free-trade  argument  to  overthrow  the  American 
system  and  take  the  side  of  the  free-trader  should  be  made. 
It  is  one  of  the  anomalies  of  American  politics;  and  the 
argument  of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  goes  right  back 
to  what  was  said  before  the  war  by  a distinguished  southern 
man,  that  he  hoped  to  see  the  day  when  the  old  barter 
between  the  English  ship  that  was  anchored  in  the  Savan- 
nah or  the  Potomac,  or  the  Cooper  or  the  Ashley,  should 
be  resumed  with  the  planter  who  shipped  directly  to 
England;  and  it  is  that  spirit  to-day  which  holds  in  man- 
acles and  paralyzes  the  development  of  the  southern 
country. 

The  Senator  recalled  to  us  the  great  tariff  of  Robert 
J.  Walker,  and  cited  to  us  the  vast  achievement  of  politi- 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 


89 


cal  philosophy  and  economy  that  man  presented  to  us  in 
his  three  reports  of  1845,  1846  and  1847.  Well,  the  tariff 
of  Kobert  J.  Walker  had  abundant  opportunity  to  ^run 
and  be  glorified  ’ in  this  country,  and  it  ran  us  into  bank- 
ruptcy and  want  and  ruin.  It  was  modified  in  1857,  going 
still  further  in  the  same  direction.  The  years  1857,  1858, 
1859  and  1860  were  years  of  prostration  and  financial  ruin, 
and  wide-spread  disaster  and  want,  in  which  the  laborer 
was  not  employed.  Those  four  years  were  much  more 
severe  in  many  portions  of  this  country  than  even  the 
four  past  years  which  we  have  just  gone  through.  So, 
when  the  Senator  presents  to  us  the  fact  that  Eobert  J. 
Walker  established  the  tariff  of  1846,  he  presents  it  as  a 
beacon  of  warning  to  every  man  who  remembers  its  effect 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  manufacturing 
industries  of  this  country. 

There  we  see  developed  a little  collision  between  oiir 
friends  on  the. other  side.  When  the  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky (Mr.  Beck)  was  laying  down  the  Simon  Pare  Demo- 
cratic doctrine  as  it  was  announced  at  the  last  national 
sanhedrim  of  that  party,  the  Senator  from  Pennsylvania 
(Mr.  Wallace)  put  in  an  exception,  and  the  Senator  from 
Pennsylvania  said  that  it  was  fully  understood  that  the 
free-trade  side  of  the  tariff  question  was  not  to  be  a 
Democratic  doctrine,  but  that  all  the  Congressional  dis- 
tricts were  to  be  left  to  determine  that  matter  for  them- 
selves. Everybody  knows  that  was  a contrivance  got  up 
for  the  benefit  of  gentlemen  placed  exactly  in  the  delicate 
attitude  of  the  Senator  from  Pennsylvania,  who  have  pro- 
tective-tariff constituents  behind,  allied  with  the  free- 
trade  party  in  the  country  at  large,  and  the  guise  which 
was  made  and  attempted  for  the  benefit  of  Mr.  Greeley  in 
his  campaign,  was  boldly  thrown  off  at  St.  Louis  when 
Mr.  Tilden  became  the  standard-bearer. 

^^The  Senator  from  Kentucky  warned  us  that  the 
trouble  is  radical,  and  he  called  up  the  fact  of  an  Ameri- 


90 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIHE. 


can  ship  being  launched  a few  days  since  on  the  Delaware; 
and  he  said  you  may  build  that  ship  at  the  same  rate  that 
an  English  ship  is,  load  her  with  goods  manufactured  in 
this  country  as  cheaply  as  in  England,  and  send  her  to  her 
port,  and  the  trouble  is  she  has  nothing  to  bring  back.  I 
wish  the  Senator  would  give  me  his  attention  this  moment. 
The  trouble  is  that  we  have  nothing  to  bring  back,  the 
Senator  says.  Well,  he  was  singularly  unfortunate  in  his 
allusion,  because,  of  a total  export  annually  from  Brazil  of 
less  than  $90,000,000,  we  take  $40,000,000;  of  a total 
export  from  Brazil  of  $500,000,000  within  the  last  six 
years  we  have  taken  well-nigh  $250,000,000.  The  Senator 
says  the  trouble  is  that  we  may  sail  our  ships  wherever  we 
please,  but  we  can  get  no  return  cargo.  I suppose  the 
idea  is  that  we  had  better  take  our  coffee  and  dyewoods 
and  other  things  of  that  sort  from  Brazil  in  British  bot- 
toms. 

Mr,  Beck, — Will  the  Senator  allow  me  to  say,  that  I 
referred  to  vessels  sailing  to  Valparaiso  and  trading  with 
Chili?  and  every  fact  I stated  is  true,  and  I hold  evidence 
in  my  hand,  compiled  by  Mr.  Wells  in  a little  work  that 
the  Senator  from  Maine  would  do  well  to  read,  giving 
exactly  the  facts  that  I stated.  As  to  Brazil,  we  have 
more  trade  with  her  because  coffee  has  been  made  free 
lately;  and  that  is  the  only  reason  we  trade  with  Brazil. 

Mr,  Blaine, — We  took  scarcely  less  coffee  when  it  was 
taxed. 

Mr,  Beck, — I never  mentioned  Brazil  in  my  remarks. 

Mr,  Blaine, — The  Senator  mentioned  the  City  of  Para 
and  the  port  to  which  she  was  destined  to  run.  The  City 
of  Para  was  launched  for  a Brazilian  line,  and  all  the 
parade  of  Congress  and  the  President  that  went  over  there 
was  to  inaugurate  that  line.  Is  not  that  the  fact?  You 
may  mention  any  other  South  American  port,  but  you  do 
not  change  the  argument  a particle.  We  take  a great  deal 
more  from  all  these  countries  than  we  send  to  them^  and 


UNITED  STATES  SEKATOK. 


91 


yet  the  Senator  says  the  trouble  is  we  can  get  no  return 
cargo.  His  argument  does  not  stand  at  all.  Mr.  Presi- 
dent, there  is  no  more  hurtful  agitation  to-day  in  this 
country  than  the  agitation  of  the  tariff.  The  Senator 
talks  of  a lobby  being  here.  That  is  always  the  cry,  when 
anything  comes  up,  there  is  a lobby!^^  Has  the  Senator 
seen  a tariff  lobby  here  ? 

Mr.  Beck. — I served  upon  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means  in  the  House  under  the  distinguished  Senator  from 
Massachusetts  (Mr.  Dawes),  and  our  room  was  full  of 
them,  from  the  time  we  met  until  we  adjourned,  demand- 
ing more  protection. 

Mr.  Blaine. — When  the  gentleman  was  on  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means,  the  persons  interested  in  the 
tariff  were  coming  there  to  give  testimony;  they  were 
coming  to  give  just  what  you  propose  now  to  get  a Com- 
mission to  give.  They  were  coming  in  there  to  give  you 
voluntarily  what  you  propose  to  get  a roving  Commission 
rambling  all  over  the  country  to  inquire  into. 

Mr.  Beck. — I am  not  a member  of  the  present  Com- 
mittee on  Finance,  and  how  far  their  rooms  are  filled  I 
cannot  tell,  but  I know  that  there  are  men  here  from  all 
parts  of  the  country  resisting  the  reduction  of  the  tariff. 

Mr.  Blaine. — Very  well.  Now  I ask  the  Senator  from 
Kentucky  another  question.  Does  he  know  of,  has  he 
seen,  a petition  presented  in  either  House  of  Congress  at 
the  present  session  for  a repeal  or  modification  of  the  pres- 
ent tariff? 

Mr.  Beck. — I will  answer  the  Senator  that  the  great 
unorganized  mass  of  the  people  have  nobody  to  speak  for 
them. 

Mr.  Blaine. — Ah! 

Mr.  Beck. — It  is  only  the  classes  that  are  interested 
who  come  here.  Did  the  Senator  ever  know  of  petitions 
asking  for  a reduction  of  taxes? 

Mr.  Blaine. — What  is  to  hinder  the  great  unorganized 


92 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIFTE. 


mass  of  people  out  in  Kentucky  sending  petitions  to  their 
distinguished  Senators  to  be  presented  here? 

3Ir.  Beck, — Because  they  have  to  rely  on  their  Eepre- 
sentatives  on  this  floor  and  the  other  to  speak  for  them; 
but  it  is  men  who  want  something,  special  protection,  to 
tax  all  the  people  to  give  them  more,  that  are  always  here 
asking  for  more.  Of  course,  the  people  who  are  interested 
are  scattered  all  over  the  country,  and  can  neither  organize 
nor  get  together.  They  have  no  clubs,  they  have  no  rings, 
they  have  no  associations  through  which  they  can  speak. 

Mr,  Dawes, — The  Senator  from  Kentucky  has  alluded 
to  his  service  upon  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  in, 
the  House  of  Eepresentatives,  and  said  that  the  room  of 
the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  was  crowded  with  men 
demanding  more  protection.  Does  the  Senator  mean  to 
say  that  there  was  one  more  man  in  the  room  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means  demanding  protection  than 
there  were  men  demanding  that  the  tariff  should  be  re- 
duced ? Does  not  the  Senator  know  that  there  were  or- 
ganizations represented  before  the  committee,  whose  sole 
purpose  it  was  to  institute  just  such  a tariff  as  the  tariff 
of  1846  ? They  had  their  organs  here;  they  had  their 
office  in  this  city;  they  had  their  bureau;  they  had  their 
men  employed  on  a salary  here  who  wore  in  the  room  of 
the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  day  in  and  day  out, 
urging  their  consideration  upon  the  Committee;  and  the 
result  of  it  all  was  that  they  were  discomflted  and  routed 
in  the  argument,  and  they  have  been  quiet  from  that  day 
to  this. 

Mr,  Beck, — I never  heard  of  organizations  of  that  sort. 
There  may  have  been,  and  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts 
may  know  of  them. 

Mr,  Dawes, — If  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  has  for- 
gotten the  names  of  those  who  represented  those  organi- 
zations, I can  give  them  to  him. 

Mr,  Beck, — What  organizations  were  they? 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 


93 


Mr,  Dawes, — There  was  an  organization  represented  by 
a man  by  the  name  of  Grosvenor,  from  Missouri  here,  who 
had  a bureau  on  Pennsylvania  avenue,  and  who  urged  upon 
that  Committee  a system  of  tariif  which  would  put  the 
manufactured  article  below  the  raw  material  in  the  duty; 
and  when  I suggested  to  him  to  make  a tariif  upon  his  prin- 
ciple and  bring  it  to  the  committee-room,  which  would  raise 
a revenue  that  would  defray  the  expenses  of  the  Govern- 
ment and  pay  the  interest  on  the  national  debt,  and  I would 
submit  it,  he  utterly  failed  and  confessed  his  inability  to 
do  it.  The  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  liad  to  meet 
this  question  to  raise  revenue  for  the  country  and  pay  the 
interest  on  the  public  debt,  and  say  whether  they  would 
put  the  duty  for  that  purpose  on  the  raw  material  or  upon 
the  manufactured  article,  and  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means  came  to  the  conclusion,  after  having  heard  all  par- 
ties, that  it  was  wiser  to  put  it  upon  the  manufactured 
article  than  upon  the  raw  material;  and  the  policy  of  that 
committee  was  to  put  the  raw  material,  wherever  it  was 
produced,  at  the  door  of  the  shop  of  the  manufacturer  as 
cheaply  as  it  was  j^ossible  to  do  it,  taking  olf  the  duty  and 
reducing  the  transportation,  putting  it  at  the  door  of  the 
manufacturer  as  cheaply  as  possible,  and  put  the  duty  upon 
tea  and  coffee  and  upon  the  manufactured  articles  to  meet 
I the  exigencies  of  the  country. 

I Mr,  Blaine, — But  there  was  one  very  remarkable  ex- 
ception of  raw  material,  and  that  was  hemp,  which  w’as 
[ produced  by  the  State  of  Kentucky.  While  they  took  good 
icare  to  make  almost  all  other  raw  materials  cheap,  I think 
the  honorable  Senator  from  Kentucky  wisely  looked  out 
for  his  own  State,  and  got  a very  large  duty  put  on 
hemp,  jute,  and  all  kindred  grasses. 

Mr,  BecTc, — I desire  to  say  to  the  Senator  from  Maine 
and  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  that  they  are  unfort- 
unate in  their  facts,  because  they  are  not  true. 


94 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


Mr,  Blaine, — All  I know  on  that  point  is,  that  the 
Senator  from  Kentucky  was  a member  of  the  Committee 
of  AVays  and  Means,  and  that  in  the  tariff  bill  reported 
there  was  a very  large  protection,  which  I believe  still 
exists,  on  hemp.  It  was  exceptionally  large,  as  contrasted 
with  the  other  raw  materials  needed  for  the  manufactures 
of  this  country,  and  I always  gave  credit  to  the  Senator 
from  Kentucky,  who  is  a watchful  and  able  and  zealous 
representative  of  his  constituents,  for  getting  that  pro- 
tection put  in.  He  took  good  care  to  have  his  own  door- 
step swept  very  clean,  but  seems  to  have  cared  very  little 
about  what  became  of  his  neighbors. 

Mr,  Beck, — That  is  all  very  smart.  I have  answered 
that  the  facts  are  not  so,  and  I will  show  it  to-morrow 
when  I get  a chance. 

Mr,  Blaine, — If  the  Senator  can  show  that  there  has 
not  been,  from  the  time  he  was  a member  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  AVays  and  Means,  an  exceptionally  heavy  duty 
on  hemp,  then  he  can  show  that  I am  mistaken,  and  I will 
very  gracefully,  or  as  gracefully  as  I can,  acknowledge  it; 
but  I think  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  will  not  be  quite 
able  to  show  the  fact.  I do  not  wish  to  trench  upon  the  time 
given  to  other  measures  before  the  Senate;  but  this  matter 
I hope  will  come  up  when  we  can  have  a freer  discussion. 

KEMOVIllIG  DISABILITIES. 

In  the  spring  of  1878  there  was  a bill  before  the  Senate 
making  appropriations  for  arrears  of  pensions.  Mr. 
Blaine  took  an  active  part  in  the  discussion,  the  most 
interesting  portion  of  which  pertained  to  remarks  on 
removing  the  disabilities  from  Jefferson  Davis.  He 
defended  the  action  of  the  Eepublican  party  regarding 
amnesty,  and  in  reply  to  a remark  of  Mr.  Thurman,  Mr. 
Blaine  resented  with  some  little  feeling  the  Senator's  com- 
plaint that  the  Kepublicans  were  taking  some  extraordi- 
nary course  with  the  name  of  Jefferson  Davis.  AVe  do  not 


UKITED  STATES  SEJSTATOEo 


95 


bring  him  here/’  said  Mr.  Blaine.  You  bear  his  mangled 
remains  before  us,  and  then,  if  we  do  not  happen  to  vieV 
them  with  the  same  admiration  that  seems  to  inspire  the 
Senator  from  Ohio,  we  are  doing  something  derogatory  to 
our  own  dignity  and  to  the  honor  of  the  country;  and 
when  the  honorable  Senator  from  Mississippi  comes  to  his 
defense,  the  first  word  he  had  to  speak  for  Mr.  Davis  was 
that  he  never  counseled  insurrection  against  the  govern- 
ment. I took  the  words  down.  He  has  never  counseled 
insurrection!  Let  us  be  thankful.  Why  should  we  not 
pension  a man  who  has  shown  such  loyalty  that  he  has 
never  counseled  insurrection?  That  is  from  the  repre- 
sentative of  his  own  State.  I took  the  words  down  when 
he  spoke  them;  I was  amazed;  I did  not  exactly  consider 
the  words  of  the  honorable  Senator  from  Mississippi  a 
wanton  insult  to  apply  to  me  or  anybody  else,  but  I con- 
sider them  to  be  most  extraordinary  words,  that  when 
pleading  the  cause  of  Jefferson  Davis  at  the  bar  of  the 
American  Senate  to  be  pensioned  on  its  roll  of  honor,  his 
personal  representative,  his  associate,  his  friend,  his  fol- 
lower, commends  him  to  the  American  j>eople,  because  he 
has  been  so  loyal  that  he  has  never  counseled  insurrection 
since  the  war  was  over. 

This  is  the  man  brought  in  here  who,  according  to 
the  Senator  from  Mississippi,  is  to  go  down  to  history  the 
peer  of  Washington  and  Hampden,  fighting  in  the  same 
cause,  entitled  to  the  same  niche  in  history,  inspired  by 
the  same  patriotic  motives,  to  be  admired  for  the  same 
self-consecration. 

Let  me  tell  the  honorable  Senator  from  Mississippi, 
that  in  all  the  years  that  I have  served  in  Congress  I have 
never  voluntarily  brought  the  name  of  Jefferson  Davis  be- 
fore either  branch;  but  I tell  him  that  he  is  asking  human- 
ity to  forget  its  instincts  and  patriotism  to  be  changed  to 
crime,  before  he  will  find  impartial  history  place  Mr. 
Jefferson  Davis  anywhere  in  the  roll  that  has  for  its 


90 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


brightest  and  greatest  names^  George  Washington  and 
John  Hampden. 

^^The  government  of  the  United  States  never  disfran- 
chised or  put  under  political  disabilities  more  than  four- 
teen thousand  men  in  the  entire  south.  Out  of  two 
millions  who  were  in  the  war  it  never  disfranchised  over 
fourteen  thousand  men.  There  are  not  two  hundred  left 
to-day  with  political  disabilities  upon  them.  There  is  not 
one  that  ever  respectfully,  or  any  other  way,  petitioned  to 
be  relieved  and  was  refused.  I know  very  well  what  the 
honorable  Senator  from  Ohio  meant,  when  he  said  that 
Hon.  Jefferson  Davis  should  commend  himself,  because  he 
was  not  an  office-seeker  and  had  not  asked  to  be  relieved 
of  disabilities.  W^hy,  if  the  newspapers  are  to  be  credited, 
especially  those  in  the  Southern  Democratic  interest,  Mr. 
Davis  is  a candidate  for  office;  he  is  pledged  to  sit  on  the 
other  side  of  this  Chamber  two  years  hence,  and  the  hon- 
orable Senator  from  Ohio  will  in  the  next  Congress  with 
his  eloquence — I am  predicting  now — urge  that  these  dis- 
abilities be  removed  from  him.  I predict  further  that  he 
will  urge  it  v/ithout  Jefferson  Davis  paying  the  respect  to 
the  great  government  against  which  he  rebelled,  simply 
asking  in  respectful  language  that  disabilities  be  taken 
from  him.  He  has  never  asked  it;  I am  very  sure  that 
another  great  leader  in  the  south,  Mr.  Toombs,  of  Georgia, 
has  boasted  that  he  would  never  do  it;  and  in  the  House 
of  Eepresentatives  three  years  ago,  when  the  general 
amnesty  bill  was  pending  and  it  was  proposed  that  the 
amnesty  should  be  granted  merely  on  the  condition  that  it 
should  be  asked  for  by  each  person  desiring  it,  that  it  was 
resisted  to  the  bitter  end — this  great  government  was  to  go 
to  them  and  ask  them  if  they  would  take  it.  The  action 
of  the  Democratic  House  of  Eepresentatives — I am  speak- 
ing of  the  past  now,  which  is  quite  within  parliamentary 
limits — the  action  of  the  Democratic  House  of  Eepresenta- 
tives was  not  that  Jefferson  Davis  might  have  his  disabili- 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 


97 


ties  removed  upon  respectful  petition,  but  that  we  should 
go  to  him  and  petition  him  to  allow  us  to  remove  them.^'^ 

CHINESE  IMMIGRATION. 

Senator  Blaine  having  canvassed  in  the  interest  of  the 
Eepublican  party  in  the  fall  of  1878,  entered  the  Senate  in 
December  of  that  year.  During  this  session  the  Chinese 
bill  created  much  interest.  The  bill  did  not  propose  to 
interfere  or  disturb  any  Chinamen  then  in  the  country, 
but  applied  only  to  the  future;  and  in  favor  of  this  bill 
Mr.  Blaine^s  voice  was  heard  both  in  the  Senate  and  out 
of  it.  Mr.  William  Lloyd  Garrison  had  published  in  the 
New  York  papers  some  remarks  reflecting  upon  the  Sena- 
tors who  voted  for  the  bill  restricting  Chinese  immigration. 
Mr.  Blaine  wrote  a letter  to  Mr.  Garrison,  setting  forth 
his  views  upon  the  subject.  He  gave  ten  reasons  for  his 
support  of  tlie  bill,  calling  attention  to  Mr.  Carlisle’s 
statement  that  America  would  have  no  trouble  so  long  as 
it  had  few  people  and  much  land,  but  when  it  should  have 
much  people  and  little  land  its  trials  would  begin.  In 
giving  one  of  his  reasons,  Mr.  Blaine  said  that  ^Gf  the  Chi- 
nese felt  that  they  were  safe  and  had  a firm  footing  in 
California,  they  would  come  in  enormous  numbers,  because 
the  population  .of  China  was  practically  inexhaustible. 
Such,  indeed,  is  the  unbroken  testimony  of  all  who  were 
entitled  to  express  an  opinion.  The  decision  of  Congress 
on  this  matter,  therefore,  becomes  one  of  the  very  greatest 
importance.  Had  they  been  in  favor  of  Chinese  immigra- 
tion, with  the  encouragement  and  protection  of  them, 
they  would  have  imposed  it.  It  requires  no  vivid  imagi- 
nation to  foresee  all  the  ^great  slope  between  the  Sierras 
and  the  Pacific  become  the  emigrating  ground  from  the 
Chinese  empire,  so  that  I do  not  at  all  exaggerate  when  I 
say  that  on  the  adoption  and  recognition  of  the  policy 
passed  upon  by  Congress  hangs  the  fate  of  the  Pacific 
slope,  whether  its  labor  shall  be  that  of  American  free- 
7 


98 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIME. 


men  or  servile  Mongolians.  If  Mr.  Garrison  declares  the 
interests  of  his  countrymen^  his  own  government,  and  in  a 
still  larger  sense,  the  interests  of  humanity  and  civilization 
will  be  promoted  by  giving  up  the  Pacific  slope  to  Mongolian 
labor,  I beg  respectfully  to  differ  from  him;  but  Mr.  Lloyd 
Garrison  would  not  feel  obliged  to  receive  in  his  family  a 
person  that  would  physically  contaminate  or  morally  cor- 
rupt his  children.  As  with  a family  so  with  a nation. 
The  same  instincts  of  self-preservation  exist,  the  same 
right  to  prefer  the  interests  of  our  own  people,  the  same 
duty  to  exclude  that  which  is  corrupting  and  vile  from 
the  Eepublic.  The  article  on  immigration  in  the  Chinese 
treaty  has  not  been  observed  by  that  government  for  a 
single  hour  since  it  was  made.  All  the  testimony  taken 
on  the  subject,  and  it  has  been  full  and  copious,  shows 
conclusively  that  the  entire  immigration  was  under  con- 
tract; that  the  coolies  had  been  gathered  together  for 
export,  and  gathered  as  agents  in  our  western  States  would 
gather  live  stock  for  shipment. 

A very  competent  witness  in  California,  speaking  upon 
this  point,  says  that  on  the  arrival  of  the  Chinese  in  Cali- 
fornia, they  are  consigned  like  hogs  to  the  different  Chinese 
companies.  The  cooly  commences  to  pay  his  company 
certain  earnings.  This  is  to  insure  care  if  he  is  taken  sick, 
and  his  return  home  dead  or  alive.  His  return  is  pre- 
vented until  after  his  contract  has  been  fulfilled.  If  he 
breaks  his  contract,  the  spies  of  the  Six  Companies  hunt 
him  to  prevent  his  returning  to  China.  By  arrangement 
with  the  steamship  company  or  their  agents,  he  is  pre- 
vented from  getting  a ticket;  and  the  agents  of  the  steam- 
ship company  testified  to  the  same  fact.  If  a ticket  is 
obtained  for  him  by  others,  he  is  forcibly  stopped  on  the 
day  of  sailing  by  the  employes  of  the  Six  Companies,  called 
highbinders,  who  can  always  be  seen  guarding  the  coolies.^^ 
Mr.  Joseph  J.  Eay,  of  Philadelphia,  and  a long  resi- 
dent in  China,  and  a close  observer  of  its  emigration. 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 


99 


testifies  that  nine  hundred  and  ninety-nine  out  of  every 
thousand  of  the  Chinese  who  have  reached  our  shores  were 
not  free  agents  in  their  coming.  Piles  of  the  Hong  Kong 
newspapers  from  1861,  would  supply  information  regarding 
the  barracoons  at  that  port.  When  the  system  had  become 
too  great  a scandal,  they  were  removed  to  Macao,  a Portu- 
guese colony,  forty  miles  distant,  in  which  the  Chinese,  in 
every  sense  prisoners,  were  retained  until  their  shipment  to 
San  Francisco.  These,  called  by  courtesy  emigrants,  were 
collected  from  within  the  radius  of  from  two  hundred  to 
three  hundred  miles  from  Canton,  and  consisted  of  the 
abjectly  poor,  who,  willingly  or  not,  were  sold  to  obtain 
food  for  their  families  or  for  gambling  debts,  or  they  were 
the  scape-graces  of  the  country  fleeing  to  avoid  punish- 
ment.'’^ 

Mr.  Blaine^s  great  array  of  facts  could  not  well  be 
resisted,  and  they  were  so  fully  appreciated  by  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  Pacific  slope  that  Mr.  Blaine  in  that  portion 
of  the  country  was  rendered  pre-eminently  popular  among 
the  people. 

PEACE  AT  THE  POLLS. 

The  following  April  the  Senate  had  under  consideration 
the  bill  making  appropriations  for  the  support  of  the  army 
for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1880,  and  for  other 
purposes.  Upon  an  amendment  to  this  bill  whereby  every 
civil  officer  should  be  prohibited  from  calling  upon  United 
States  troops  to  keep  the  peace  at  the  polls,  Mr.  Blaine 
delivered  a speech  in  which  the  spectre  of  terrorism 
lost  its  frightful  aspect  when  it  was  shown  that  it  would 
be  the  function  of  every  individual  soldier  in  the  army  to 
overrun  seven  hundred  square  miles  and  intimidate  about 
forty  thousand  able-bodied  voters,  in  order  to  realize  the 
pretended  fears  of  the  Democrats. 

Mr.  Blaine  spoke  as  follows: 

^^Mr.  President:  The  existing  section  of  the  revised 
statutes  numbered  2002  reads  thus:  Ko  military  or  naval 


100 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIETE. 


officer,  or  other  person  engaged  in  the  civil,  military^  or 
naval  service  of  the  United  States,  shall  order,  bring,  keep 
or  have  under  his  authority  or  control,  any  troops  or 
armed  men  at  the  place  where  any  general  or  special  elec- 
tion is  held  in  any  State,  unless  it  be  necessary  to  repel  the 
armed  enemies  of  the  United  States,  or  to  heep  the  peace  at 
the  polls, 

^^The  object  of  the  proposed  section,  which  has  just 
been  read  at  the  Clerk’s  desk,  is  to  get  rid  of  the  eight 
closing  words,  namely,  ^or  to  keep  the  peace  at  the  polls,’ 
and  therefore  the  mode  of  legislation  proposed  in  the 
army  bill  now  before  the  Senate  is  an  unusual  mode;  it  is 
an  extraordinary  mode.  If  you  v/ant  to  take  off  a single 
sentence  at  the  end  of  a section  in  the  revised  statutes 
the  ordinary  way  is  to  strike  off  those  words,  but  the  mode 
chosen  in  this  bill  is  to  repeat  and  re-enact  the  whole 
section,  leaving  those  few  words  out.  While  I do  not  wish 
to  be  needlessly  suspicious  on  a small  point,  I am  quite 
persuaded  that  this  did  not  happen  by  accident,  but  that 
it  came  by  design.  If  I may  so  speak,  it  came  of  cunning, 
the  intent  being  to  create  the  impression  that,  whereas  the 
Eepublicans  in  the  administration  of  the  general  govern- 
ment had  been  using  troops  right  and  left,  hither  and 
thither,  in  every  direction,  as  soon  as  the  Democrats  got 
power  they  enacted  this  section.  I can  imagine  Demo- 
cratic candidates  for  Congress  all  over  the  country  reading 
this  section  to  gaping  and  listening  audiences  as  one  of  the 
first  offsprings  of  Democratic  reform^  whereas  every  word 
of  it,  every  syllable  of  it,  from  its  first  to  its  last,  is  the 
enactment  of  a Eepublican  Congress. 

I repeat  that  this  unusual  form  presents  a dishonest 
issue,  whether  so  intended  or  not.  It  presents  the  issue 
that  as  soon  as  the  Democrats  got  possession  of  the  federal 
government  they  proceeded  to  enact  the  clause  which  is 
thus  expressed.  The  law  was  passed  by  a Eepublican  Con- 
gress in  1865.  There  were  forty-six  Senators  sitting  in 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 


101 


this  chamber  at  the  time,  of  whom  only  ten,  or  at  most 
eleven^  were  Democrats.  The  House  of  Eepresentatives 
was  overwhelmingly  Eepublican.  We  Avere  in  the  midst 
of  a war.  The  Eepublican  administration  had  a million, 
or  possibly  twelve  hundred  thousand,  bayonets  at  its  com- 
mand. Thus  circumstanced  and  thus  surrounded,  with 
the  amplest  possible  power  to  interfere  with  elections  had 
they  so  designed,  with  soldiers  in  every  hamlet  and  county 
of  the  United  States,  the  Eepublican  party  themselves 
placed  that  provision  on  the  statute-book,  and  Abraham 
Lincoln,  their  President,  signed  it. 

I beg  you  to  observe,  Mr.  President,  that  this  is  the 
first  instance  in  the  legislation  of  the  United  States,  in 
which  any  restrictive  clause  whatever  was  put  upon  the 
statute-book  in  regard  to  the  use  of  troops  at  the  polls. 
The  Eepublican  party  did  it  with  the  Senate  and  the 
House  in  their  control.  Abraham  Lincoln  signed  it  vdien 
he  was  commander-in-chief  of  an  army  larger  than  ever 
Napoleon  Bonaparte  had  at  his  command.  So  much  by 
way  of  correcting  an  ingenious  and  studied  attempt  at  mis- 
representation. 

The  alleged  object  is  to  strike  out  the  few  words  that 
authorize  the  use  of  troops  to  keep  peace  at  the  polls. 
This  country  has  been  alarmed,  I rather  think,  indeed, 
amused,  at  the  great  effort  made  to  create  a wide-spread 
impression  that  the  Eepublican  party  relies  for  its  popular 
strength  upon  the  use  of  the  bayonet.  This  Democratic 
Congress  has  attempted  to  give  a bad  name  to  this  coun* 
try  throughout  the  civilized  Avorld,  and  to  give  it  on  a false 
issue.  They  have  raised  an  issue  that  has  no  foundation 
in  fact — that  is  false  in  whole  and  detail,  false  in  the 
charge,  false  in  all  the  specifications.  That  impression 
sought  to  be  created,  as  I say,  not  only  throughout  the 
North  American  continent,  but  in  Europe  to-day,  is  that 
elections  are  attempted  in  this  country  to  be  controlled  by 
the  bayonet. 


102 


LIFE  OE  JAMES  G.  BLAIi^E. 


denounce  it  here  as  a false  issue.  I am  not  at 
liberty  to  say  that  any  gentleman  making  the  issue  knows 
it  to  be  false;  I hope  he  does  not;  but  I am  going  to  prove 
to  him  that  it  is  false,  and  that  there  is  not  a solitary  inch 
of  solid  earth  on  which  to  rest  the  foot  of  any  man  that 
makes  that  issue.  I have  in  my  hand  an  official  transcript 
of  the  location  and  the  number  of  all  the  troops  of  the 
United  States  east  of  Omaha.  By  ^ east  of  Omaha/  I 
mean  all  the  United  States  east  of  the  Mississippi  river 
and  that  belt  of  States  that  border  the  Mississippi  river  on 
the  west,  including  about  forty-one  millions  out  of  the  forty- 
five  millions  of  people  that  this  country  is  supposed  to  con- 
tain to-day.  In  that  magnificent  area — I will  not  pretend 
to  state  its  extent — but  with  forty-one  millions  of  people — 
how  many  troops  of  the  United  States  are  there  to-day? 
Would  any  Senator  on  the  opposite  side  like  to  guess,  or 
would  he  like  to  state,  how  many  men  with  muskets  in 
their  hands  there  are  in  the  vast  area  I have  named? 
There  are  two  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-seven  ! 
And  not  one  more. 

^^From  the  headwaters  of  the  Mississippi  river  to  the 
lakes,  and  down  the  great  chain  of  lakes,  and  dowm  the 
Saint  Lawrence,  and  down  the  valley  of  the  Saint  J ohn, 
and  down  the  Saint  Croix,  striking  the  Atlantic  ocean 
and  following  it  down  to  Key  West,  around  the  gulf,  up 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  again,  a frontier  of  eight 
thousand  miles,  either  bordering  on  the  ocean  or  upon 
foreign  territory,  is  guarded  by  these  troops.  Within  this 
domain  forty-five  fortifications  are  manned  and  eleven 
arsenals  protected.  There  are  sixty  troops  to  every  million 
of  people.  In  the  South  I have  the  entire  number  in  each 
State,  and  will  give  it* 

believe  the  Senator  from  Delaware  is  alarmed, 
greatly  alarmed,  about  the  over-riding  of  the  popular  ballot 
by  troops  of  the  United  States!  In  Delaware  there  is  not 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 


103 


a single  armed  man — not  one.  The  United  States  has  not 
even  one  soldier  in  the  State. 

^^The  honorable  Senator  from  West  Virginia  (Mr. 
Hereford),  on  Friday  last,  lashed  himself  into  a passion,  or 
at  least  into  a perspiration,  over  the  wrongs  of  his  State, 
trodden  down  by  the  iron  heel  of  military  despotism. 
There  is  not  a solitary  man  of  the  United  States,  uni- 
formed, on  the  soil  of  West  Virginia,  and  there  has  not 
been  for  years. 

^^In  Maryland? — I do  not  know  whether  my  esteemed 
friend  from  Maryland  (Mr.  Whyte)  has  been  greatly 
alarmed  or.  not;  but  at  Fort  McHenry,  guarding  the 
entrance  to  the  beautiful  harbor  of  his  beautiful  city, 
there  are  one  hundred  and  ninety-two  artillerymen  located. 

^^In  Virginia,  there  is  a school  of  practice  at  Fortress 
Monroe.  My  honorable  friend  (Mr.  Withers),  who  has 
charge  of  this  bill,  knows  very  well,  and  if  he  does  not  I 
will  tell  him,  that  outside  of  that  school  of  practice  at 
Fortress  Monroe,  which  has  two  hundred  and  eighty-two 
men  in  it,  there  is  not  a federal  soldier  on  the  soil  of  Vir- 
ginia— not  one. 

North  Carolina.  Are  the  Senators  from  that  State 
alarmed  at  the  immediate  and  terrible  prospect  of  being 
over-run  by  the  army  of  the  United  States?  On  the  whole 
soil  of  North  Carolina  there  are  but  thirty  soldiers  guard- 
ing a fort  at  the  mouth  of  Cape  Fear  river — just  thirty. 

South  Carolina.  I do  not  see  a Senator  on  the  floor 
from  that  State.  There  are  one  hundred  and  twenty 
artillerymen  guarding  the  approaches  to  Charleston  har- 
bor, and  not  another  soldier  on  her  soil. 

Georgia.  Does  my  gallant  friend  from  Georgia  (Mr. 
Gordon),  who  knows  better  than  I the  force  and  strength 
of  military  organization  — the  senior  Senator,  and  the 
junior  also — are  both  or  either  of  those  Senators  alarmed 
at  the  presence  of  twenty-nine  soldiers  in  Georgia  ? [Laugh- 
ter.] There  are  just  twenty-nine  there. 


104 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


Florida  has  one  hundred  and  eighty-two  at  three 
separate  posts,  principally  guarding  the  navy  yard,  near 
which  my  friend  on  the  opposite  side  (Mr.  Jones)  lives. 

Tennessee.  Is  the  honorable  Senator  from  Tennessee 
(Mr.  Bailey)  alarmed  at  the  progress  of  military  despotism 
in  his  State?  There  is  not  a single  federal  soldier  on  the 
soil  of  Tennessee — not  one. 

Kentucky.  I see  both  the  honorable  Senators  from 
Kentucky  here.  They  have  equal  cause  with  Tennessee 
to  be  alarmed,  for  there  is  not  a federal  soldier  in  Ken- 
tucky— not  one! 

Missouri.  Not  one. 

Arkansas.  Fifty-seven  in  Arkansas. 

‘^Alabama.  I think  my  friend  from  Alabama  (Mr. 
Morgan)  is  greatly  excited  over  this  question,  and  in  his 
State  there  are  thirty-two  federal  soldiers  located  at  an 
arsenal  of  the  United  States. 

Mississippi.  The  great  State  of  Mississippi,  that  is  in 
danger  of  being  trodden  under  the  iron  hoof  of  military 
power,  has  not  a federal  soldier  on  its  soil. 

Louisiana  has  two  hundred  and  thirty-nine, 

Texas,  apart  from  the  regiments  that  guard  the  front- 
ier on  the  Eio  Grande  and  the  Indian  frontier,  has  not  one. 

And  the  entire.  South  has  eleven  hundred  and  fifty-five 
soldiers  to  intimidate,  over-run,  oppress  and  destroy  the 
liberties  of  fifteen  million  people!  In  the  Southern  States 
there  are  twelve  hundred  and  three  counties.  If  you  dis- 
tribute the  soldiers,  there  is  not  quite  one  for  each  county; 
and  when  I give  the  counties  I give  them  from  the  census 
of  1870.  If  you  distribute  them  territorially  there  is  one 
for  every  seven  hundred  square  miles  of  territory,  so  that 
if  you  make  a territorial  distribution,  I would  remind  the 
honorable  Senator  from  Delaware,  if  I saw  him  in  his  seat, 
that  the  quota  for  his  State  would  be  three — ^ one  ragged 
sergeant  and  two  abreast,^  as  the  old  song  has  it.  [Laugh- 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOK. 


105 


ter.]  That  is  the  force  ready  to  destroy  the  liberties  of 
Delaware! 

^^Mr.  President,  it  was  said,  as  the  old  maxim  has  it, 
that  the  soothsayers  of  Eome  could  not  look  each  other  in 
the  face  without  smiling.  There  are  not  two  Democratic 
Senators  on  this  floor  who  can  go  into  the  cloak-room  and 
look  each  other  in  the  face  without  smiling  at  this  talk,  or, 
more  appropriately,  I should  say,  without  blushing — the 
whole  thing  is  such  a prodigious  and  absolute  farce,  such  a 
miserably  manufactured  false  issue,  such  a pretense  with- 
out the  slightest  foundation  in  the  world,  and  talked  about 
most  and  denounced  the  loudest  in  States  that  have  not 
had  a single  federal  soldier.  In  New  England  we  have 
three  hundred  and  eighty  soldiers.  Throughout  the  South 
it  does  not  run  quite  seventy  to  the  million  people.  In 
New  England  we  have  absolutely  one  hundred  and  twenty 
soldiers  to  the  million.  New  England  is  far  more  over-run 
to-day  by  the  federal  soldier,  immensely  more,  than  the 
whole  South  is.  I never  heard  anybody  complain  about  it 
in  New  England,  or  express  any  very  great  fear  of  their 
liberties  being  endangered  by  the  presence  of  a handful  of 
troops. 

^^As  I have  said,  the  tendency  of  this  talk  is  to  give  us  a 
bad  name  in  Europe.  Eepublican  institutions  are  looked 
upon  there  with  jealousy.  Every  misrepresentation,  every 
slander,  is  taken  up  and  exaggerated  and  talked  about  to 
our  discredit,  and  the  Democratic  party  of  the  country 
to-day  stands  indicted,  and  I here  indict  them,  for  public 
slander  of  their  country,  creating  the  impression  in  the 
civilized  world  that  we  are  governed  by  a ruthless  military 
despotism.  I wonder  how  amazing  it  would  be  to  any  man 
in  Europe,  familiar  as  Europeans  are  with  great  armies,  if 
he  were  told  that  over  a territory  larger  than  France  and 
Spain  and  Portugal  and  Great  Britain  and  Holland  and 
Belgium  and  the  German  Empire  all  combined,  there  were 
but  eleven  hundred  and  fifty-five  soldiers ! That  is  all 


106 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIi^-E. 


this  Democratic  howl,  this  mad  cry,  this  false  issue,  this 
absurd  talk,  is  based  on — the  presence  of  eleven  hundred 
and  fifty-five  soldiers  on  eight  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
square  miles  of  territory,  not  double  the  number  of  the 
Democratic  police  in  the  city  of  Baltimore,  not  a third  of 
the  police  in  the  city  of  New  York,  not  double  the  Demo- 
cratic police  in  the  city  of  New  Orleans.  I repeat,  the 
number  indicts  them;  it  stamps  the  whole  cry  as  without 
any  foundation;  it  derides  the  issue  as  a false  and  scan- 
dalous and  partisan  make-shift. 

What  then  is  the  real  motive  underlying  this  move- 
ment? Senators  on  that  side.  Democratic  orators  on  the 
stump,  cannot  make  any  sensible  set  of  men  at  the  cross- 
roads believe  that  they  are  afraid  of  eleven  hundred  and 
fifty-five  soldiers  distributed  one  to  each  county  in  the 
South.  The  minute  you  state  that,  everybody  sees  the 
utter,  palpable,  and  laughable  absurdity  of  it,  and  there- 
fore we  must  go  further  and  find  a motive  for  all  this  cry. 
We  want  to  find  out,  to  use  a familiar  and  vulgar  phrase, 
what  is  ^the  cat  under  the  meal.’  It  is  not  the  troops. 
That  is  evident.  There  are  more  troops,  by  fifty  per  cent, 
scattered  through  the  Northern  States  east  of  the  Missis- 
sippi to-day  than  through  the  Southern  States  east  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  yet  nobody  in  the  North  speaks  of  it; 
everybody  would  be  laughed  at  for  speaking  of  it;  and 
therefore  the  issue,  I take  no  risk  in  stating,  I make  bold 
to  declare,  that  this  issue  on  the  troops  being  a false  one, 
being  one  without  foundation,  conceals  the  true  issue, 
which  is  simply  to  get  rid  of  the  federal  presence  at  fed- 
eral elections,  to  get  rid  of  the  civil  power  of  the  United 
States  in  the  election  of  Eepresentatives  to  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States.  That  is  the  whole  of  it;  and,  disguise 
it  as  you  may,  there  is  nothing  else  in  it  or  of  it.” 

ORDEU  OUT  OF  CHAOS. 

In  September,  1878,  an  election  was  held  in  Maine  for 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 


107 


the  office  of  Governor.  The  very  next  day  after  the  elec- 
tion. it  was  notorious  that  the  Eepublicans  had  carried  the 
State.  It  soon  became  known  that  Davis,  the  Eepublican 
candidate  for  Governor  had  about  three  times  as  many  votes 
as  Garcelon,  the  Democratic  candidate,  a vast  plurality 
over  Smith,  the  Greenback  candidate,  and  came  within 
a few  votes  of  having  a majority  over  all  the  other  candi- 
dates. The  counting  of  the  votes  showed  that  the  Eepub- 
licans had  elected  ninety  members  of  the  House  against 
sixty-one  members  elected  by  the  Democrats  and  Green- 
backers,  and  eighteen  Eepublican  Senators  against  thirteen 
Fusionists.  The  result  when  definitely  ascertained,  was 
promulgated  throughout  the  country  and  contested  by  the 
Democrats. 

It  soon  began  to  be  noised  about  that  the  Democratic 
majority  had  organized  a conspiracy  to  count  out  the 
Eepublicans.  The  Governor  and  his  Council  were  the 
Eeturning  Board  of  the  State;  Garcelon  and  his  associates 
were  pliant  tools  in  the  hands  of  the  conspirators.  The 
canvassing  of  the  returns  began  in  September,  and  were 
according  to  star  chamber  fashion.  The  Eepublican  candi- 
dates applied  in  person,  through  counsel  and  through  the 
Eepublican  committee,  for  the  privilege  of  scrutinizing 
the  returns,  with  a view  to  correcting  any  errors;  but  they 
were  refused.  The  Democratic  and  Greenback  candidates 
had  been  given  the  privilege  which  was  denied  to  the 
Eepublicans. 

The  conspiracy  contemplated  the  election  of  Smith,  the 
Greenbacker,  as  Governor,  with  the  understanding  that  the 
Democrats  should  have  the  United  States  Senator  the  next 
year.  During  a part  of  December  and  the  following 
January,  Maine  was  almost  on  the  verge  of  civil  war  and 
anarchy.  The  Eepublican  party,  with  its  troubles  at  this 
time, 'was  conducted  by  Mr.  Blaine,  through  whose  steadi- 
ness and  perseverance  law  and  order  were  brought  out  of 
chaos  and  threatened  violence. 


108 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAII^E. 


It  has  been  said  that  no  finer  display  of  statesmanlike 
qualities  has  been  seen  in  this  country  than  those  exhibited 
by  Mr.  Blaine  in  the  protracted  and  perilous  struggle  in 
Maine,  for  in  this  trying  time  he  exhibited  all  the  qualities 
requisite  for  the  discharge  of  delicate  and  difficult  duties 
connected  with  an  executive  station. 

OHIO  CAMPAIGI^',  1879. 

In  the  fall  of  1879,  during  the  political  campaign  in 
Ohio,  Mr.  Blaine  took  an  active  part,  and  his  political 
tour  through  the  State  was  similar  to  a triumphal  march; 
enormous  audiences  and  great  enthusiasm  greeted  him  in 
every  portion  of  the  State.  Charles  Foster  was  a candi- 
date for  Governor,  and  for  his  election  Mr.  Blaine  labored 
earnestly  and  actively,  although  Thomas  Ewing,  the  cousin 
of  Mr.  Blaine  was  running  for  the  same  office  as  that  of 
Mr.  Foster.  The  Republican  candidate  was  elected  by  a 
large  majority.  At  Columbus,  though  incidentally  passing 
through  on  his  way  to  Pomeroy,  Senator  Blaine  met  with 
the  most  spontaneous  reception  that  had  been  accorded  to 
any  public  man  for  years.  An  immense  concourse  of 
people  met  the  Senator  at  the  depot  with  bands  of  music 
and  escorted  him  to  the  hotel.  Notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  the  Senator  had  declared  that  he  was  unable  to  speak, 
an  assemblage  of  over  four  thousand  people  declined  to 
leave.  An  elevation  was  secured,  and  mounting  it  the 
Senator  addressed  the  audience  for  half  an  hour,  receiving 
the  most  emphatic  applause.  Blaine  from  Maine  was 
on  every  one^s  lips,  and  at  every  railroad  station  large 
crowds  gathered  to  catch  a glimpse  of  their  political 
friend.  At  Kenton,  he  addressed  a monster  meeting.  At 
London,  bonfires  and  colored  lights  beautifully  illumin- 
ated the  town,  and  the  ^*Man  from  Maine  was  again 
forced  to  make  a short  speech.  He  traveled  one  hundred 
miles  by  rail,  and  made  four  speeches  between  noon  and 
night.  This  is  but  an  instance  of  ovations  paid  to  him. 


UNITED  STATES  SEi^ATOR. 


109 


Public  sentiment  at  that  time  was  turning  toward  Mr. 
Blaine,  and  it  was  remarked  that  his  visit  to  the  State 
would  give  him  a prestige  which  could  not  be  overcome  by 
other  presidential  aspirants.  Mr.  Blaine  was  at  Bellaire 
on  the  26th  of  September,  From  the  time  that  he  landed 
in  that  place  amid  the  firing  of  cannon  and  the  playing  of 
music,  until  he  reached  Steubenville,  he  was  surrounded 
by  crowds  wherever  he  appeared.  At  Bellaire,  the  peoj)le 
seemed  almost  wild  to  see  him  and  to  shake  hands  with 
him  over  the  Kepublican  prospects.  He  was  surrounded 
by  a continual  jam;  and  men  and  beardless  youths  were 
among  the  foremost  to  shake  hands  with  him. 

Many  incidents  will  show  Mr,  Blaine^s  faculty  of  remem- 
bering every  person  and  every  circumstance  with  which  he 
has  been  connected.  When  Mr.  Blaine  stepped  on  the 
stage  before  opening  his  speech,  a short,  red -faced  man 
rushed  up  to  him  and  grasped  him  by  the  hand,  saying: 
Mr.  Blaine,  I don^t  suppose  you  remember  me,  but  I 
knew  you  when  you  were  a student.^^  Yes,  I do,^^  said 
Mr.  Blaine.  Your  name  is  Israel  Werich,  and  you  used 
to  live  at  Colesworthtown.'’^  ThaPs  my  name,^^  answered 
the  man;  ^^but  you  are  mistaken  about  the  place.  I lived 
at  another  place. No,  no;  it  was  Colesworth,^^  emphat- 
ically answered  Mr.  Blaine;  remember  meeting  yon 
there  once,  and  you  told  me  you  lived  there. The  man 
looked  up  quick,  with  a smiling  recollection,  and  said: 
Yes,  Senator,  you  are  right;  I remember  it  well  now; 
but  I staid  there  only  a short  time,  and  had  forgotten  it.""^ 
The  little  man  got  down  off  the  stage  and  went  away 
laughing,  and  telling  every  one  that  he  knew  Blaine  well, 
and  he  and  the  Senator  had  been  talking  over  old  times 
together.  When  the  train  stopped  at  Bridgeport  an  old 
man  entered  the  train  and  said  he  wanted  to  see  Blaine. 
Mr.  Blaine  was  pointed  out  to  him.  He  then  walked 
slowly  up  to  him,  and,  extending  his  trembling  hand,  said: 
Mr.  Blaine,  I want  to  shake  hands  with  you.  I shook 


110 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


hands  with  General  La  Fayette,  with  Abraham  Lincoln, 
with  Andrew  Jackson  and  with  General  Grant,  and  I want 
to  shake  hands  with  you/^  The  Senator  gave  him  a hearty 
shake,  and  the  old  man  departed  rejoicing. 

During  his  stay  in  Steubenville  his  hotel  was  filled 
with  visitors,  and  Garrett’s  hall,  where  his  meeting  was 
held,  was  crowded  to  its  utmost  capacity.  The  large 
crowd  accompanied  him  to  the  depot,  and  as  the  train  left, 
three  loud  cheers  went  up  for  the  Senator  from  Maine, 
from  the  crowd  on  the  platform. 

While  Mr.  Blaine  was  standing  on  the  platform,  a coach 
was  driven  up,  and  the  shriveled  hand  of  an  old  gray- 
headed man  was  seen  extending  from  its  open  door  to  the 
crowd  who  were  standing  around  the  Senator.  Mr.  Blaine 
went  up  to  the  coach  and  was  then  introduced  to  the  old 
colored  man,  who  said  he  had  felt  that  he  must  see  Dat 
Jimmie  Blaine.’’  He  had  known  Mr.  Blaine’s  father  well, 
and  had  been  acquainted  with  the  then  prospective  Sena- 
tor when  he  was  yet  in  short  clothes.  During  the  whole 
of  the  trip  Mr.  Blaine  was  repeatedly  told  by  peojile  that 
they  wanted  to  see  him  their  next  President,  and  the  sub- 
ject was  much  talked  of  among  the  people  in  the  crowd. 
Senator  Blaine,  however,  always  shook  his  head  at  these 
remarks,  and  modestly  said  that  he  did  not  expect  any 
such  thing.  Just  as  he  was  leaving  Steubenville,  a work- 
ing man  entered  the  train,  and  extending  his  hand,  said. 
Senator,  I want  to  shake  hands  with  the  next  President 
of  the  United  States.”  You  won’t  find  him  in  this  car, 
my  friend,”  replied  Mr.  Blaine,  as  he  cordially  shook  the 
hand  extended  to  him. 

EULOGY  oxr  SEKATOR  CHANDLER. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  eulogy  on  the  late  United  States  Senator, 
Zachariah  Chandler,  delivered  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
in  January,  1880,  has  been  much  read  and  widely  circu- 
lated. ^^Mr.  Chandler’s  fame,”  said  Mr.  Blaine,  ^^was 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 


Ill 


enlarged  by  his  successful  administration  of  an  important 
cabinet  position.  Called  by  President  Grant  to  the  head 
of  the  Interior  Department  by  telegraphic  summons,  he 
accepted  without  reluctance  and  without  distrust.  His 
eighteen  years  of  positive  and  uncompromising  course  in 
the  Senate  had  borne  the  inevitable  fruit  of  many  enmi- 
ties, as  well  as  the  rich  reward  of  countless  friends.  The 
appointment  was  severely  criticised  and  unsparingly  con- 
demned by  many  who,  a year  later,  were  sufficiently  just 
and  magnanimous  to  withdraw  their  harsh  words  and  bear 
generous  testimony  to  his  executive  ability,  his  painstak- 
ing industry,  and  his  inflexible  integrity;  to  his  admirable 
talent  for  thorough  organization,  and  to  his  prompt  and 
graceful  dispatch  of  public  business.  What  his  friends 
had  before  known  of  his  character  and  his  capacity,  the 
chance  of  a few  brief  months  in  an  administrative  position 
had  revealed  to  his  entire  country,  and  had  placed  in  his- 
tory. 

It  would  not  be  just,  even  in  the  generous  indulgence 
conceded  to  eulogy,  to  speak  of  Mr.  Chandler  as  a man 
without  faults.  But  assuredly  no  enemy,  if  there  be  one 
above  his  lifeless  form,  will  ever  say  that  he  had  mean 
faults.  They  were  all  on  the  generous  and  larger 
side  of  his  nature.  In  amassing  his  princely  fortune  he 
never  exacted  the  pound  of  flesh;  he  never  ground  the 
faces  of  the  poor;  he  was  never  even  harsh  to  an  honest 
debtor  unable  to  pay.  His  wealth  came  to  him  through 
his  own  great  ability,  devoted  with  unremitting  industry 
for  a third  of  a century  to  honorable  trade  in  that  enlarg- 
ing, ever-expanding  region  whose  capacities  and  resources 
he  was  among  the  earliest  to  foresee  and  appreciate. 

To  his  friends,  Mr.  Chandler  was  devotedly  true. 
Like  Colonel  Benton,  he  did  not  use  the  word  ^ friend  ^ 
lightly,  and  without  meaning.  Nor  did  he  ever  pretend 
tp  be  friendly  to  a man  whom  he  did  not  like.  He  never 
dissembled.  To  describe  him  in  the  plain  and  vigorous 


112 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIHE. 


Saxon  which  he  spoke  himself— he  was  a true  friend,  a 
hard  hitter,  an  honest  hater. 

In  that  inner  circle  of  home  life,  sacred  almost  from 
preference,  Mr.  Chandler  was  chivalric  in  devotion,  inex- 
haustible in  affection,  and  exceptionally  happy  in  all  his 
relations.  Whatever  of  sternness  there  was  in  his  charac- 
ter, whatever  of  roughness  in  his  demeanor,  whatever  of 
irritability  in  his  temper,  were  one  and  all  laid  aside  when 
he  sat  at  his  own  hearthstone,  or  dispensed  graceful  and 
generous  hospitality  to  unnumbered  guests.  There  he 
vras  seen  at  his  best,  and  there  his  friends  best  love  to 
recall  him.  As  Burke  said  of  Lord  Keppel,  ^ He  was  a 
wild  stock  of  pride  on  which  the  tenderest  of  hearts  had 
grafted  the  milder  virtues.^ 

sage,  whose  words  have  comforted  many  genera- 
tions of  men,  tells  us  that  when  death  comes,  every  one 
can  see  its  deplorable  and  grievous  side — only  the  wise  can 
see  causes  for  reconcilement.  Let  us  be  wise  to-day,  and 
celebrate  the  memory  of  a man  who  stood  on  the  confines 
of  age  without  once  feeling  its  weakness  or  realizing  its 
decay — who  passed  sixty-six  years  in  this  world  without 
losing  a single  day  of  mental  activity  or  physical  strength; 
who  had  a business  career  of  great  length  and  unbroken 
prosperity;  who  had  attained  in  public  life  a fourth  elec- 
tion to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States — an  honor  enjoyed 
by  fewer  men  in  the  republic  than  even  its  chief  ruler- 
ship;  and  who,  strengthening  with  his  years,  stood  higher 
in  the  regard  of  his  countrymen,  stronger  with  his  con- 
stituency, nearer  to  his  friends,  dearer  to  his  kindred,  at 
the  close  of  his  career,  than  on  any  preceding  day  of  his 
eventful  life.*^^ 

THE  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  1880. 

The  Republican  National  Convention  at  Chicago,  was 
organized  on  the  2d  of  June  with  the  Hon.  George  F. 
Hoar,  of  Massachusetts,  as  temporary  chairman.  Consid- 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 


113 


erable  time  was  consumed  in  calling  the  roll  of  States  and 
Territories,  for  the  appointment  of  committees,  and  for  the 
presentation  of  credentials.  General  U.  S.  Grant,  James 
G.  Blaine,  and  John  Sherman,  were  the  most  prominent 
candidates  before  the  people  for  the  Eepublican  nomination. 

General  U.  S.  Grant  had  a short  time  previously  returned 
from  a tour  around  the  world,  and  his  political  admirers 
were  very  ardent  in  pressing  his  claims  before  the  people 
of  the  Nation.  The  supporters  of  Senator  Blaine  were  very 
enthusiastic  in  promoting  the  interests  of  their  candidate, 
and  the  adherents  of  Mr.  Sherman,  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury, comprised  some  men  of  influence,  among  whom  was 
General  Garfield.  The  interests  of  General  Grant  at  the 
convention  were  headed  by  Senators  Koscoe  Conkling,  of 
New  York;  James  D.  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  John 
A.  Logan,  of  Illinois.  The  alliance  of  these  three  men  gave 
them  great  power  at  the  convention,  and  their  efforts  were 
of  an  aggressive  character.  Each  Senator  had  an  unusual 
amount  of  influence  in  his  State,  and  any  effort  to  overcome 
the  influence  of  these  three  statesmen  had  necessarily  to 
be  very  great;  but  the  people  as  a mass  entered  a protest 
against  a third  term. 

Immediately  preceding  the  convention,  an  anti-Grant 
meeting  was  held  in  Chicago,  being  an  immense  pojDular 
outpouring;  and  it  manifested  a sentiment  which  could  not 
be  mistaken.  The  most  radical  utterances  were  the  most 
loudly  cheered,  and  the  people  declared  that  they  would 
not  submit  to  boss  rule;  that  they  would  not  have  a third 
term;  and  that  they  ^Mvould  defeat  all  the  attempts  to 
deprive  them  of  their  liberties.’^  A more  earnest  audience 
was  never  seen  in  Chicago.  People  came  there  determined 
to  be  pleased,  but  they  would  not  support  the  third  term, 
as  much  as  they  admired  the  great  General.  They  shouted 
themselves  hoarse  for  Blaine  and  other  favorite  candidates. 
Against  the  combinations  in  favor  of  General  Grant  were 
the  friends  of  the  other  candidates  for  the  Republican 
8 


114 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIilE. 


nomination.  These  candidates  were  Senator  James  G. 
Blaine,  of  Maine;  Senator  George  Edmunds,  of  Vermont; 
Senator  William  Windom,  of  Minnesota;  John  Sherman, 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  the  Hon.  Eliku  B.  Wash- 
burne,  of  Illinois.  Notwithstanding  the  great  efforts  put 
forth  by  the  Senators  in  favor  of  General  Grant,  many  of 
the  States  sent  Blaine  delegates  to  Chicago,  and  a large 
number  of  leading  newspapers  in  the  country  were  his 
enthusiastic  admirers.  The  Eepublican  masses  desired 
his  nomination,  and  it  was  evident  that  he  was  the  people^s 
favorite,  as  he  had  been  at  Cincinnati  in  1876,  and  they 
could  have  no  sympathy  with  the  third4erm  movement  in 
favor  of  the  ex-President. 

The  convention  was  one  of  the  most  important  ever 
held  in  the  United  States;  it  was  a struggle  from  begin- 
ning to  end,  a battle-ground  on  which  were  settled  some 
very  important  questions.  The  right  of  the  people  to  select 
their  own  delegates,  the  unit  rule,  and  district  represen- 
tation were  settled  after  a long  and  hard-fought  struggle. 

Senator  Cameron  was  chairman  of  the  Eepublican 
National  Committee.  Usage,  which  holds  good  to-day, 
has  made  it  the  duty  of  the  chairman  of  this  committee  to 
call  the  national  convention  to  order  and  to  nominate  a 
temporary  chairman;  if  no  objection  be  made,  the  person 
proposed  by  the  chairman  of  the  committee  is  elected,  and 
then  the  chairman  of  the  committee  drops  out  of  official 
sight.  Until  the  temporary  chairman  is  appointed  by  the 
convention,  the  chairman  of  the  national  committee  is 
the  presiding  officer. 

The  unit  rule  provides  that  the  majority  of  each  dele- 
gation shall  be  permitted  to  vote  for  themselves  and  also 
for  the  minority  of  such  delegation;  while  the  opposite 
position  allows  each  delegate  to  vote  for  himself  and  have 
his  vote  recorded  as  he  may  direct.  A majority  of  the 
committee  decided  that  in  organizing  the  convention  to 
the  extent  of  appointing  a temporary  chairman,-  if  a vote 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 


115 


should  be  tuken^  the  delegates  should  be  allowed  to  vote 
individually;,  each  man^s  vote  to  be  recorded  as  he  should 
give  it.  Senator  Cameron,  without  regard  to  this,  insisted 
that  instead  of  recording  the  vote  of  New  York  forty-eight 
for  Grant,  twenty  for  Blaine,  two  for  Sherman,  it  should  be 
recorded  seventy  for  Grant,  if  the  majority  of  the  delega- 
tion so  directed;  and  instead  of  recording  the  vote  of  Penn- 
sylvania thirty-five  for  Grant,  twenty-three  for  Blaine,  it 
should  be  recorded  fifty-eight  for  Grant,  if  the  majority 
of  the  delegates  should  so  direct.  In  this  way  the  forty- 
five  delegates  of  two  States  would  be  denied  the  right  of 
voting,  and  their  votes  would  be  given  in  direct  opposition 
to  their  wishes  and  those  of  their  districts,  and  would  make 
a difference  of  ninety  votes  in  the  final  result. 

To  the  unit  rule  the  Grant  forces  were  fully  committed, 
for  it  -was  only  through  this  rule  that  they  could  force  the 
nomination  of  their  candidate.  The  Eepublican  National 
Committee  met  at  the  Palmer  House  before  the  conven- 
tion opened.  An  effort  was  made  by  the  anti-Grant 
men  to  break  down  the  unit  rule  by  which  they  could 
prevent  the  delegates  from  New  York,  Pennsylvania  and 
Illinois,  from  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  Senators 
Logan,  Conkling,  and  Cameron.  Mr.  Chandler,  of  New 
Hampshire,  a supporter  of  Senator  Blaine,  offered  two 
resolutions  recognizing  the  right  of  individual  delegates  to 
vote  according  to  their  wishes,  disregarding  the  actions  of 
their  State  conventions,  which  bound  them  to  vote  as  a 
unit.  Mr.  Chandler^s  first  resolution  was  adopted  unani- 
mously, but  the  second  resolution  was  ruled  out  of  order 
by  Chairman  Cameron,  who  refused  to  entertain  an  appeal 
from  his  decision.  Mr.  Prye,  of  Maine,  wanted  to  know 
Avhere  the  chairman  had  learned  parliamentary  law,  and 
Mr^  Chandler  announced  that  if  the  chairman  would  not 
comply  with  the  wishes  of  the  committee,  the  same  power 
that  had  elected  him  could  depose  him  and  elect  another. 
A committee  of  six  was  appointed  to  nominate  a tempo- 


116 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


rary  chairman,  and  the  committee  adjourned  for  a recess. 
The  resolution  during  intermission,  determined  upon  by 
the  anti-Grant  men  to  deprive  Cameron  of  his  power,  was 
modified  when  thc'committee  reconvened.  It  wasin  session 
till  midnight,  but  before  adjourning  it  selected  the  Hon. 
George  F.  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts,  as  temporary  chairman, 
and  adopted  a resolution  that,  should  Mr.  Cameron  be 
unable  for  any  cause  to  present  to  the  convention  the 
name  of  Mr.  Hoar,  Mr.  Chandler  as  chairman  of  the 
committee  should  report  his  name  and  make  the  proper 
presentation.  Intense  excitement  prevailed  over  these 
proceedings,  and  Senator  Cameron^s  arbitrary  ruling  re- 
sulted in  a protest  by  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  dele- 
gates in  language  such  as  the  following: 

^^The  undersigned,  delegates  to  the  Eepublican  Na- 
tional Convention,  representing  our  several  congressional 
districts  from  the  State  of  New  York,  are  desirous  of  the 
success  of  the  Eepublican  party  at  the  election,  and  real- 
izing the  ruination  attending  an  injudicious  nomination, 
declare  our  purpose  to  resist  the  nomination  of  General 
U.  S.  Grant  by  all  honorable  means.  We  are  sincere  in 
the  conviction  that  in  New  York  at  least  his  nomination 
will  insure  defeat.  We  have  a great  battle  to  fight,  and 
victory  is  within  our  reach,  but  we  earnestly  protest 
against  entering  the  contest  with  a nomination  which  we 
regard  as  unwise  and  perilous. 

Mr.  Arthur,  on  behalf  of  the  Grant  supporters,  was  the 
one  who  proposed  that  Senator  Hoar  be  accepted  as  tem- 
porary chairman  of  the  convention.  He  suggested  that 
nothing  be  done  toward  enforcing  the  unit  rule  until  the 
committee  on  credentials  should  report,  at  which  time 
the  question  of  the  unit  rule  could  be  settled  by  the 
convention  in  its  own  way.  After  due  deliberation  this 
proposition  was  accepted  by  the  anti-Grant  men,  and  it 
was  agreed  that  the  regular  delegates  from  Louisiana  and 
Illinois  should  be  allowed  to  participate  in  the  temporary 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 


117 


organization,  after  which  they  could  take  their  chances 
with  the  committee  on  credentials. 

Senator  Cameron  having  called  the  convention  to  order 
delivered  a short  address  and  presented  the  name  of 
Senator  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts,  as  temporary  chairman. 
Contestants  were  announced  from  Alabama,  Arkansas, 
Louisiana,  Pennsylvania,  Utah,  and  ten  districts  of  Illi- 
nois. Mr.  Conger,  of  Michigan,  was  elected  chairman  of 
the  committee  on  credentials;  General  Garfield  was  made 
chairman  of  the  committee  on  rules.  The  committee  on 
permanent  organization  voted  by  thirty-one  to  nine  to 
propose  Mr.  Hoar  as  president  of  the  convention.  At 
three  o^clock  the  convention  adjourned  till  the  next  day. 
On  the  second  day  the  permanent  organization  of  the 
convention  was  effected  with  the  choice  of  Mr.  Hoar  as 
president  and  the  election  of  vice-presidents  and  secre- 
taries. A recess  was  then  taken  until  five  o^clock. 

The  evening  was  consumed  in  skirmishing,  and  the 
convention  adjourned  for  the  day  without  accomplishing 
any  definite  result. 

On  the  third  day.  Senator  Conkliiig  moved  a resolution 
pledging  each  delegate  to  support  the  nominee  of  the 
convention,  whoever  he  might  be.  The  resolution  was 
adopted  almost  unanimously,  a few  delegates  from  West 
Virginia  casting  the  only  votes  in  the  negative.  Mr.  Conk- 
ling  then  moved  that  these  delegates  who  had  voted  ^^no^^ 
should  be  expelled.  A very  warm  debate  followed,  in 
which  the  delegates  voting  no  eloquently  defended  them- 
selves as  to  their  action  and  opinion.  General  Garfield, 
after  speaking  in  warm  terms  of  the  character  and  service 
of  the  West  Virginia  delegates,  closed  by  expressing  the 
hope  that  Mr.  Conkling  would  withdraw  his  resolution. 
After  some  hesitation,  the  motion  was  withdrawn  and  the 
matter  was  ended.  The  reading  of  the  reports  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Rules  and  Credentials,  and  the  admission  of  the 
anti-Grant  contestants  from  Illinois,  completed  the  work  of 


118 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIilE. 


the  day^s  session.  In  the  evening  there  was  a spirited  dis- 
cussion on  the  Alabama  case^  involving  the  right  of  district 
representation  in  the  convention,  which  was  upheld  by  a 
vote  of  four  hundred  and  forty-nine  against  three  hundred 
and  six.  This  settled  the  unit-rule  question,  and  was  a 
decisive  defeat  for  the  Grant  forces.  In  a speech  by  Mr. 
Storrs  regarding  Illinois  contestants,  the  names  of  Grant 
and  Blaine  were  alluded  too,  and  were  loudly  cheered  by 
their  respective  supporters.  Senator  Conkling  led  the 
cheers  for  Grant,  and  Colonel  Ingersoll,  waving  a lady^s 
shawl,  was  a conspicuous  leader  in  cheering  for  Blaine, 
which  lasted  many  minutes.  A lady  in  company  with 
Marshall  Jewell,  of  Connecticut,  waved  two  flags  and 
repeatedly  shouted,  Hurrah  for  Blaine!^^  For  half  an 
hour  this  uproar  continued  and  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
Blaine  |)eople  knew  no  bounds. 

The  fourth  day  of  the  convention  found  the  delegates 
physically  wearied  out  by  the  long  continued  strain  of 
excitement.  Having  assembled,  they  decided  the  con- 
tested cases  from  Kansas,  West  Virginia  and  Utah  in  favor 
of  the  contestants.  Following  this  was  the  calling  up  of 
the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Eules,  which  was  read  in 
connection  with  a minority  report  against  the  anti-unit 
rule.  Delay  was  asked  for  by  the  minority  of  the  com- 
mittee, which  was  advocated  by  General  Sharpe,  who 
moved  that  the  convention  immediately  proceed  to  the 
nomination  of  the  candidate  for  President.  This  was 
voted  down  by  a large  majority,  and  the  rules  reported 
by  the  majority  of  the  committee  were  adopted.  The 
next  thing  in  order  was  the  adoption  of  the  platform. 
The  evening  was  taken  up  by  the  presentation  of  candi- 
dates. Mr.  Joy,  of  Michigan,  presented  the  name  of 
James  G.  Blaine,  seconded  by  Mr.  Pixley,  of  California, 
and  Mr.  Frye,  of  Maine.  Mr.  E.  F.  Drake,  of  Minnesota, 
presented  the  name  of  Mr.  Windom,  of  that  State.  The 
name  of  General  Grant  was  presented  in  an  impressive 


VmTED  STATES  SENATOR. 


119 


manner  by  Senator  Conkling,  and  seconded  by  Mr.  Bradley, 
of  Kentucky.  General  Garfield  presented  the  name  of 
Secretary  Sherman,  seconded  by  Mr.  Winkler,  of  Wis- 
consin, and  Mr.  Elliott,  of  South  Carolina.  Mr.  Edmunds, 
of  Vermont,  was  nominated  by  Mr.  Billings,  and  seconded 
by  Mr.  Sandford,  of  Massachusetts.  Mr.  E.  B.  Washburne, 
of  Illinois,  was  nominated  by  Mr.  Cassidy,  of  Wisconsin, 
and  seconded  by  Mr.  Brandagee,  of  Connecticut.  The 
convention  then  adjourned  to  meet  at  ten  o^clock  Monday 
morning. 

Vast  crowds  on  Monday  filled  the  Exjoosition  Hall 
where  the  convention  was  held.  On  motion  of  Mr.  Hale, 
of  Maine,  the  convention  proceeded  to  ballot  for  the  candi- 
date for  President.  Ten  ballots  were  taken  on  this  day 
without  any  decisive  result,  during  all  of  which  the  Grant 
men  stood  firm,  the  vote  ranging  from  303  to  309.  Blaine’s 
friends  also  stood  nobly  by  him,  with  votes  ranging  from 
280  to  285.  General  Garfield’s  votes  were  small  during  the 
first  of  the  balloting,  but  on  the  thirty-fourth  ballot  his 
vote  was  17,  supporters  of  Edmunds  and  Windom  having 
gone  over  to  him.  The  Blaine  delegates  finding  it  impos- 
sible to  nominate  their  favorite,  threw  their  votes  for 
Garfield,  as  the  only  means  of  defeating  Grant,  and  on 
the  thirty-sixth  ballot  General  Garfield  was  made  the 
nominee  of  the  Eepublican  party  for  President  in  1880. 
AVhen  the  result  was  announced,  a vast  crowd  sang  the 
Battle-Cry  of  Freedom,”  and  the  volume  was  augmented 
by  the  playing  of  a band  and  by  the  booming  of  cannon. 

Chester  A.  Arthur  was  nominated  for  Vice-President, 
and  on  Tuesday,  the  8th  of  June,  the  convention  adjourned 
without  day,  after  one  of  the  most  gigantic  political  strug- 
gles on  record. 

Though  Mr.  Blaine  was  the  popular  candidate,  the 
combinations  were  such  that  he  could  not  receive  the 
nomination;  yet  he  was  the  means  of  thwarting  the  third- 
term  movement. 


130 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


The  following  is  the  list  of  the  thirty-six  ballots  which 
resulted  in  the  nomination  of  General  Garfield: 


BALLOTS. 

Grant. 

Blaine. 

Sherman. 

Washburne. 

Edmunds. 

Windom. 

Garfield. 

r 1st 

304 

284 

93 

30 

34 

10 

2d  

805 

282 

94 

31 

32 

10 

1 

8d 

305 

282 

93 

31 

32 

10 

1 

4th 

305 

281 

95 

31 

32 

10 

1 

d 

5th 

305 

281 

95 

31 

32 

10 

1 

d 

6th 

305 

280 

95 

31 

32 

10 

2 

7th 

305 

281 

94 

31 

32 

10 

2 

d 

o 

8lh...» 

306 

284 

91 

32 

31 

10 

1 

o 

9th 

308 

282 

90 

32 

31 

10 

2 

<D 

10th 

305 

282 

92 

33 

31 

10 

1 

11th 

305 

281 

93 

32 

31 

10 

2 

<1 

12th 

304 

283 

92 

33 

31 

10 

1 

13th 

305 

285 

89 

33 

31 

10 

1 

r-i 

14th 

305 

285 

89 

35 

31 

10 

O 

15th 

309 

281 

88 

36 

31 

10 

S 

16th 

306 

283 

88 

36 

31 

10 

17th 

303 

284 

90 

36 

31 

10 

U8th 

305 

283 

91 

35 

31 

10 

fl9th 

305 

279 

96 

32 

31 

10 

1 

o 

Pd 

20th 

308 

276 

93 

35 

31 

10 

1 

d 

21st 

305 

276 

96 

35 

31 

10 

1 

•”5 

33d 

305. 

275 

97 

35 

31 

10 

1 

23d 

304 

275 

97 

36 

31 

10 

2 

> ■< 

34th 

305 

279 

93 

35 

31 

10 

2 

25th 

302 

281 

94 

35 

31 

10 

2 

26th 

303 

280 

93 

36 

31 

10 

2 

d 

o 

27th 

306 

277 

93 

36 

31 

10 

2 

28th 

307 

279 

91 

35 

31 

10 

2 

00 

^29th 

305 

278 

116 

35 

12 

7 

2 

30th 

306 

279 

12*0 

33 

11 

4 

2 

d 

31st 

308 

276 

118 

37 

11 

3 

1 

32d 

309 

270 

117 

44 

11 

3 

1 

33d 

309 

276 

110 

44 

11 

4 

1 

T3 

34th 

312 

275 

107 

30 

11 

4 

17 

f-i 

35th. . . ; 

313 

257 

99 

23 

11 

3 

50 

Eh 

36th 

306 

42 

3 

5 

399 

a; 


’ji 

*> 

o3 


1 .. 


1 

1 

1 

1 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 


121 


The  oratory  displayed  in  nominating  candidates  was 
brilliant,  enthusiastic  and  eloquent.  Mr.  Blaine^s  name 
was  put  forward  by  the  Hon.  James  F.  Joy,  of  Michigan, 
in  a speech  containing  sound  sense,  business-like  clearness, 
and  a strong  appeal  in  behalf  of  the  candidate. 

SPEECH  OF  JAMES  F.  JOY,  NOMINATING  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  I shall  never  cease 
to  regret  that  circumstances  have  been  such  as  to  impose 
the  duty  upon  myself  to  make  the  nomination  of  a candi- 
date to  this  convention.  I have  been  absent  from  the 
country  for  the  past  two  months,  and  had  but  arrived 
home  just  before  this  convention.  Since  the  convention 
has  been  in  session  I have  been  employed  upon  the  floor 
all  the  time.  If,  therefore,  words  of  mine  are  important 
for  the  candidate  who  shall  be  proposed,  they  will  benefit 
him  but  little.  I will,  however,  bring  him  before  the  con- 
vention in  as  brief  a manner  as  possible.  That  it  will  be 
very  brief  will,  I presume,  satisfy^  the  convention  and  the 
audience,  because  we  are  now  all  impatient  for  the  voting. 
It  was  in  1862  I think,  that  a then  young  man,  born  in  an 
old  Eastern  State,  but  resident  in  the  State  of  Maine, 
entered  the  House  of  Eepresentatives.  It  was  at  a time 
when  the  sky  was  lowering,  when  the  horizon  was  filled 
with  clouds  indicating  a tempest.  It  was  just  before  the 
war.  The  tempest  burst  upon  the  country,  and  the  war 
ensued,  which  raged  for  four  long  years.  Fortunately  for 
us,  there  were  at  the  helm  of  the  ship  of  state  the  right 
men,  and  it  was  manned  with  the  right  crew.  After  the 
whirlwind  of  war  had  raged  for  four  years  the  elements  of 
strength  in  one  of  the  contending  parties  gave  way,  and 
peace  at  length  settled  down  upon  the  country. 

‘^Then  ensued  the  contest  for  reconstruction,  which 
occupied  nearly  three  or  four  years  more.  During  all  that 
period  of  time,  that  young  man  always  true,  always  brave, 
always  eloquent,  applied  his  talent  in  all  the  debates,  and 


122 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


in  all  the  procedures  which  were  necessary  either  to  carry 
on  the  war^  or  to  bring  about  reconstruction  upon  a proper 
basis;  and  during  the  period  of  these  controversies,  his 
reputation  had  been  emerging,  growing,  towering,  until  at 
last,  when,  in  1868,  reconstruction  had  been  practically 
secured,  his  reputation  was  towering  before  the  country, 
and  one  of  the  great  names  of  the  country  had  become 
spread  abroad  all  over  the  land.  It  had  become  a house- 
hold word;  it  was  familiar  in  every  corner;  it  was  looked 
up  to  from  every  part  of  the  country.  That  name  was  the 
Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  the  Senator  from  Maine. 

‘‘When  the  stormy  period  of  Andrew  Johnson’s  time  had 
passed  away,  or  was  passing  away,  and  General  Grant  was 
nominated,  by  the  country  for  President  of  the  United 
States,  all  eyes  in  the  country  turned  to  the  Hon.  James 
G.  Blaine,  who  was  called  upon  to  canvass  the  country. 
He  canvassed  the  country  from  Maine  to  the  Mississippi 
and  beyond.  He  made  himself  familiar  with  the  great 
North  and  the  great  West.  The  people  became  familiar 
with  him  in  the  North  and  in  the  great  West;  and  he  had 
about  him  that  wonderful  power  of  attraction  which  half 
a century  earlier  Avas  possessed  in  the  most  eminent  de- 
gree also  by  another  great  man  of  this  country,  the  great 
son  of  the  great  State  of  Kentucky,  Henry  Clay. 

On  the  second  nomination  of  General  Grant  in  1872, 
he  was  called  upon  in  the  same  way,  and  he  traversed  the 
land,  exercising  his  power,  his  ability,  and  his  eloquence 
in  the  cause  of  the  country  over  the  same  extent  of  this 
northern  border.  He  had  become  so  well  known,  the  peo- 
ple of  the  country  had  become  so  well  acquainted  with 
him,  he  had  fastened  them  to  him  by  attractions  so  great, 
that  in  the  convention  that  was  held  at  Cincinnati  four 
years  ago,  he  had  become  the  leading  candidate  of  the 
northern  people  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States. 
He  was  the  favorite  candidate  of  the  State  which  I repre- 
sent in  this  convention.  Its  delegates  went  to  that  con- 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 


123 


vention  with  a view  of  urging  and  securing,  if  it  were 
possible,  his  nomination.  He  came  within  a few  votes  of 
success,  when  for  some  reason  his  column  broke,  and  the 
result  was  another  nomination  which  had  not  been  before 
the  country.  You  all  know  the  disappointment,  you  all 
know  perhaps  the  astonishment  which  was  created  in  some 
sections  of  the  country  at  that  result.  In  the  State  which 
I have  the  honor  to  represent  upon  this  floor,  it  was  con- 
sidered almost  a calamity  to  the  individual  members  of 
the  Kepublican  party  of  that  State;  they  felt  it  almost  as 
a personal  blow.  But  while  he  might  have  been  disap-' 
pointed  reasonably  in  the  results,  when  the  canvass  came 
on,  and  when  the  fight  was  a close  one,  and  when  it  was 
doubtful  whether  the  Eepublicans  would  succeed  in  elect- 
ing their  candidate,  although  he  had  been  repudiated  at 
the  convention,  he  buckled  on  his  harness  and  entered  the 
ranks;  he  traversed  the  country,  and  fought  manfully, 
gloriously  and  vigorously,  until  the  battle  was  won,  though 
by  a small  majority.  The  result  was,  gentlemen,  that  he 
endeared  himself  tenfold  more  to  the  Republicans  of  this 
northwest  than  he  had  ever  done  before,  and  when  this  con- 
vention was  called,  the  people  of  the  State  which  I repre- 
sent, and  which  had  so  earnestly  advocated  him  before, 
determined  again  to  place  him  before  this  convention.  I 
am  but  executing  their  wish  when  I do  so.  Now,  gentle- 
men, I will  say,  with  regard  to  the  State  of  Michigan,  it 
is  not  a doubtful  State.  It  is  a State  which  stands  by  its 
banner  all  the  time.  It  will  not  matter,  so  far  as  the 
work,  the  vigor  and  the  energy  which  that  State  will  put 
into  the  contest,  whether  he  be  nominated  here  or  not; 
we  stand  by  the  flag  whoever  may  be  the  standard  bearer. 
With  these  remarks,  gentlemen,  longer  than  I intended,  I 
have  the  honor  to  present  to  this  convention  as  a candi- 
date for  the  Presidential  chair  for  the  ensuing  term,  to  be 
voted  for  by  the  people,  the  name  of  the  Hon.  James  G. 
Blaine,  of  the  State  of  Maine. 


124 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  PIXLEY,  SECONDING  THE  NOMINATION 
OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

^^Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Eepub- 
LiCAN  National  Convention:  I have  been  assigned  to 
a most  pleasurable  duty.  It  has  been  accorded  to  me  by 
the.  desire  of  my  associates,  and  by  the  consent  of  the 
friends  of  Mr.  Blaine,  that  I should  have  the  honor  to 
second  his  nomination  in  this  convention  for  the  office  of 
President  of  the  United  States.  All  the  delegates  of  the 
Territories  of  Washington,  Idaho  and  Arizona,  and  the 
States  of  Oregon,  Nevada  and  California,  composing  to- 
gether the  magnificent  empire  of  the  Pacific,  a grander 
and  prouder  empire  than  which  does  not  exist  under  the 
sun,  unite  with  me  in  the  pleasure  of  this  opportunity  to 
second  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Blaine,  and  will  supplement 
the  compliment  by  casting  for  him  the  united  vote  of  all 
the  States  and  all  the  Territories  composing  this  Pacific 
empire. 

Our  delegation,  though  limited  in  number,  represents 
an  empire  broad  in  territorial  area,  extending  with  Alaska 
from  the  eternal  ice  of  the  Arctic  seas  to  the  semi- 
tropical  belt,  where  the  apple  and  the  pineapple  grow 
side  by  side, — extending  from  the  wave-washed  sands  of 
the  golden  sea  to  the  rock-ribbed  mountains  that  separate 
but  do  not  divide  us  from  you,  our  eastern  friends — em- 
bracing the  present  worth  of  gold,  and  grain,  and  wine, 
and  wool,  and  an  incalculable  wealth  that  shall  yet  aston- 
ish the  world.  It  is  a broad  and  splendid  domain.  Its  west- 
ern shore  looks  westward  to  eastern  lands;  its  golden  gates 
stand  wide  ajar  to  admit  the  commerce  of  the  Orient,  and 
to  welcome  the  intercourse  necessary  to  its  enjoyment.  It 
is  the  future  home  of  your  children— it  is  the  inheritance 
of  your  sons — it  is  the  rich  dower  of  your  daughters;  and 
we  think,  and  all  our  Republicans  think,  that  the  nomi- 
nation of  James  G.  Blaine  will  result  in  his  becoming  the 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 


125 


President  of  the  United  States;  and  because  we  think,  and 
because  the  whole  of  the  Eepublican  party  think,  that  as 
President  he  will  help  to  guard  this  rich  empire,  and  to 
preserve  it  as  the  home  and  inheritance  and  dower  of  all 
the  children  of  their  Christian  commonwealth,  AVashing- 
ton  territory,  Idaho,  and  Arizona,  Oregon,  Nevada  and 
California  have  sent  us  a united  delegation,  to  cast  an 
unbroken  vote  for  the  distinguished  statesman  and  Senator 
from  Maine. 

In  him  we  recognize  the  distinguished  ability,  the  un- 
flinching nerve,  which  is  at  all  times  demanded  in  the  per- 
formance of  public  duties.  The  possession  of  an  unstained 
name,  which  even  partisan  malice  has  been  unable  to 
blacken;  the  possession  of  a brain  and  heart  that  embraces  in 
its  magnetic  sympathy  all  his  countrymen  who  love  their 
country,  honor  its  institutions  and  obey  its  laws.  He  is 
gifted,  eloquent  and  brave;  he  is  patriotic,  honest  and  true; 
he  has  been  tried  in  long  public  service,  and  may  be 
trusted.  He  will  carry  into  his  great  office  no  personal  nor 
party  resentments;  he  will  bring  to  the  discharge  of  his 
official  duties  no  local  nor  sectional  prejudices;  he  is  broad- 
minded, comprehensive  and  generous  in  the  exercise  of 
undaunted  moral  courage;  will  dare  to  defy  the  baser  ])olit- 
ical  elements,  and  delight  to  surround  himself  with  the 
best  and  ablest  men  of  the  nation.  He  will  call  into  the 
counsels  of  his  administration  the  tried  and  honored  and 
honest  men  of  his  party.  He  will  exert  to  the  fullest  extent 
the  powers  and  prerogatives  of  the  presidential  office, 
and  secure  to  the  humblest  citizen  the  protection  of  the 
1 law.  He  will,  in  the  performance  of  his  executive  duty, 
shirk  no  responsibility,  nor  seek  to  avoid  any  duty  required 
of  him  by  the  Constitution  and  the  law. 

His  nomination  will  violate  none  of  the  time-honored 
traditions  of  the  country;  traditions  that  in  their  long- 
continued  existence  and  force  have  become  binding  as  the 
unwritten  laws  of  the  land;  traditions  that  ought  to  be 


126 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


more  invulnerable  than  formulated  codes,  and  as  sacred  as 
the  written  constitution  of  our  fathers.  His  nomination 
is  demanded  by  the  majority  of  the  delegates  from  the 
solid  Eepublican  North,  and  it  ought  to  be  conceded  by 
the  solid  South,  that  has  everything  to  receive  and  nothing 
to  give,  that  in  the  coming  contest  has  everything  to  gain 
and  nothing  except  honor  that  it  has  not  already  lost. 
Give  us  this  gentleman  for  a candidate  and  we  of  the  ulti- 
mate west  pledge  to  you  the  gallant  service  of  the  gallant 
band  of  Eepublican  soldiers,  that  has  now  for  these  twenty 
years  held  and  guarded  the  frontier  outpost  of  your  Ee- 
publican army.  We  have  never  been  surprised  or  found 
off  of  duty;  we  have  never  flinched  a flght  nor  lost  a 
presidential  battle;  we  have  never  allowed  a Democratic 
vote  to  be  deposited  in  the  electoral  urn  since  we  have 
been  welcomed  to  the  sisterhood  of  States.  Give  us  this 
gentleman  for  a candidate,  and  v/e  will  go  back  to  our 
homes  with  banners  flying — with  glad,  proud  hearts;  our 
people  will  welcome  and  applaud  us;  our  western  sea  shall 
sound  its  waving  anthems  across  the  continent  to  your 
eastern  ocean;  our  pine-clad  Sierras  shall  nod  their  tassels 
in  graceful  courtesy  to  the  bending  plumes  of  Maine,  and 
we,  Mr.  President  and  gentlemen,  will  give  twelve  elect- 
oral votes  to  make  James  G.  Blaine  the  next  President  of 
the  United  States.^^ 

SPEECH  OF  WILLIAM  P.  FKYE,  SECOKDIIirG  THE  FTOMIFTA- 
TIOH  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 

^^Me.  Peeside^it,  AisTD  Gektlemen  of  the  Cohyeiv- 
tioft:  I saw  once  a storm  at- sea  in  the  night  time,  and  our 
staunch  old  ship  battling  for  its  life  with  the  fury  of  the 
tempest — darkness  everywhere;  the  wind  shrieking  and 
howling  through  the  rigging;  the  huge  waves  beating  upon 
the  sides  of  that  ship,  and  making  her  shiver  from  stem 
to  stern.  The  lightnings  were  flashing;  the  thunders  were 
rolling.  There  was  danger  everywhere.  I saw  at  the  helm 


UJSriTED  STATES  SEKATOR. 


127 


a calm,  bold,  courageous,  immovable,  commanding  man. 
In  the  tempest,  calm;  in  the  commotion,  quiet;  in  the 
dismay,  hopeful.  I saw  him  take  that  old  ship  and  bring 
her  into  the  harbor,  into  still  waters,  into  safety.  That 
man  was  a hero.  I saw  the  good  old  ship,  the  State  of 
Maine,  within  the  last  year,  fighting  her  Avay  through  the 
same  darkness,  through  the  same  perils,  agaii^^t  the  same 
waves,  against  the  same  dangers.  She  was  freighted  with 
all  that  is  precious  in  the  principles  of  our  Republic; 
with  the  rights  of  American  citizenship;  with  all  that  i§ 
guaranteed  to  the  American  citizen  by  our  Constitution. 
The  eyes  of  the  whole  nation  were  upon  her;  an  intense 
anxiety  filled  every  American  heart,  lest  the  grand  old 
ship,  the  State  of  Maine,  might  go  down  beneath  the 
waves  forever,  carrying  her  precious  freight  with  her.  But, 
sir,  there  was  a man  at  the  helm,  calm,  deliberate,  com- 
manding, sagacious;  he  made  even  the  foolish  men  wise; 
courageous,  he  inspired  the  timid  with  courage;  hopeful,, 
he  gave  heart  to  the  dismayed,  and  he  brought  that  good 
old  ship  safely  into  the  harbor,  into  safety;  and  there 
she  floats  to-day,  brighter,  purer,  stronger,  from  her  bap- 
tism of  danger.  That  man,  too,  was  a hero,  and  his  name 
was  James  G,  Blaine. 

Maine  sends  greetings  to  this  magnificent  convention. 
With  the  memory  of  her  own  salvation  from  impending 
peril  fresh  upon  her,  she  says  to  you,  representatives  of 
fifty  millions  of  American  people,  who  have  met  here  to 
counsel  how  the  Republic  shall  be  saved,  she  says  to  you, 
representatives  of  the  people,  take  a mau,  a true  man,  a 
staunch  man  for  your  leader,  who  has  just  saved  her,  and 
who  will  bear  you  to  safety  and  to  certain  victory. 

A LOOK  BEYOKD. 

A sigh  of  relief  went  up  from  the  hearts  of  myriads 
throughout  the  nation  when  the  intelligence  v/as  spread 
abroad  that  Garfield  had  been  nominated,  and  the  risk  of  a 


128 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


third-term  experiment  had  been  avoided.  The  followers  of 
Mr.  Blaine  were  disappointed,  but  they  had  the  consolation 
of  having  been  engaged  in  establishing  most  desirable  and 
longed-for  precedents,  and  of  looking  beyond  the  veil  to  a 
time  when  the  twice-deferred  choice  would  be  taken  up 
by  the  people  and  made  the  triumphant  standard  bearer, 
whose  name  would  be  talismanic  and  the  herald  of 
Republican  victory. 


A 


' • . . 


5 ■ 

t: 


% 


: f 


rf 


V^.;V.'r;.5V 


# 


.t- 


DEPARTMENTS  OF  STATE, 


CHAPTER  IX. 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


GARFIELD’S  IKYITATION. 


HE  influence  of  Mr.  Blaine  was  used  for  the  election 


of  the  Republican  candidate  in  1880.  In  November 
following  the  election^,  General  Garfield  decided  upon  a 
visit  to  Washington.  Mr.  Blaine  at  that  time  was  in 
Bangor,  Me.,  and  received  a note  from  the  President-elect 
appointing  an  interview  in  Washington  about  November 
24th.  Mr.  Blaine  reached  the  capital  two  days  after  this, 
and  on  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  he  called  upon  Gen- 
eral Garfield  at  his  private  residence.  For  two  hours 
these  distinguished  gentlemen  were  in  consultation  with- 
out interruption  from  any  person.  At  this  conference, 
General  Garfield  tendered  the  State  Department  to  Mr. 
Blaine.  In  reply  to  this  offer,  the  Senator  said:  Gen- 

eral, I am  hardly  prepared  for  this  tender  on  your  part. 
I do  not  know  how  to  make  answer.  I would  like  some 
time  for  reflection  and  consultation.  In  the  meantime 
I will  advise  you.” 

Upon  this  General  Garfield  urged  Mr.  Blaine  to  accept, 
but  no  binding  answer  was  made  at  that  time.  Not  long 
after  this,  Mr.  Blaine  had  a consultation  with  his  closest 
friends,  and  the  weight  of  their  testimony  was  that  he 
should  resign  his  position  as  Senator  and  become  Secretary 
of  State. 

After  this  meeting  with  adherents,  the  fact  that  Gen- 
eral Garfield  had  offered  the  Senator  the  leading  place  in 
his  cabinet  was  communicated  to  one  or  two  of  Senator 
Blaine’s  confidential  friends,  and  to  them  he  said:  ^^If 


130 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIFTE. 


the  sentiment  of  the  country  indorses  the  selection  Gen- 
eral Garfield  has  made,  I will  accept;  otherwise  not/^ 

Early  in  the  following  month  two  newspapers  made 
the  announcement  directly  and  absolutely  that  Senator 
Blaine  had  been  invited  by  General  Garfield  to  take  the 
Department  of  State,  This  soon  became  an  accepted 
fact.  The  expression  of  the  newspapers  was  universal 
that  the  selection  was  a good  one.  Having  noticed  the 
opinion  of  the  public,  Senator  Blaine  wrote  the  following 
letter  of  acceptance: 

Washington,  December  20,  1880. 

My  Dear  Garfield  : — Your  generous  invitation  to  enter  your 
cabinet  as  Secretary  of  State  has  been  under  consideration  for  more 
than  three  weeks.  The  thought  had  really  never  occurred  to  my 
mind  until,  at  our  late  conference,  you  presented  it  with  such  cogent 
arguments  in  its  favor,  and  with  such  warmth  of  personal  friendship, 
in  aid  of  your  kind  offer.  I know  an  early  reply  is  desirable,  and  I 
have  waited  only  long  enough  to  consider  the  subject  in  all  its  bear- 
ings and  to  make  up  my  mind  definitely  and  conclusively. 

I now  say  to  you,  in  the  same  cordial  spirit  in  which  you  have 
invited  me,  that  I accept  the  position. 

It  is  no  affectation  for  me  to  add  that  I make  this  decision  not  for 
the  honor  of  the  promotion  it  gives  me  in  the  public  service,  but 
because  I think  I can  be  useful  to  the  country  and  to  the  party,  and 
useful  to  you  as  the  responsible  leader  of  the  party  and  the  great  head 
of  the  government.  I am  infiuenced  somewhat,  perhaps,  by  the 
shower  of  letters  I have  received  urging  me  to  accept,  written  me  in 
consequence  of  the  mere  unauthorized  newspaper  report  that  you  had 
been  pleased  to  offer  me  the  place.  While  I have  received  these  let- 
ters from  all  sections  of  the  Union,  I have  been  especially  pleased, 
and  even  surprised,  at  the  cordial  and  widely -extended  feeling  in  my 
favor  throughout  New  England,  where  I had  expected  to  encounter 
local  jealousy  and,  perhaps,  a rival  aspiration.  In  our  new  relation  I 
shall  give  all  I am,  and  all  I can  hope  to  be,  freely  and  joyfully  to 
your  service.  You  need  no  pledge  of  my  loyalty  in  heart  and  in  act. 
I should  be  false  to  myself  did  i not  prove  true  both  to  the  great 
trust  you  copfide  to  me  and  to  your  own  personal  and  political  fort- 
unes, in  the  present  and  in  the  future.  Your  administration  must 
be  made  brilliantly  successful  and  strong  in  the  confidence  and  pride 
of  the  people,  not  at  all  struggling  its  energies  for  re-election,  and 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


131 


yet  compelling  that  result  by  the  logic  and  by  the  imperious  necessi- 
ties of  the  situation.  To  that  most  desirable  consummation  I feel 
that,  next  to  yourself,  I can  possibly  contribute  as  much  influence  as 
any  other  one  man.  I say  this  not  from  egotism  or  vain-glory,  bur 
merely  as  a deduction  from  a plain  analysis  of  the  political  forces 
which  have  been  at  work  in  the  country  for  five  years  past,  and  which 
have  been  significantly  shown  in  two  great  national  conventions.  I 
accept  it  as  one  of  the  happiest  circumstances  connected  with  this 
affair  that  in  allying  my  political  fortunes  with  yours — or  rather,  for 
the  time,  merging  mine  with  yours — my  heart  goes  with  my  head, 
and  that  I carry  to  you  not  only  political  support  but  personal  and 
devoted  friendship. 

I can  but  regard  it  as  somewhat  remarkable  that  two  men  of  the 
same  age,  entering  Congress  at  the  same  time,  influenced  by  the  same 
aims  and  cherishing  the  same  ambition,  should  never,  for  a single 
moment  in  eighteen  years  of  close  intimacy,  have  had  a misunder- 
standing or  coolness,  and  that  our  friendship  has  steadily  grown  with 
our  growth  and  strengthened  with  our  strength.  It  is  this  fact  which 
has  led  me  to  the  conclusion  embodied  in  this  letter,  for  however 
much,  my  dear  Garfield,  I might  admire  you  as  a stateman,  1 would 
not  enter  your  cabinet  if  I did  not  believe  in  you  as  a man  and  love 
you  as  a friend.  Always  faithfully  yours, 

James  G.  Blaine. 

This  communication  seems  to  have  been  written  as  a 
private  letter  to  the  President-elect,  and  not  designed 
for  publication,  but  containing  a number  of  features  char- 
acteristic of  Mr.  Blaine  as  showing  the  warmth  of  his 
friendship  and  his  devotion  to  the  President,  it  was  given 
to  the  press  without  reservation. 

The  cabinet,  headed  by  Secretary  Blaine,  was  promptly 
confirmed  by  the  Senate.  It  was  said  of  him  at  the  time 
that  he  was  in  one  sense  a truly  national  character.  He 
was  an  eastern  man  with  a western  temperament.  It  was 
confidently  expected*  that  in  the  discharge  of  his  official 
duties  he  would  first  consider  the  interests  of  his  own 
country,  and  afterwards  the  small  amenities  wdiich  would 
play  so  important  a part  in  our  diplomacy.  Joining  to  an 
unusually  quick  and  vigilant  mind  an  extensive  knowledge 
of  human  nature;  courteous  and  deferential  as  to  manner. 


132 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIJ^E. 


and  of  a strong  will^  he  united  most  happily  the  character- 
istics that  the  head  of  the  foreign  office  should  possess. 
His  extended  information  rendered  him  a most  competent 
advisor  of  the  President. 

EXTRA  SESSION  OF  THE  SEHATE. 

The  necessity  for  an  extra  session  of  the  Senate  was 
made  known  by  President  Hayes  in  a proclamation  pre- 
ceding the  close  of  his  term  of  service.  In  accordance 
with  this  call  the  Senate  met  in  extra  session  on  the  4th  of 
March^  1881.  The  parties  were  so  evenly  divided  that 
business  involving  political  questions  could  not  be  rapidly 
transacted.  This  evenness  of  the  parties  resulted  in  a 
dead-lock  that  was  not  broken  without  weeks  of  bitter 
personal  discussion.  That  which  clogged  the  work  of  the 
Senate  was  the  question  of  organization.  The  Kepublicans 
desired  officers  chosen  from  their  own  party,  and  the 
Democrats  wished  to  retain  the  old  officers  who  were  mem- 
bers of  their  party.  Senator  Davis,  of  Illinois,  was  classed 
as  an  Independent,  and  when  he  voted  with  the  Kepublicans 
they  were  unable  to  carry  their  measures  by  the  casting- 
vote  of  the  Vice-President,  their  presiding  officer,  and  when 
Mr.  Davis  voted  with  the  Democrats  the  vote  of  the  Vice- 
President  was  of  no  avail  to  the  Republicans.  On  the 
question  of  organization  the  views  of  Mr.  Davis  accorded 
with  those  of  the  Democrats.  The  dead-lock  was  not 
broken  until  a sufficient  number  of  recently  chosen  Repub- 
licans entered  the  Senate  to  overcome  the  slight  advantage 
of  the  Democrats. 

During  this  session  much  was  said  by  the  Senate  and 
the  press  on  Senatorial  courtesy,  a privilege  of  the  Senate 
which,  according  to  custom,  leaves  to  the  Senators  of  the 
State  the  right  to  say  who  should  be  appointed  from  their 
respective  States,  provided  the  Senators  are  of  the  same 
party  as  the  President.  One  wing  of  the  Republican  party, 
headed  by  Senator  Conkling,  put  great  stress  upon  this  cus- 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


133 


tom^  while  the  other  wing  supporting  the  government  set 
it  at  naught.  President  Garfield  sent  in  the  names  of  ten 
persons,  whom  he  nominated  for  important  positions  in 
New  York.  This  had  been  done  at  the  suggestion  of  Sen- 
ator Conkling,  who  had  been  invited  by  the  President  to 
name  his  friends.  While  this  was  satisfactory  to  the  Sen- 
ator and  his  adherents,  it  called  forth  loud  protests  from 
those  who  did  not  believe  that  so  many  nominees  should  be 
selected  from  the  friends  of  Mr.  Conkling.  For  the  Col- 
lector of  Customs  of  New  York  no  nomination  was  at  first 
made.  General  Edwin  H.  Merritt  being  the  incumbent. 
To  allay  the  dissatisfaction  occasioned  by  the  five  nomina- 
tions and  to  quiet  the  rapidly  developing  spirit  of  faction 
in  New  York  between  the  Grant  and  the  anti-Grant  par- 
tisans, President  Garfield,  on  the  23d  of  March,  sent  in  the 
name  of  Judge  Wm.  H.  Eobertson  for  the  New  York  Col- 
lectorship.  The  Judge  had  opposed  the  rule  at  Chicago 
and  disavowed  the  instructions  of  the  New  York  Conven- 
tion to  vote  for  General  Grant  and  headed  the  Blaine  del- 
egates from  that  State  on  the  withdrawal  of  the  latter, 
using  his  influence  for  the  nomination  of  General  Garfield. 
He  was  not,  therefore,  in  political  accord  with  Sen- 
ator Conkling.  The  latter  now  endeavored  to  secure  the 
confirmation  of  his  friends  and  defeat  that  of  the  Judge, 
who  was  his  political  enemy.  This  effort  caused  the  Presi- 
dent to  withdraw  the  names  that  had  been  suggested  by 
the  Senate,  thus  leaving  for  confirmation  for  the  time 
being  the  name  of  Judge  Eobertson  alone.  Against  this 
withdrawal  the  New  York  Senator  remonstrated  in  a 
letter  to  the  Executive.  The  President  did  not  recede  from 
his  position,  whereupon  Senator  Conkling  endeavored  to 
defeat  the  nomination  of  Eobertson  under  the  plea  of  the 
privilege  of  the  Senate  as  to  Senatorial  courtesy. There 
were  arrayed  against  him  the  influence  of  Mr.  Blaine,  Sec- 
retary of  State,  and  a suiSicient  number  of  Senators  to 
counteract  the  influence  of  Conkling.  Seeing  that  the  con- 


134 


LIFE  OE  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


firmation  of  the  Judge  could  not  be  prevented,  Senators 
Conkling  and  Platt  sent  in  their  resignations,  which  were 
read  to  the  Senate.  These  were  prepared  without  consul- 
tation with  their  intimate  friends,  and  created  great  ex- 
citement throughout  the  country.  Governor  Cornell,  of 
New  York,  to  whom  the  resignations  were  sent,  used  his 
influence  in  vain  to  have  them  reconsidered  and  withdrawn. 
After  this  act  President  Garfield  returned  to  the  Senate  the 
list  of  appointees  that  he  had  withdrawn,  most  of  whom, 
under  the  condition  of  affairs,  declined  the  nomination. 

President  Garfield,  during  all  this  contest,  was  sup- 
ported by  the  popular  sentiment  of  the  Eepublican  party 
all  over  the  country,  and  subsequent  events  vindicated  the 
wisdom  of  his  position.  Senator  Blaine  adhered  to  the 
President  throughout  these  difficulties,  and  was  believed 
by  Senator  Conkling  to  be  the  chief  instigator  of  what 
the  President  had  done. 

THE  IMMOETAL  EIGHTY  DAYS. 

On  the  second  of  July,  1881,  President  Garfield,  in 
company  with  Secretary  Blaine,  left  the  Executive  Man- 
sion at  nine  a.m.,  and  proceeded  to  the  depot  of  the 
Baltimore  and  Potomac  Kailway,  where  the  President 
designed  to  take  a special  train  to  visit,  in  New  England, 
the  college  from  which  he  had  graduated.  Having  en- 
tered the  main  waiting-room,  walking  arm-in-arm  with 
the  Secretary,  Charles  J.  Guiteau,  a persistent  applicant 
for  office,  advanced  toward  the  President  and  fired  at  him 
two  shots,  one  of  which  was  harmless,  but  the  other 
entered  the  body  of  the  President  about  four  inches  to 
the  right  of  the  spinal  column,  striking  the  tenth  and 
eleventh  ribs.  The  wounded  President  sank  to  the  floor, 
and  was  conveyed  at  once  to  a room  where  he  could  receive 
attention.  Doctor  Bliss  made  an  effort  to  find  the  ball, 
but  was  not  successful.  The  sj^stem  of  the  President  was 
severely  shocked,  and  it  was  sup])Osed  death  would  soon 
ensue.  He  was  removed  to  the  Executive  Mansion  two 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE, 


135 


hours  after  the  shooting.  But  little  hope  of  recovery  was 
entertained  until  on  July  4th  a favorable  turn  was  discov- 
ered^ and  on  the  following  morning  there  was  a vague 
hope  that  the  result  would  be  favorable.  Improvement 
continued  until  the  seventh  of  July,  when  Dr.  Bliss 
became  very  confident  of  the  ultimate  triumph  over  the 
disease.  From  this  on  until  the  sixteenth,  there  was 
truly  an  improvement,  and  the  country  began  to  entertain 
hopes  that  the  President  would  recover.  On  the  ninth 
he  wrote  his  name  for  the  first  time,  and  on  the  next 
day  he  signed  an  important  extradition  paper.  On  the 
eleventh  he  wrote  a letter  to  his  aged  mother  at  Mentor, 
and  used  words  of  a hopeful  tendency.  Hopes  and  fears 
alternated  from  day  to  day  until  on  the  sixth  of  Sep- 
tember, when  he  was  removed  to  Elberon  in  a car  pre- 
pared for  the  purpose.  After  being  placed  in  the  cottage 
at  Elberon,  the  country  watched  with  feverish  excitement 
the  news  of  the  patienPs  condition,  wliich  was  first  for 
the  better  and  then  for  the  worse.  On  Tuesday,  the 
thirteenth  of  September,  the  improvement  was  such  that 
the  patient  was  placed  in  a chair  at  the  window,  where  he 
could  watch  the  waters  of  the  ocean.  Though  from  this 
time  until  the  closing  moments,  there  were  frequent  hopes 
of  recovery,  the  suffering  form  was  sinking  day  by  day. 
President  Garfield  died  on  September  19,  1881,  at  ten 
o^clock  and  thirty-five  minutes,  and  the  Nation  mourned 
his  loss  by  a sympathy  unparalleled,  and  only  approxi- 
mated by  that  which  was  occasioned  by  the  assassination 
of  President  Lincoln. 

At  midnight  on  the  nineteenth  the  cabinet  at  Long 
.Branch  telegraphed  Vice-President  Arthur  to  take 
promptly  the  oath  of  office.  This  he  did  before  a local 
Judge  in  New  York.  He  then  went  to  Washington  and 
took  the  oath  of  office  in  tl\e  marble  room  in  the  Capitol, 
in  the  presence  of  the  members  of  the  cabinet,  the  Justices 
of  the  Supreme  Court  and  a few  Senators  and  members  of 


136 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


the  House  of  Representatives.  The  President  then  read 
from  manuscript  a brief  inaugural  address.  On  the  same 
day  the  cabinet,  through  Secretary  Blaine,  tendered  their 
resignations,  but  President  Arthur  said  he  did  not  desire 
to  accept  them,  and  would  esteem  it  a personal  favor  if  the 
cabinet  would  continue  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties. 
The  emergency  being  great,  the  cabinet  manifested  a 
desire  to  aid  the  President  in  the  arrangement  of  public 
duties  until  he  should  see  fit  to  form  a cabinet  of  his  own 
selection. 

During  the  immortal  eighty  days  of  the  President's 
sickness  Secretary  Blaine  watched  the  suffering  patient 
with  a tenderness  and  care  that  attracted  the  attention  of 
the  world.  The  country  still  remembers  vividly  the  devo- 
tion with  which  he  watched  at  the  bedside,  and  the  calm 
dignity  with  which  during  these  long  weeks  of  suspense  he 
discharged  the  painful  duties  of  his  position,  the  admirable 
precision  of  the  bulletins  which  he  issued  to  the  press, 
and,  through  Minister  Lowell,  to  the  Foreign  Legations, 
and  the  perfection  of  the  replies  which  he  dictated  to 
official  expressions  of  sympathy  at  home  and  abroad.  It 
is  the  universal  testimony  of  press  and  people  that  during 
the  weary  weeks  which  intervened  between  the  President’s 
injury  and  death,  Mr.  Blaine^s  every  action  and  constant 
demeanor  were  absolutely  faultless.  The  disabilities  of 
the  President  while  prostrated  by  sickness  were  such  that  he 
could  not  attend  to  the  duties  of  the  great  station  to  which 
he  was  elected,  and  during  the  sad  hours  of  his  life  the 
Vice-President  did  not  interfere  in  any  way  regarding  the 
duties  which  should  be  performed.  Consequently  Secre- 
tary Blaine  was  virtually  the  acting  President  of  the 
United  States  during  these  trying  days  of  mental  anxiety 
and  physical  toil. 

HOPES  OF  THE  HATIOH. 

A feeling  of  satisfaction  and  contentment  pervaded  the 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


137 


Nation  after  the  auspicious  and  imposing  inauguration  of 
President  Garfield  and  the  appointment  of  one  of  the 
country's  favorites  as  a chief  executive  adviser.  Much  was 
expected  of  the  efforts  from  Secretary  Blaine.  Many  inter- 
ests of  the  United  States  were  at  stake,  and  many  high  hopes 
were  excited.  Numerous  suggestions  were  made  from 
various  sources,  and  the  newspapers  vied  with  one  another 
in  calling  attention  to  the  great  opportunities  before  him. 
As  an  evidence  of  the  feeling  of  the  enterprising  portion  of 
the  Nation,  the  following  extract  is  given: 

^^Mr.  Blaine  has  an  opportunity  for  accomplishing  a 
great  American  international  commercial  system,  without 
precedent  in  its  magnitude  and  incomparable  in  its  benefits. 

^^On  the  north  of  the  present  limits  of  the  United  States 
are  the  British  provinces,  extending  from  the  Atlantic  to 
the  Pacific,  most  of  which  are  included  in  the  Dominion  of 
Canada.  To  the  south  of  us  lies  unfortunate,  poor  and 
feeble  Mexico;  beyond  this,  to  the  Isthmus,  the  smaller 
States  included  in  the  Central  American  Groui^;  southeast 
of  us  lie  the  Spanish  West  Indian  Islands,  fertile  and  pro- 
ductive, and  to  which  the  people  of  this  country  pay  large 
tribute.  These  several  States,  from  Hudson’s  Bay  to  the 
Isthmus  of  Panama,  naturally  form  what  may  be  called  an 
exclusively  American  system,  not  merely  political,  but  in 
the  matter  of  natural  products  and  reciprocal  commercial 
interests.  They  have  varied  climates  and  productions, 
speak  various  languages,  have  different  habits,  customs, 
forms  of  government  and  religions;  but  they  have  an  iden- 
tity of  interests,  the  same  absence  of  serious  European 
alliances,  the  strongest  inducements  for  the  closest  com- 
mercial relations,  and  have  essentially  the  common  feeling 
that  as  against  the  rest  of  the  world  they  should  be  a unit. 

No  one  not  a madman  proposes  that  these  States  should 
be  consolidated,  or  that  the  United  States  should  annex 
them,  either  by  force,  negotiation,  or  otherwise.  What- 
ever extension  of  territory  to  the  United  States  may  take 


138 


LIFE.  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


place  in  the  future  must  take  place  under  the  healthy 
fruition  of  time  and  by  the  free  choice  of  people  who  can 
not  be  kept  separate  any  longer. 

Mr.  Blaine^’s  opportunity  is  not  in  the  line  of  an  annex- 
ationist^ but  in  the  more  useful  work  of  including  the 
whole  continent  north  of  Mexico  under  one  system  of  com- 
mercial regulation,  whereby  one  and  the  same  tariff  law, 
tlie  same  scale  of  duties  and  imports,  the  same  custom- 
house rules,  shall  prevail  everywhere  alike  in  the  United 
States  and  in  the  Dominion  provinces,  and  at  the  same 
time  a liberal  reciprocity  of  trade  with  Mexico,  Central 
America  and  the  West  Indies. 

The  United  States  exhibit  the  grand  system  of  no  less 
than  thirty-eight  States,  containing  over  50,000,000  people, 
with  a great  inter-state  trade,  and  with  all  their  varied 
interests,  climates,  productions  and  wants,  harmoniously 
exchanging  commodities  under  one  common  tariff  and  one 
common  system  of  commerce.  If  this  be  possible  and 
successful  under  thirty-eight  States,  why  not  under  forty- 
eight  States  ? The  productions  of  Maine  or  'New  Bruns- 
wick, or  Michigan  and  Ontario  differ  no  more  than  those 
of  Iowa  and  Illinois,  or  Kentucky  and  Ohio.  The  exten- 
sion of  this  great  inter-state  system  to  Canada  would  be  no 
more  difficult  than  was  its  extension  to  Texas  and  Cali- 
fornia a comparatively  short  time  since.  Twenty  years  ago 
the  man  would  have  been  pronounced  insane  who  had  pro- 
posed that  a Canadian  postal-stamp  should  carry  a letter 
through  the  mails'^of  the  United  States  ; now  the  stamp 
of  any  of  the  civilized  governments  of  the  world  will  carry  a 
letter  free  of  other  charge  to  the  uttermost  limits  of  the 
earth.  To  propose  now  to  carry  into  execution  an  exten- 
sion of  the  American  inter-state  commerce  to  the  British 
possessions  at  the  north,  and  a liberal  reciprocity  treaty 
with  Mexico  and  the  Central  American  States,  is  no  more 
visionary  and  is  decidedly  more  practicable  than  was  the 
now  world- wide  Postal  Union  a few  years  ago. 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


139 


More  than  twenty-five  years  ago,  the  present  State  of 
Texas  was  forcibly  wrenched  from  Mexico  by  a revolution 
conducted  entirely  by  Americans  who  had  settled  there. 
Subsequently  the  United  States  made  Texas  a part  of  the 
Union,  and  then  waged  war  on  Mexico  ; the  result  of  the 
war  was  the  spoliation  of  Mexico -of  immense  portions  of  her 
remaining  territory.  That  unfortunate  country,  torn  by 
domestic  dissensions,  sold  and  betrayed  by  popular  leaders, 
with  her  industries  paralyzed  by  chronic  civil  w^ar,  has 
always  entertained  strong  resentment  toward  this  country, 
and  cherished  deep  distrust  of  our  people.  The  once 
favored  scheme  for  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  that  room  might 
be  made  for  the  extension  of  slavery,  perished  with  slavery. 
ISTo  one  now  desires  to  conquer  a foot  of  Mexican  soil. 
The  conquest  that  is  sought  is  in  the  line  of  peaceful 
commerce.  American  capital  is  now  building  railroads 
into  Mexico,  which  railroads  are  to  penetrate  that  country 
just  as  they  do  in  American  States,  reaching  forward  to 
every  locality,  every  port,  and  every  productive  center  in 
the  land,  seeking  a market  in  which  to  sell  and  in  which 
to  buy.  Two  lines  of  railway  are  now  under  way — one, 
crossing  the  boundary  of  El  Paso  and  moving  down  to 
the  Pacific  coast,  the  other  extending  through  Texas,  and 
pushing  through  the  more  densely  populated  States  direct 
to  the  City  of  Mexico. 

^^Por  what  is  this  money  to  be  expended?  To  estab- 
lish trade  and  commerce?  Let  us  see  how  and  on  what 
terms  we  can  trade  with  Mexico.  At  present,  under  the 
tariff  of  Mexico,  a duty  will  be  levied  on  all  American 
goods  crossing  the  boundary,  and  also  a duty  to  the  State 
the  train  first  enters.  As  the  train  bearing  the  goods 
reaches  the  boundary  of  the  next  State,  another  tax  is 
collected,  and  so  on.  Every  time  the  goods  are  moved 
from  one  State  over  the  line  of  another  State  a new  duty  is 
collected.  By  the  time  the  goods  reach  to  any  extent  into 
the  country,  the  National,  the  State,  and  even  the  munici- 


140 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  Q.  BLAINE. 


pal  tariffs  have  so  swollen  the  cost  that  there  are  but  few 
persons  in  Mexico  able  to  purchase  them.  So,  when 
Mexico  has  anything  to  sell,  each  State  and  each  munici- 
pality, as  well  as  the  National  government,  levies  and 
collects  an  export  duty  on  all  that  goes  out,  and  by  the 
time  Mexican  goods  would  reach  the  American  boundary, 
their  cost  would  become  too  great  to  admit  of  any  one 
buying  them  here.  To  talk  of  expending  several  hundred 
millions  of  American  money  to  build  railroads  through 
Mexico  to  establish  a trade  between  this  and  that  country 
so  long  as  Mexico  has  a prohibitory  tariff  system  such  as 
we  have  mentioned,  is  out  of  the  question. 

^^The  time  for  a continental  system  of  exchanges  is 
eminently  propitious,  and  if  Mr.  Blaine  will  accomplish  a 
reformation  by  the  extension  north  and  south  of  an  inter- 
national arrangement  of  duties,  uniform  and  common  to 
this  and  to  all  adjoining  countries,  he  will  accomplish  for 
himself  imperishable  credit,  and  have  gained  for  his  coun- 
try and  for  the  people  of  the  neighboring  States  benefits 
which  will  be  enduring.  He  will  practically  establish  a per- 
petual peace  on  this  continent.  He  will  bind  these  sixty  or 
more  millions  of  people  in  the  strong  links  of  commercial 
unity;  he  will  cement  the  feeling  of  Americanism,  and, 
while  necessarily  producing  no  change  or  disturbance  in 
their  political  governments,  he  will  practically  unite  them 
all,  commercially,  into  that  ^ocean-bound  republic^  which 
was  once  supposed  could  only  be  accomplished  by  the 
force  of  arms.'’^ 

It  is  probable  that  Mr.  Blaine^s  views  did  not  accord 
exactly  with  the  thoughts  of  the  preceding,  but  that  he 
designed  to  establish  perpetual  peace  on  this  continent  is 
fully  shown  by  this  invitation  to  the  countries  of  America 
to  meet  in  peace  congress  at  Washington. 

It  seemed  that  every  act  of  Secretary  Blaine  tended  to 
confirm  the  hopes  of  his  friends.  His  just  appreciation  of 
the  serious  work  that  was  before  him  was  manifested  in  his 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


141 


appointment  of  Judge  0.  Bancroft  Davis,  of  the  Court  of 
Claims,  to  be  Assistant  Secretary  of  State.  Mr.  Davis 
possessed  diplomatic  experience  in  an  eminent  degree.  He 
served  as  Assistant  Secretary  under  Mr.  Fish  and  as  Agent 
of  the  United  States  before  the  famous  Geneva  Commis- 
sion. In  both  of  these  positions  he  acquitted  himself  with 
marked  ability,  and  it  has  been  said  that  the  gaining  of 
the  American  case  at  Geneva  was  largely  due  to  his  efforts. 
The  public  were  still  further  encouraged  in  its  anticipations 
when,  after  a brief  incumbency  of  less  than  four  months,  it 
was  found  that  Mr.  Blaine  had  been  transacting  business 
with  a vigor  and  success  unusual  to  those  who  had  occupied 
his  position.  The  public  had  been  surprised  with  the 
appearance  of  a series  of  able  communications  to  foreign 
governments  concerning  certain  parts  of  American  com- 
merce ; they  had  been  informed  of  the  award  to  our  gov- 
ernment of  seventy-five  thousand  dollars  on  account  of 
the  Fortune  Bay  outrages ; they  had  heard  of  the  prompt 
enforcement  of  the  rights  of  American  citizens  in  the 
Bussi  case  before  the  Spanish  Mixed-Claims  Commission, 
resulting  in  the  offer  of  the  Spanish  government  to  com- 
promise Bussi^s  claim ; and  they  had  been  told  of  the 
agent  recently  dispatched  to  Ireland  to  look  after  adopted 
American  citizens  in  that  down-trodden  country.  All 
these  successful  and  vigorous  efforts  were  rapidly  gaining 
for  him  a reputation  as  a diplomatist  characteristic  of  his 
success  in  other  departments  of  statesmanship. 

I^EUTRALITY  OF  THE  ISTHMIAN  CANAL. 

The  uniting  of  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans  by 
means  of  a ship  canal  is  an  idea  almost  as  old  as  the  dis- 
covery of  America.  Cortez  made  mention  of  an  inter- 
oceanic  ship  canal  in  some  of  his  reports  to  the  Spanish 
government,  and  that  power  made  it  an  offense  punishable 
by  death  for  any  Spaniard  to  give  the  world  any  informa- 
tion on  the  subject. 


142 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIilE. 


After  the  Central  American  republics  became  independ- 
ent of  Spanish  domination,  many  efforts  were  made  by 
different  countries  to  select  a proper  route  by  which  a 
canal  might  be  constructed.  About  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  the  United  States  took  much  interest 
in  this  great  enterprise.  After  the  war  of  the  Kebellion, 
President  Grant  became  much  interested,  and  appointed 
a commission  which  should  take  charge  of  all  surveys 
made  in  the  interest  of  the  canal.  Several  important 
lines  were  surveyed  and  reports  made  thereon  to  the 
government  of  the  United  States.  All  of  these  reports 
united  in  declaring  any  canal  constructed  across  the 
Isthinus  must  be  by  the  aid  of  locks.  During  the  adminis- 
tration of  President  Hayes,  a conference  of  the  engineers 
of  the  world  was  called  to  meet  in  Paris,  Count  de 
Lesseps  being  the  one  under  whose  instructions  and  wishes 
the  engineers  were  called  tog^her  This  convention, 
against  the  advice  of  American  engineers,  decided  that  a 
tide-water  canal  at  Panama  was  possible,  and  it  was  thought 
by  the  French  people  that  such  a vote,  believed  in  by  such 
a man  as  Count  de  Lesseps,  was  sufficient  reason  for  large 
investments  in  the  enterprise.  Accordingly  many  millions 
of  dollars  were  raised,  and  DeLesseps  heading  the  enter- 
prise, a canal  at  Panama  was  begun  about  the  time 
General  Garfield  was  inaugurated. 

The  United  States  of  Colombia  through  whose  territory 
the  canal  is  designed  to  pass,  made  a proposition  that 
certain  European  powers  should  unite  in  guaranteeing  the 
neutrality  of  this  canal.  The  idea  of  neutrality  under 
European  dictation  was  contrary  to  the  Monroe  doctrine 
and  to  the  spirit  of  American  diplomacy,  and  was  something 
that  the  government  could  not  allow  nor  the  American 
people  afford.  President  Hayes  and  various  Executives 
preceding  his  time,  as  far  back  as  Monroe,  had  enunciated 
the  American  idea  of  the  supremacy  of  the  United  States 
in  the  Western  Hemisphere.  That  the  United  States 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


143 


might  not  be  placed  in  an  improper  position.  Secretary 
Blaine  wrote  to  the  powers  of  the  world,  through  Minister 
Lowell,  the  following  able  document: 

MR.  BLAINE  TO  MR.  LOWELL. 

. Department  of  State,  / 

Washington,  June  24,  1881.  f 

Sir:  It  has  fallen  under  the  observation  of  the  President,  through 
the  current  statements  of  the  European  press  and  other  usual  chan- 
nels of  communication,  that  the  gi’eat  powers  of  Europe  may  possibly 
be  considering  the  subject  of  jointly  guaranteeing  the  neutrality  of 
the  interoceanic  canal  now  projected  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama. 

The  United  States  recognizes  a proper  guarantee  of  neutrality  as 
essential  to  the  construction  and  successful  operation  of  any  highway 
across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  and  in  the  last  generation  every  step 
was  taken  by  this  government  that  is  deemed  requisite  in  the  prem- 
ises. The  necessity  was  foreseen  and  abundantly  provided  for,  long 
in  advance  of  any  possible  call  for  the  actual  exercise  of  power. 

In  1846  a memorable  and  important  treaty  was  negotiated  and 
signed  between  the  United  States  of  America  and  the  Republic  of 
New  Granada,  now  the  United  States  of  Colombia.  By  the  thirty- 
fifth  article  of  that  treaty,  in  exchange  for  certain  concessions  made 
to  the  United  States,  we  guaranteed  positively  and  eflicnciously  ” 
the  perfect  neutrality  of  the  isthmus  and  of  any  interoceanic  com- 
munications that  might  be  constructed  upon  or  over  it  for  the 
maintenance  of  free  transit  from  sea  to  sea;  and  we  also  guaranteed 
the  rights  of  sovereignty  and  property  of  the  United  States  of  Colom- 
bia over  the  territory  of  the  isthmus  as  included  within  the  borders  of 
the  State  of  Panama. 

In  the  judgment  of  the  President  this  guarantee,  given  by  the 
United  States  of  America,  does  not  require  reinforcement,  or  acces- 
sion, or  assent  from  any  other  power.  In  more  than  one  instance  this 
government  has  been  called  upon  to  vindicate  the  neutrality  thus 
guaranteed,  and  there  is  no  contingency  now  foreseen  or  apprehended 
in  which  such  vindication  would  not  be  within  the  power  of  this 
nation. 

There  has  never  been  the  slightest  doubt  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States  as  to  the  purpose  or  extent  of  the  obligation  then  assumed,  by 
which  it  became  surety  alike  for  the,  free  transit  of  the  world’s  com- 
merce over  whatever  land-way  or  water-way  might  be  opened  from 
sea  to  sea,  and  for  the  protection  of  the  territorial  rights  of  Colombia 
from  aggression  or  interference  of  any  kind.  Nor  has  there  ever 


144 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


been  room  to  question  the  full  extent  of  the  advantages  and  benefits, 
naturally  due  to  its  geographical  position  and  political  relations  on 
the  western  continent,  which  the  United  States  obtained  from  the 
owner  of  the  isthmian  territory  in  exchange  for  that  far-reaching  and 
responsible  guarantee. 

If  the  foreshadowed  action  of  the  European  powers  should  assume 
tangible  shape,  it  would  be  well  for  you  to  bring  to  the  notice  of  Lord 
Granville  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  of  1846,  and  especially  of  its 
thirty-fifth  article,  and  to  intimate  to  him  that  any  movement  in  the 
sense  of  supplementing  the  guarantee  contained  therein  would  neces- 
sarily be  regarded  by  this  government  as  an  uncalled-for  intrusion 
into  a field  where  the  local  and  general  interests  of  the  United  States 
of  America  must  be  considered  before  those  of  any  other  power  save 
those  of  the  United  States  of  Colombia  alone,  which  has  already 
derived  and  will  continue  to  derive  such  eminent  advantages  from  the 
guarantee  of  this  government. 

The  President  deems  it  due  to  frankness  to  be  still  more  explicit 
on  this  subject,  and  to  elucidate  the  views  of  the  United  States  gov- 
ernment with  somewhat  of  detail  to  the  end  that  no  uncertainty  shall 
subsist  as  to  the  integrity  of  our  motives  or  the  distinctness  of 
our  aims. 

It  is  not  the  wish  or  the  purpose  of  the  United  States  to  interfere 
with  any  commercial  enterprise  in  which  the  citizens  or  subjects  of 
any  foreign  power  may  see  fit  to  embark  under  a lawful  privilege. 
The  fact  of  the  stock  and  franchises  of  the  Panama  canal  or  the  Pan- 
ama railway  being  owned  in  Europe,  either  in  whole  or  principally, 
is  no  more  a subject  of  complaint  on  the  part  of  the  United  States 
than  is  the  circumstance  that  the  stock  of  many  of  its  own  great  lines 
of  railway  is  largely  held  abroad.  Such  ownership,  with  its  attendant 
rights,  is  in  the  United  States  amply  secured  by  the  laws  of  the  land, 
and  on  the  Isthmus  is  doubly  secured  by  the  local  laws  of  Colombia, 
under  the  superior  guarantee  of  the  United  States. 

Nor,  in  time  of  peace,  does  the  United  States  seek  to  have  any 
exclusive  privileges  accorded  to  American  ships  in  respect  to  prece- 
dence or  tolls  through  an  interoceanic  canal  any  more  than  it  has 
sought  like  privileges  for  American  goods  in  transit  over  the  Panama 
railway,  under  the  exclusive  control  of  an  American  corporation. 
The  extent  of  the  privileges  of  American  citizens  and  ships  is  meas- 
urable under  the  treaty  of  1846  by  those  of  Colombian  citizens  and 
ships.  It  would  be  our  earnest  desire  and  expectation  to  see  the 
world’s  peaceful  commerce  enjoy  the  same  just,  liberal  and  rational 
treatment. 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


145 


It  is  as  regards  the  political  control  of  such  a canal,  as  distin- 
guished from  its  merely  administrative  or  commercial  regulation,  that 
the  President  feels  called  upon  to  speak  with  directness  and  with 
emphasis.  During  any  war  to  which  the  United  States  of  America  or 
the  United  States  of  Colombia  might  be  a party,  the  passage  of  armed 
vessels  of  a hostile  nation  through  the  canal  at  Panama  would  be  no 
more  admissible  than  would  the  passage  of  the  armed  forces  of  a 
hostile  nation  over  the  railway  lines  joining  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific 
shores  of  the  United  States  or  of  Colombia.  And  the  United  States 
of  America  will  insist  upon  her  right  to  take  all  needful  precautions 
against  the  possibility  of  the  Isthmus  transit  being  in  any  event  used 
offensively  against  her  interests  upon  the  land  or  upon  the  sea. 

The  two  republics  between  which  the  guarantee  of  neutrality  and 
possession  exists  have  analogous  conditions  with  respect  to  their  ter- 
ritorial extension.  Both  have  a long  line  of  coast  on  either  ocean  to 
protect  as  well  as  to  improve.  The  possessions  of  the  United  States 
upon  the  Pacific  coast  are  imperial  in  extent  and  of  extraordinary 
growth.  Even  at  their  present  stage  of  development  they  would 
supply  the  larger  part  of  the  traffic  which  would  seek  the  advantages 
of  the  canal.  The  States  of  California  and  Oregon,  and  the  Terri- 
tory of  Washington,  larger  in  area  than  England  and  France,  pro- 
duce for  export  more  than  a ton  of  wheat  for  each  inhabitant,  and 
the  entire  freights  demanding  water  transportation  eastward,  already 
enormous,  are  augmenting  each  year  with  an  accelerating  ratio. 
While  the  population  and  products  of  the  Pacific  slope  are  thus 
increasing  upon  a vast  scale,  the  railway  system  connecting  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico  with  the  interior  and  with  the  great  lakes  is  being  rapidly 
extended,  thus  affording  additional  facilities  for  enlarging  the  com- 
merce that  must  seek  the  coast  line  to  the  Pacific,  of  which  the  pro- 
jected canal  at  Panama  will  form  a part  and  be  as  truly  a channel  of 
communication  between  the  Eastern  and  far  Western  States  as  our 
own  transcontinental  railways.  It  is  the  perception  of  this  domestic 
function  of  the  long-sought  water-way  between  the  two  seas  that 
border  the  republic  which  has  caused  the  project  to  be  regarded  as  of 
vital  importance  by  this  government.  The  history  of  the  enterprise 
is  marked  from  the  outset  by  the  numerous  expeditions  which  have, 
from  time  to  time,  been  sent  out  by  the  United  States,  at  large  ex- 
pense, to  explore  the  various  routes,  and  thus  facilitate  the  work 
when  the  time  should  be  ripe  and  the  vast  capital  be  forthcoming  for 
the  undertaking. 

If  the  proposed  canal  were  a channel  of  communication  near  to 
the  countries  of  the  Old  World,  and  employed  wholly,  or  almost 
10 


140 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


wholly,  by  their  commerce,  it  might  very  properly  be  urged  that  the 
influence  of  the  European  powers  should  be  commensurate  with  their 
interests.  With  the  exercise  of  such  influence  the  United  States 
could  find  no  fault,  especially  if  assured  of  equal  participation  in  the 
peaceable  enjoyment  of  the  commercial  facilities  so  afforded.  The 
case,  however,  is  here  reversed,  and  an  agreement  between  the  Euro- 
pean States  to  jointly  guarantee  the  neutrality  and,  in  effect,  control 
the  political  character  of  a highway  of  commerce  remote  from  them 
and  near  to  us,  forming  substantially  a part  of  our  coast-line  and 
promising  to  become  the  chief  means  of  transportation  between  our 
Atlantic  and  Pacific  States,  would  be  viewed  by  this  government 
with  the  gravest  concern. 

The  policy  of  the  United  States  is  one  of  peace  and  friendly  inter- 
course with  every  government  and  people.  This  disposition  is  frankly 
avowed  and  is,  moreover,  abundantly  shown  in  the  fact  that  our  arma- 
ments by  land  and  sea  are  kept  within  such  limits  as  to  afford  no 
ground  for  distrust  or  suspicion  of  menace  to  other  nations.  The 
guarantee  entered  into  by  this  government  in  1846  was  manifestly  in 
the  interest  of  peace,  and  the  necessity  imposed  by  circumstances 
upon  the  United  States  of  America  to  watch  over  a highway  between 
its  two  coasts  was  so  imperative  that  the  resultant  guarantee  was  the 
simplest  justice  to  the  chief  interests  concerned.  Any  attempt  to 
supersede  that  guarantee  by  an  agreement  between  European  powers 
which  maintain  vast  armies  and  patrol  the  sea  with  immense  fleets, 
and  whose  interest  in  the  canal  and  its  operation  can  never  be  so  vital 
and  supreme  as  ours,  would  partake  of  the  nature  of  an  alliance 
against  the  United  States  and  would  be  regarded  by  this  government 
as  an  indication  of  unfriendly  feeling.  It  would  be  but  an  inade- 
quate response  to  the  good  will  we  bear  them  and  to  our  cheerful  and 
constant  recognition  of  their  own  rights  of  domestic  policy,  as  well 
as  those  resulting  from  proximity  or  springing  from  neighborly 
interest. 

The  great  European  powers  have  repeatedly  united  in  agreements 
such  as  guarantees  of  neutrality  touching  the  political  condition  of 
States  like  Luxembourg,  Belgium,  Switzerland  and  parts  of  the 
Orient,  where  the  localities  were  adjacent  or  where  the  interests 
involved  concerned  them  nearly  and  deeply.  Recognizing  these 
facts,  the  United  States  has  never  offered  to  take  part  in  such  agree- 
ments or  to  make  any  agreements  supplementary  to  them. 

While  thus  observing  the  strictest  neutrality  with  respect  to  com- 
plications abroad,  it  is  the  long-settled  conviction  of  this  government 
that  any  extension  to  our  shores  of  the  political  system  by  which 


SECRETARY  OE  STATE. 


147 


the  great  powers  have  controlled  and  determined  events  in  Europe 
would  be  attended  with  danger  to  the  peace  and  welfare  of  this 
nation. 

While  the  government  of  the  United  States  has  no  intention  of 
initiating  any  discussion  upon  this  subject,  it  is  proper  that  you 
should  be  prepared,  in  case  of  concerted  action  or  conference,  or 
exchange  of  opinions  thefeon,  betv/een  the  great  powers  of  Europe, 
to  communicate  to  the  government  to  which  you  are  accredited  the 
views  of  the  President  as  frankly  and  as  fully  as  they  are  herein  set 
forth.  And  at  suitable  times  in  your  personal  and  friendly  inter- 
course with  your  colleagues  of  the  diplomatic  body  at  London,  you 
may  find  it  proper  to  give  discreet  expression  to  the  policy  and  motives 
of  your  government  in  the  premises. 

You  will  be  careful,  in  any  conversations  you  may  have,  not  to 
represent  the  position  of  the  United  States  as  the  development  of  a 
now  policy  or  the  inauguration  of  any  advanced,  aggressive  steps  to 
be  taken  by  this  government.  It  is  nothing  more  than  the  pro- 
nounced adherence  of  the  United  States  to  principles  long  since 
enunciated  by  the  highest  authority  of  the  government,  and  now,  in 
the  judgment  of  tlie  President,  firmly  inwoven  as  an  integral  and 
important  part  of  our  national  policy. 

In  his  address  upon  taking  the  oath  of  office  the  President  dis- 
tinctly proclaimed  the  position  which  the  government  of  the  United 
States  would  hold  upon  this  question,  and  if  the  European  cabinets 
have  failed  to  observe  or  give  due  heed  to  the  declarations  then 
made,  it  may  be  well  for  you  on  some  proper  occasion  to  call  the 
attention  of  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  to  the  language  used  by 
the  President.  I am,  etc., 

James  G.  Blaine. 

Sent  mutatis  mutandis  to  United  States  Ministers  in  Europe. 

The  publication  of  this  document  elicited  much  com- 
ment in  the  United  States,  and  especially  in  Great  Britain. 
England  declared  that  the  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty  of  1846, 
was  an  insurmountable  barrier  to  the  position  taken  by  Mr. 
Blaine  in  his  remarkable  letter  to  the  powers.  Mr.  Blaine 
did  not  at  first  reply  to  the  position  taken  by  Great 
Britain  in  opposition  to  his  letter  to  Minister  Lowell,  but 
after  President  Arthur  had  become  chief  executive,  and 
the  people  were  getting  composed  after  the  great  excitement 
of  Garfield^s  assassination,  the  Secretary  wrote  a supple- 


148 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


mentary  letter  to  Minister  Lowell,  wherein  he  shows  that 
the  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty  must  not  be  a hindrance  to  the 
United  States  in  maintaining  her  position  regarding  her 
supremacy  over  the  Isthmian  Canal.  The  text  of  the 
supplementary  letter  is  as  follows: 

MR.  BLAINE  TO  MR.  LOWELL. 

Department  of  State,  ) 
Washington,  November  19,  1881.  ) 

Sir:  In  pursuance  of  the  premises  laid  down  in  my  circular  note 
of  June  24th  of  this  year,  touching  the  determination  of  this  govern- 
ment with  respect  to  the  guarantee  of  neutrality  for  the  Interoceanic 
canal  at  Panama,  it  becomes  my  duty  to  call  your  attention  to  the 
convention  of  April  19,  1850,  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States,  commonly  known  as  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty. 

According  to  the  articles  of  that  convention,  the  high  contracting 
parties,  in  referring  to  an  Interoceanic  canal,  through  Nicaragua, 
agreed — 

That  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  will  ever  obtain  or  maintain 
for  itself  any  exclusive  control  over  said  ship  canal,  and  that  neither 
will  ever  erect  or  maintain  any  fortifications  commanding  the  same 
or  in  the  vicinity  thereof.” 

In  a concluding  paragraph,  the  high  contracting  parties  agreed — 

*'To  extend  their  protection  by  treaty  stipulations  to  any  other 
practicable  communications,  whether  by  canal  or  railway  across  the 
isthmus  * * * which  are  now  proposed  to  be  established  by 

way  of  Tehuantepec  or  Panama.” 

This  convention  was  made  more  than  thirty  years  ago,  under  ex- 
ceptional and  extraordinary  conditions  which  have  long  since  ceased  to 
exist — conditions  which  at  best  were  temporary  in  their  nature  and 
which  can  never  be  reproduced.  The  remarkable  development  of 
the  United  States  on  the  Pacific  coast  since  that  time  has  created  new 
duties  for  this  government,  and  devolved  new  responsibilities  upon 
it,  the  full  and  complete  discharge  of  which  requires,  in  the  judg- 
ment of  the  President,  some  essential  modifications  in  the  Clayton- 
Bulwer  treaty.  The  interests  of  Her  Majesty’s  government  involved 
in  this  question,  in  so  far  as  they  may  be  properly  judged  by  the 
observation  of  a friendly  power,  are  so  inconsiderable  in  comparison 
with  those  of  the  United  States  that  the  President  hopes  a readjust- 
ment of  the  terms  of  the  treaty  may  be  reached  in  a spirit  of  amity 
and  concord, 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


149 


The  respect  due  to  Her  Majesty’s  government  demands  that  the 
objections  to  the  perpetuity  of  the  convention  of  1850,  as  it  now 
exists,  should  be  stated  with  directness  and  with  entire  frankness; 
and  among  the  most  salient  and  palpable  of  these  is  the  fact  that  the 
operation  of  the  treaty  practically  concedes  to  Great  Britain  the  con- 
trol of  whatever  canal  may  be  constructed.  The  insular  position  of 
the  home  government,  with  its  extended  colonial  possessions,  requires 
the  British  Empire  to  maintain  a vast  naval  establishment,  which  in 
our  continental  solidity  we  do  not  need,  and  in  time  of  peace  shall  never 
create.  If  the  United  States  binds  itself  not  to  fortify  on  land,  it 
concedes  that  Great  Britain,  in  the  possible  case  of  a struggle  for  the 
control  of  the  canal,  shall  at  the  outset  have  an  advantage  which 
would  prove  decisive,  and  which  could  not  be  reversed,  except  by  the 
expenditure  of  treasure  and  force.  The  presumptive  intention  of  the 
treaty  was  to  place  the  two  powers  on  a plane  of  perfect  equality  with 
respect  to  the  canal,  but  in  practice,  as  I have  indicated,  this  would 
prove  utterly  delusive,  and  would  instead  surrender  it,  if  not  in  form, 
yet  in  eifect,  to  the  control  of  Great  Britain. 

The  treaty  binds  the  United  States  not  to  use  its  military  force  in 
any  precautionary  measure,  while  it  leaves  the  naval  power  of  Great 
Britain  perfectly  free  and  unrestrained — ready  at  any  moment  of  need 
to  seize  both  ends  of  the  canal  and  render  its  military  occupation  on 
land  a matter  entirely  within  the  discretion  of  Her  Majesty’s  govern- 
ment. The  military  power  of  the  United  States,  as  shown  by  the 
recent  civil  war,  is  without  limit,  and  in  any  conflict  on  the  American 
continent  altogether  irresistible.  The  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  com- 
mands this  government  not  to  use  a single  regiment  of  troops  to  pro- 
tect its  interests  in  connection  with  the  Interoceanic  canal,  but  to 
surrender  the  transit  to  the  guardianship  and  control  of  the  British 
navy.  If  no  American  soldier  is  to  be  quartered  on  the  isthmus  to 
protect  the  rights  of  his  country  in  the  Interoceanic  canal,  surely,  by 
the  fair  logic  of  neutrality,  no  war  vessel  of  Great  Britain  should  be 
permitted  to  appear  in  the  waters  that  control  either  entrance  to  the 
canal. 

A more  comprehensive  objection  to  the  treaty  is  urged  by  this  gov- 
ernment. Its  provisions  embody  a misconception  of  the  relative 
positions  of  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  with  respect  to  the 
interests  of  each  government  in  questions  pertaining  to  this  continent. 
The  government  of  the  United  States  has  no  occasion  to  disavow  an 
aggressive  disposition.  Its  entire  policy  establishes  its  pacific  charac- 
ter, and  among  its  chief  aims  is  to  cultivate  the  most  friendly  and 
intimate  relations  with  its  neighbors,  both  independent  and  colonial. 


150 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIISTE. 


At  the  same  time,  this  government,  with  respect  to  European  States, 
will  not  consent  to  perpetuate  any  treaty  that  impeaches  our  rightful 
and  long-established  claim  to  priority  on  the  American  continent. 

The  United  States  seeks  only  to  use  for  the  defense  of' its  own 
interests  the  same  forecast  and  prevision  which  Her  Majesty’s  gov- 
ernment so  energetically  employs  in  defense  of  the  interests  of  the 
British  Empire.  To  guard  her  eastern  possessions,  to  secure  the  most 
rapid  transit  for  troops  and  munitions  of  war,  and  to  prevent  any 
other  nation  from  having  equal  facilities  in  the  same  direction,  Great 
Britain  holds  and  fortifies  all  the  strategic  points  that  control  the 
route  to  India.  At  Gibraltar,  at  Malta,  at  Cyprus,  her  fortifications 
give  her  the  mastery  of  the  Mediterraneaij.  She  holds  a controlling 
interest  in  the  Suez  canal,  and  by  her  fortifications  at  Aden  and  on 
the  island  of  Perim  she  excludes  all  other  powers  from  the  waters  of 
the  Bed  Sea,  and  renders  it  mare  clausum.  It  would,  in  the  judg- 
ment of  the  President,  be  no  more  unreasonable  for  the  United  States 
to  demand  a share  in  these  fortifications,  or  to  demand  their  absolute 
neutralization,  than  for  England  to  make  the  same  demand  in  per- 
petuity from  the  United  States  with  respect  to  the  transit  across  the 
American  continent.  The  possessions  which  Great  Britain  thus  care- 
fully guards  in  the  East,  are  not  of  more  importance  to  her  than  is 
the  Pacific  slope,  with  its  present  development  and  assured  growth  to 
the  Government  of  the  United  States. 

The  States  and  Territories  appurtenant  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and 
dependent  upon  it  for  commercial  outlet,  and  hence  directly  interested 
in  the  canal,  comprise  an  area  of  nearly  eight  hundred  thousand 
square  miles — larger  in  extent  than  the  German  Empire  and  the  four 
Latin  countries  of  Europe  combined.  This  vast  region  is  but  fairly 
beginning  its  prosperous  development.  Six  thousand  miles  of  railway 
are  already  constructed  within  its  limits,  and  it  is  a moderate  calcula- 
tion to  say  that  within  the  current  decade  the  number  of  miles  will, 
at  least,  be  doubled.  In  the  near  future  the  money  value  of  its  sur- 
plus for  export  will  be  as  large  as  that  of  British  India,  and  perhaps 
larger.  Nor  must  it  be  forgotten  that  India  is  but  a distant  colony  of 
Great  Britain,  while  the  region  on  the  Pacific  is  an  integral  portion  of 
our  National  Union,  and  is  of  the  very  form  and  body  of  our  State. 
The  inhabitants  of  India  are  alien  from  England  in  race,  language, 
and  religion.  The  citizens  of  California,  Oregon,  and  Nevada,  with 
the  adjacent  Territories,  are  of  our  own  blood  and  kindred — bone  of 
our  bone  and  fiesh  of  our  fiesh. 

Great  Britain  appreciates  the  advantage  and  perhaps  the  necessity 
of  maintaining  at  the  cost  of  large  mditary  and  naval  establishments 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


151 


the  interior  and  nearest  route  to  India,  while  any  nation  with  hostile 
intent  is  compelled  to  take  the  longer  route  and  travel  many  thousand 
additional  miles  through  dangerous  seas.  It  is  hardly  conceivable 
that  the  same  great  power  which  considers  herself  justified  in  taking 
these  precautions  for  the  safety  of  a remote  colony  on  another  continent 
should  object  to  the  United  States  adopting  similar  but  far  less  demon- 
strative measures  for  the  protection  of  the  distant  shores  of  her  own 
domain,  for  the  drawing  together  of  the  extremes  of  the  Union  in 
still  closer  bonds  of  interest  and  sympathy,  and  for  holding  in  the 
quiet  determination  of  an  honorable  self-defense  the  absolute  control 
of  the  great  water-way  which  shall  unite  the  two  oceans,  and  which 
the  United  States  will  always  insist  upon  treating  as  part  of  her 
coast-line. 

If  a hostile  movement  should  at  any  time  be  made  against  the 
Pacific  coast,  threatening  danger  to  its  people  and  destruction  to  its 
property,  the  Government  of  the  United  States  would  feel  that  it  had 
been  unfaithful  to  its  duty  and  neglectful  toward  its  own  citizens  if  it 
permitted  itself  to  be  bound  by  a treaty  which  gave  the  same  right 
through  the  canal  to  a war-ship  bent  on  an  errand  of  destruction  that 
is  reserved  to  its  own  navy  sailing  for  the  defense  of  our  coast  and 
the  protection  of  the  lives  of  our  people.  And  as  England  insists  by 
the  might  of  her  power  that  her  enemies  in  war  shall  strike  her  Indian 
possessions  only  by  doubling  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  so  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  will  equally  insist  that  the  interior,  more 
speedy,  and  safer  route  of  the  canal  shall  be  reserved  for  ourselves, 
while  our  enemies,  if  we  shall  ever  be  so  unfortunate  as  to  have  any, 
shall  be  remanded  to  the  voyage  around  Cape  Horn. 

A consideration  of  controlling  influence  in  this  question  is  the 
well -settled  conviction  on  the  part  of  this  government  that  only  by  the 
United  States  exercising  supervision  can  the  Isthmus  canals  be  defi- 
nitely and  at  all  times  secured  against  the  interference  and  obstruction 
incident  to  war.  A mere  agreement  of  neutrality  on  paper  between 
the  great  powers  of  Europe  might  prove  ineffectual  to  preserve  the 
canal  in  time  of  hostilities.  The  first  sound  of  a cannon  in  a general 
European  war  would,  in  all  probability,  annul  the  treaty  of  neutrality, 
and  the  strategic  position  of  the  canal,  commanding  both  oceans  might 
be  held  by  the  first  naval  power  that  could  seize  it.  If  this  should  be 
done,  the  United  States  would  suffer  such  grave  inconvenience  and 
loss  in  her  domestic  commerce  as  would  enforce  the  duty  of  a defen- 
sive and  protective  war  on  her  part,  for  the  mere  purpose  of  gaining 
that  control  which,  in  advance,  she  insists  is  due  to  her  position  and 
demanded  by  her  necessities. 


152 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


I am  not  arguing  or  assuming  that  a general  war,  or  any  war  at 
all,  is  imminent  in  Europe.  But  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  within 
the  past  twenty- five  years  all  the  great  powers  of  Europe  have  been 
engaged  in  war — most  of  them  more  than  once.  In  only  a single 
instance  in  the  past  hundred  years  has  the  United  States  exchanged  a 
hostile  shot  with  any  European  power.  It  is  in  the  highest  degree 
improbable  that  for  a hundred  years  to  come  even  that  experience 
will  be  repeated. 

It  consequently  becomes  evident  that  the  one  conclusive  mode  of 
preserving  any  Isthmus  canal  from  the  possible  distraction  and 
destruction  of  war,  is  to  place  it  under  the  control  of  that  government 
least  likely  to  be  engaged  in  war,  and  able  in  any  and  in  every  event 
to  enforce  the  guardianship  which  she  will  assume.  For  self-protec- 
tion  to  her  own  interest,  therefore,  the  United  States  in  the  first 
instance  asserts  her  right  to  control  the  Isthmus  transit ; and,  secondly, 
she  offers  by  such  control  that  absolute  neutralization  of  the  canal  as 
respects  European  powers,  which  can  in  no  other  way  be  certainly 
attained  and  lastingly  assured. 

Another  consideration  forcibly  suggests  the  necessity  of  modifying 
the  convention  under  discussion.  At  the  time  it  was  concluded, 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  were  the  only  nations  prominent 
in  the  commerce  of  Central  and  South  America.  Since  that  time 
other  leading  nations  have  greatly  enlarged  their  commercial  connec- 
tions with  that  country,  and  are  to-day  contending  for  supremacy  in 
the  trade  of  those  shores;  within  the  past  four  j^ears,  indeed,  the 
number  of  French  and  German  vessels  landing  on  the  two  coasts  of 
Central  America,  far  exceeds  the  number  of  British  vessels. 

While,  therefore.  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  may  agree 
to  do  nothing,  and  according  to  the  present  convention  each  remains 
bound  to  the  other  in  common  helplessness,  a third  power,  or  a fourth, 
or  a combination  of  many,  may  step  in  and  give  direction  to  the 
project  which  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  assumed  to  be  under  the 
sole  control  of  the  two  English-speaking  nations.  Indeed,  so  far  as 
the  canal  scheme  now  projected  at  Panama  finds  a national  sponsor 
or  patron,  it  is  in  the  Bepublic  of  France,  and  the  non-intervention 
enjoined  upon  this  country  by  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty,  if  applied 
to  that  canal,  would  paralyze  the  arm  of  the  United  States  in  any 
attempt  to  assert  the  plain  rights  and  privileges  which  this  govern- 
ment acquired  through  a solemn  treaty  with  the  Republic  of  Colombia, 
anterior  to  the  Clayton-Bulwer  convention.  The  modification  of  the 
treaty  of  1850,  now  sought,  is  not  only  to  free  the  United  States  from 
unequal  and  inequitable  obligations  to  Great  Britain,  but  also  to 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


153 


empower  this  government  to  treat  with  all  other  nations  seeking  a 
foothold  on  the  Isthmus,  on  the  same  basis  of  impartial  justice  and 
independence. 

One  of  the  motives  that  originally  induced  this  government  to 
assent  to  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty,  not  distinctly  expressed  in  the 
instrument,  but  inferable  from  every  line  of  it,  was  the  expected  aid 
of  British  capital  in  the  construction  of  the  Nicaraguan  canal.  That 
expectation  has  not  been  realized,  and  the  changed  condition  of  this 
country  since  1850  has  diminished,  if  it  has  not  entirely  removed  from 
consideration,  any  advantage  to  be  derived  from  that  source. 

Whenever,  in  the  judgment  of  the  United  States  Government,  the 
times  shall  be  auspicious  and  the  conditions  favorable  for  the  con- 
struction of  the  Nicaraguan  canal,  no  aid  will  be  needed  outside  of 
the  resources  of  our  own  government  and  people  ; and  while  foreign 
capital  will  always  be  welcomed  and  never  repelled,  it  cannot  hence- 
forth enter  as  an  essential  factor  in  the  determination  of  this  problem. 

It  is  earnestly  hoped  by  the  President  that  the  considerations  now 
presented  will  have  due  weight  and  influence  with  Her  Majesty’s 
Government,  and  that  the  modifications  of  the  treaty  desired  by  the 
United  States  will  be  conceded  in  the  same  friendly  spirit  in  which 
they  are  asked.  The  following  is  a summary  of  the  changes  necessary 
to  meet  the  views  of  this  government. 

First.  Every  part  of  the  treaty  wdiich  forbids  the  United  States 
fortifying  the  canal  and  holding  the  political  control  of  it  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  country  in  which  it  is  located,  to  be  canceled. 

Second.  Every  part  of  the  treaty  in  which  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States  agree  to  make  no  acquisition  of  territory  in  Central 
America,  to  remain  in  full  force.  As  an  original  proposition,  this 
government  would  not  admit  that  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States 
should  be  put  on  the  same  basis,  even  negatively,  with  respect  to  ter- 
ritorial acquisitions  on  the  American  continent,  and  would  be  unwdll- 
ing  to  establish  such  a precedent  without  full  explanation.  But  the 
treaty  contains  that  provision  with  respect  to  Central  America,  and  if 
the  United  States  should  seek  its  annulment  it  might  give  rise  to 
erroneous  and  mischievous  apprehensions  among  a people  with  whom 
this  government  desires  to  be  on  the  most  friendly  terms.  The  United 
States  has  taken  special  occasion  to  assure  the  Spanish-American 
Republics  to  the  south  of  us,  that  we  do  not  intend  and  do  not  desire 
to  cross  their  borders  or  in  any  way  disturb  their  territorial  integrity, 
and  we  shall  not  willingly  incur  the  risk  of  a misunderstanding  by 
annulling  the  clauses  in  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  which  forbid  such 
a step  with  respect  to  Central  America.  The  acquisition  of  military 


154 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


and  naval  stations  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  canal  and  vol- 
untarily ceded  to  the  United  States  by  the  Central  American  States, 
is  not  to  be  regarded  as  a violation  of  the  provision  contained  in  the 
foregoing. 

Third.  The  United  States  v^ill  not  object  to  maintaining  the 
clause  looking  to  the  establishment  of  a free  port  at  each  end  of 
whatever  canal  may  be  constructed,  if  England  desires  it  to  be  re- 
tained. 

Fourth.  The  clause  in  which  the  two  governments  agreed  to 
make  treaty  stipulations  for  a joint  protectorate  of  whatever  railway 
or  canal  might  be  constructed  at  Tehuantepec  or  Panama,  has  never 
been  perfected.  No  treaty  stipulations  for  the  proposed  end  have 
been  suggested  by  either  party,  although  citizens  of  the  United  States 
long  since  constructed  a railway  at  Panama,  and  are  now  engaged  in 
the  same  work  at  Tehuanlepec.  It  is  a fair  presumption,  in  the 
judgment  of  the  President,  that  this  provision  should  be  regarded  as 
obsolete  by  the  non-action  and  common  consent  of  the  two  govern- 
ments. 

Fifth.  The  clause  defining  the  distance  from  either  end  of  the 
canal,  where,  in  time  of  war,  captures  might  be  made  by  either 
belligerent  on  the  high  seas,  was  left  incomplete  and  the  distance  was 
never  determined.  In  the  judgi|ient  of  the  President,  speaking  in  the 
interest  of  peaceful  commerce,  this  distance  should  be  made  as  liberal 
as  possible,  and  might,  with  advantage,  as  a question  relating  to  the 
high  seas  and  common  to  all  nations,  be  a matter  of  stipulation 
between  the  great  powers  of  the  world. 

In  assuming  as  a necessity  the  political  control  of  whatever  canal 
or  canals  may  be  constructed  across  the  isthmus,  the  United  States 
will  act  in  entire  harmony  with  the  governments  within  whose  territory 
the  canals  should  be  located.  Between  the  United  States  and  the  other 
American  republics  there  can  be  no  hostility,  no  jealousy,  no  rivalry, 
no  distrust.  This  government  entertains  no  design  in  connection  with 
this  project  for  its  own  advantage  which  is  not  also  for  the  equal  or 
greater  advantage  of  the  country  to  be  directly  and  immediately 
affected,  nor  does  the  United  States  seek  any  exclusive  or  narrow 
commercial  advantage.  It  frankly  agrees,  and  will  by  public  procla- 
mation declare  at  the  proper  time,  in  conjunction  with  the  republic 
on  whose  soil  the  canal  may  be  located,  that  the  same  rights  and 
privileges,  the  same  tolls  and  obligations  for  the  use  of  the  canal 
shall  apply  with  absolute  impartiality  to  the  merchant  marine  of 
every  nation  on  the  globe.  And  equally,  in  time  of  peace,  the  harm- 
less use  of  the  canal  shall  be  freely  granted  to  the  war  vessels  of  other 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


155 


nations.  In  time  of  war,  aside  from  the  defensive  use  to  be  made  of 
it  by  the  country  in  which  it  is  constructed  and  by  the  United  States, 
the  canal  shall  be  impartially  closed  against  the  war  vessels  of  all 
belligerents.  It  is  the  desire  and  the  determination  of  the  United 
States  that  the  canal  shall  be  used  only  for  the  development  and 
increase  oT  peaceful  commerce  among  all  the  nations,  and  shall  not 
be  considered  a strategic  point  in  warfare  which  may  tempt  the 
aggressions  of  belligerents,  or  be  seized  under  the  compulsions  of 
military  necessity  by  any  of  the  great  powers  that  may  have  contests 
in  which  the  United  States  has  no  stake,  and  will  take  no  part. 

If  it  be  asked  why  the  United  States  objects  to  the  assent  of 
European  governments  to  the  terms  of  neutrality  for  the  operation  of 
the  canal,  my  answer  is  that  the  right  to  assent  implies  the  right  to 
dissent,  and  thus  the  whole  question  would  be  thrown  open  for 
contention  as  an  international  issue.  It  is  the  fixed  purpose  of  the 
United  States  to  confine  it  strictly  and  solely  as  an  American  question, 
to  be  dealt  with  and  decided  by  the  American  governments. 

In  presenting  the  views  contained  herein  to  Lord  Granville,  you 
will  take  occasion  to  say  that  the  government  of  the  United  States 
seeks  this  particular  time  for  the  discussion  as  most  opportune  and 
auspicious.  At  no  period  since  the  peace  of  1783  have  the  relations 
between  the  British  and  American  governments  been  so  cordial  and 
friendly  as  now.  And  I am  sure  Her  Majesty’s  government  will  find 
in  the  views  now  suggested,  and  the  propositions  now  submitted, 
additional  evidence  of  the  desire  of  this  government  to  remove  all 
possible  grounds  of  controversy  between  two  nations,  which  have 
so  many  interests  in  common,  and  so  many  reasons  for  honorable  and 
lasting  peace. 

You  will  at  the  earliest  opportunity  acquaint  Lord  Granville  with 
the  purpose  of  the  United  States  touching  the  Clayton-Bulwcr  treaty, 
and,  in  your  own  way,  you  will  impress  him  fully  with  the  views  of 
your  government.  I refrain  from  directing  that  a copy  of  this  instruc- 
tion be  left  with  his  lordship,  because,  in  reviewing  the  case,  I have 
necessarily  been  compelled,  in  drawing  illustrations  from  British 
policy,  to  indulge  somewhat  freely  in  the  argumentiim  ad  liominem. 
This  course  of  reasoning,  in  an  instruction  to  our  own  minister,  is 
altogether  legitimate  and  pertinent,  and  yet  might  seem  discourteous 
if  addressed  directly  to  the  British  government.  You  may  deem  it 
expedient  to  make  this  explanation  to  Lord  Granville,  and  if  after- 
ward he  shall  desire  a copy  of  this  instruction,  you  will,  of  course, 
furnish  it.  I am,  etc.. 


James  G.  Blaine. 


156 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIME. 


THE  WAR  BETWEEN  CHILI  AHD  PEKU. 

The  Eepublic  of  Chili,  desiring  to  replenish  its  ex- 
chequer by  conquest,  sought  a quarrel  with  Peru,  by 
which  it  was  designed  to  reap  vast  treasures  by  the  pro- 
secution of  a vigorous  war.  Two  months  before  the  Gar- 
field administration  began  the  war  between  Chili  and  Peru 
had  come  to  a close.  This  contest  was  brought  about 
through  a difficulty  concerning  certain  beds  of  nitrate  in 
what  was  the  Peruvian  district  of  Tarapaca  before  Chili 
robbed  her  of  it.  For  many  years  Peru  and  Bolivia  had 
enjoyed  a monopoly  of  the  nitrate  and  guano  deposits  in 
the  Islands  which  were  along  their  coasts.  Some  capi- 
talists in  Europe,  notably  the  French,  were  interested  in 
contracts  with  the  Peruvian  governments,  but  moneyed 
men  in  Great  Britain  had  not  been  successful  in  obtain- 
ing a hold  in  Peru.  English  capital,  however,  had  al- 
ways been  at  the  disposition  of  the  government  of  Chili. 
This  Eepublic,  undoubtedly  inspired  by  British  money, 
turned  her  eyes  toward  the  nitrate  deposits  in  Tarapaca. 
Her  aggressions  were  resisted  by  the  united  efforts  of 
Bolivia  and  Peru,  though  they  had  to  oppose  the  iron- 
clads and  bayonets  of  Great  Britain,  which  were  known 
to  be  at  the  back  of  the  Chilian  government.  Certain 
capitalists  of  Chili  obtained  possession  of  n small  tract  of 
nitrate  deposits  in  the  country  of  Peru,  the  rest  of  the 
deposits  having  passed  from  Bolivia  into  the  possession 
of  Peru  by  purchase  or  cession.  The  pretext  for  the  war 
was  based  upon  an  export  duty  levied  on  a nitrate  bed 
owned  by  citizens  of  Chili. 

As  a result  of  the  quarrel  regarding  this  duty  and 
certain  broken  treaties,  the  Chilian  nitrate  works  at  Anto- 
fagasta were  confiscated.  Upon  this  pretext,  the  Chilian 
government  occupied  a portion  of  the  coast  of  Peru. 
Bolivia  with  Peru  having  identical  interests  and  having 
rightfully  enjoyed  the  monopoly  of  the  nitrate  and  guano 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


157 


beds,  formed  an  alliance  against  Chili.  On  both  sides  the 
war  was  carried  on  with  carnage,  cruelty  and  bloodshed. 
In  the  course  of  the  struggle  there  occurred  the  celebrated 
naval  battle  in  which  the  Peruvian  iron-clad  ^^Independ- 
encia^’  was  destroyed.  Up  to  this  time  these  two  govern- 
ments had  two  iron-clads  each,  and  it  is  probable  that 
Peru  would  not  have  been  rendered  the  victim  of  Chili  had 
this  iron-clad  been  saved  from  destruction. 

The  Chief  Executive  of  Peru,  Prado,  was  driven  from 
power,  to  be  succeeded  byPierola,  the  Dictator  and  brill- 
iant military  commander.  On  all  sides  the  Chilian  forces 
were  triumphant,  being  conquerors  in  Tacna,  Arica  and  in 
Tarapaca.  The  fleet  of  Peru  was  destroyed  and  Callao  was 
blockaded.  This  government  on  the  verge  of  destruction 
had,  in  the  meanwhile,  sent  a special  envoy  to  the  United 
States  to  obtain  the  good  offices  of  our  government  as 
mediator.  This  visit  was  followed  in  1880  by  the  famous 
conference  of  Arica.  This  took  place  on  board  the  United 
States  steamer  Lackawanna.  Chili,  proud  of  her  triumph, 
and  in  all  probability  encouraged  by  English  capitalists  to 
make  exorbitant  demands,  insisted  upon  extravagant 
terms,  both  as  to  money  indemnity  and  large  accessions  of 
territory.  The  money  indemnity  it  was  impossible  for 
bankrupt  Peru  to  pay,  and  to  have  surrendered  the  terri- 
tory required  would  have  been  to  surrender  her  nation- 
ality. 

To  make  certain  that  Chili  should  have  no  more  diffi- 
culty with  conquered  Peru,  the  former  Eepublic  demanded 
the  cession  of  all  the  celebrated  salt-petre  districts  of  Anto- 
fagasta and  the  nitrate  territory  of  Tarapaca.  Peru  had 
nothing  else  of  value  to  give.  To  such  humiliation  the 
Dictator,  Pierola,  declined  to  yield,  and  the  Conference  of 
Arica,  as  a consequence,  was  a failure,  and  hostilities  were 
resumed  by  the  Chilian  government.  In  a few  months  the 
Chilian  forces  were  victorious  and  the  ensign  of  their 
country  was  floating  over  Lima  and  Callao,  and  the  Peru- 


158 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


vian  Government  was  reduced  to  an  absolutely  powerless 
condition.  At  Miraflores  the  Dictator^  Pierola,  lost  his 
prestige  as  a military  commander,  and  escaped  for  safety 
to  the  Andes  mountains.  Upon  this,  an  effort  was  under- 
taken to  establish  the  Government  of  Garcia  Calderon, 
about  which  so  much  has  been  said  and  heard  in  recent 
American  diplomacy. 

The  object  in  establishing  the  Calderon  Government 
was  to  obtain  some  authority  with  which  negotiations  for 
peace  could  be  made.  This  President  convoked  a Con- 
gress in  the  vicinity  of  Lima.  The  State  Department  of 
this  country  made  vigorous  efforts  to  bring  about  the  con- 
clusion of  an  early  peace  among  the  belligerent  states,  two 
of  which  had  been  rendered  prostrate  at  the  hands  of  the 
other,  which  was  victorious.  Upon  this  victorious  country 
the  influence  of  the  United  States  was  brought  to  bear  in 
the  interests  of  peace  and  magnanimity,  but,  owing  to 
an  unfortunate  misapprehension,  Mr.  Blaine^s  instructions 
to  the  United  States  Ministers  did  not  promote  the  ends 
of  peace.  Special  envoys  were  accordingly  sent  to  South 
America  accredited  to  the  three  Governments  with  gen- 
eral instructions  which  should  enable  them  to  bring  these 
belligerent  powers  into  friendly  relations, 

Mr.  Trescot  was  the  leading  spirit  of  the  envoys.  He 
v/as  accompanied  by  Mr.  Walker  Blaine.  Their  mission 
was  to  perform  a most  delicate  and  important  diplomatic 
duty  in  behalf  of  peace.  The  instructions  given  Mr. 
Trescot  by  Secretary  Blaine  are  here  inserted,  since  they 
furnish  sufficient  data  from  which  to  judge  of  the  position 
taken  by  the  United  States  Government. 

MR.  BLAINE  TO  MR.  TRESCOT. 

Department  of  State,  ) 
Washington,  November  30,  1881.  ( 

Sir:  You  will  receive  herewith  your  commission  as  special  envoy, 
with  the  rank  of  minister  plenipotentiary,  to  the  republics  of  Chili, 
Peru  and  Bolivia.  This  commission  will  not  supersede  the  ordinary 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


159 


duties  of  the  ministers  plenipotentiary  and  resident  now  accredited  to 
those  governments.  But,  as  they  will  be  duly  informed,  all  com- 
munications and  negotiations  connected  with  the  settlement  of  the 
pending  difficulties  between  Chili,  Peru,  and  Bolivia,  so  far  as  this 
government  may  deem  it  judicious  to  take  action,  will  be  transferred 
to  your  charge.  Under  the  instructions  which  will  be  furnished,  you 
will  place  yourself  in  direct  communication  with  those  governments  ; 
but  it  is  expected,  as  I am  sure  you  will  desire,  that  you  should  learn 
from  the  United  States  ministers  now  there  the  exact  condition  of 
existing  political  relations,  and  that  you  will  give  due  regard  to  such 
suggestions  as  their  recent  experience  enables  them  to  submit  to  your 
consideration.  Whatever  action,  however,  you  may  take,  must  be 
decided  upon  your  own  responsibility,  and  will  be  the  exercise  of  your 
independent  authority. 

After  full  consideration  of  your  suggestion  that  it  may  be  neces- 
sary to  conduct  the  same  negotiation  at  more  than  one  point,  the 
President  has  directed  the  Third  Assistant  Secretary  of  State  to 
accompany  you.  Should  the  occasion  which  you  anticipate  arise, 
you  are  authorized  to  give  Mr.  Blaine  the  necessary  instructions  ; his 
official  rank  in  the  department,  and  his  detail  for  special  service  on 
this  mission  being  sufficient  to  authorize  him,  without  a formal  com- 
mission, to  execute  your  instructions. 

Your  expenses,  and  those  of  the  Third  Assistant  Secretary  who 
accompanies  you,  going  and  returning,  and  such  as  are  incidental  to 
your  residence  in  South  America  and  the  mission  upon  which  you 
are  sent,  will  be  allowed  by  this  department,  in  the  confidence  that 
with  due  regard  to  the  proprieties  of  your  position,  and  the  duties 
with  which  you  are  charged,  these  expenses  will  be  reasonably  and 
carefully  regulated. 

I am,  etc., 

James  G.  Blaeste. 

MR.  BLAINE  TO  MR.  WALKER  BLAINE. 

Department  of  State,  ) 
Washington,  November  30,  1881.  ) 

Sir:  You  are  aware  that  the  President  has  deemed  it  proper  to 
send  a special  mission  to  Chili.  Peru  and  Bolivia,  and  that  the  Hon. 
William  Henry  Trescot,  of  South  Carolina,  has  been  appointed  special 
envoy. 

As  it  is  probable  that  the  contemplated  negotiations  will  have  to  be 
conducted  at  the  same  time  at  different  points,  you  will,  by  direction 
of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  be  attached  to  this  mission,  on 


160 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIi^E. 


special  service,  with  your  official  rank  as  Third  A_ssistant  Secretary  of 
State.  Mr.  Trescot  is  authorized  to  empower  you  to  represent  the 
government  in  any  of  the  countries  named,  should  the  necessity 
occur,  under  such  instructions  as  he  shall  give  you,  and  hie  is  directed, 
in  case  of  his  own  absence,  to  place  the  mission  under  your  charge 
during  such  absence. 

While  with  Mr.  Trescot,  you  will  render  such  assistance  in  the 
discharge  of  his  duties  as  he  may  require. 

As  you  are  already  a salaried  officer  of  the  United  States,  no  com- 
pensation can  be  given  you  beyond  the  repayment  of  your  proper  and 
necessary  expenses,  for  which  you  will  render  an  account,  with  such 
vouchers  as  may  be  obtainable,  such  account  to  be  audited  by  the 
Secretary  of  State. 

You  will,  in  the  course  of  your  special  service,  communicate 
freely  with  the  department,  by  telegraph  and  in  cipher,  when  practi- 
cable and  requisite;  and  you  will  from  time  to  time  receive  such 
instructions  as  may  be  necessary. 

The  Secretary  of  the  hTavy  has  directed  the  commanders  of  our 
national  vessels  on  the  South  American  Pacific  coast  to  assist  Mr. 
Trescot’s  movements  and  yours  in  all  possible  ways.  To  this  end,  a 
vessel  of  war  will  await  your  arrival  at  Panama. 

Trusting  that  the  success  of  this  mission  will  meet  the  confident 
expectations  of  the  President  and  of  this  department, 

I am,  sir,  etc., 

James  G.  Blaine. 

MR.  BLAINE  TO  MR.  TRESCOT. 

Department  op  State,  ) 
WA.SHINGTON,  December  1,  1881.  ) 

Sir:  While  the  circumstances  under  which  the  President  has 
deemed  it  proper  to  charge  you  with  a special  mission  to  the  Repub- 
lics of  Chili,  Peru  and  Bolivia,  render  it  necessary  that  very  much 
must  be  confided  to  your  own  discretion,  it  is  desirable  that  you 
should  be  placed  in  full  possession  of  his  views  as  to  the  general  line 
of  conduct  which  you  will  be  expected  to  pursue. 

For  this  purpose  it  is  not  necessary  at  present  to  go  further  back 
in  the  history  of  the  unfortunate  relations  between  Chili  on  the  one 
hand  and  Peru  and  Bolivia  on  the  other,  than  the  time  when  the 
defeat  of  General  Pierola,  his  abandonment  of  the  capital  and  the 
coast  and  their  occupation  by  the  Chilian  army  seemed  to  have  put  an 
end  to  all  responsible  native  government  in  Peru.  Lima  having  been 
surrendered  on  the  19th  January,  1881,  Pierola  driven  across  the 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


161 


mountains,  the  Chilian  military  occupation  consolidated,  and  the 
Chilian  government  refusing  to  recognize  Pierola  as  representing  the 
government  of  Peru,  it  became  absolutely  necessary  that  some  gov- 
ernment should  be  established,  if  Peru  was  not  to  remain  simply  a 
military  district  of  Chili. 

On  February  25,  1881,  Mr.  Christiancy,  the  United  States  minis- 
ter at  Lima,  wrote  this  department  as  follows: 

A movement  has,  therefore,  been  initiated  among  some  of  the 
leading  citizens  of  Lima  and  Callao  and  encouraged  by  the  Chilian 
authorities,  to  establish  a new  government  in  opposition  to  that  of 
Pierola  [who  is  still  at  Tacna  or  Yareja.] 

From  this  date  to  April  13,  1881,  Mr.  Christiancy  kept  the  depart- 
ment informed  of  the  probabilities  of  the  establishment  of  the  Calde- 
ron government,  so  called  from  the  name  of  the  eminent  Peruvian 
statesman  who  had  been  chosen  as  President.  On  that  date  he  wrote: 
*‘In  my  own  private  opinion,  however,  if  the  provisional  govern- 
ment had  come  up  without  any  appearance  of  support  from  the 
Chilian  authorities,  it  would  have  had  many  elements  of  popularity, 
and  would  probably  have  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  acquiescence  of 
the  people.  This  new  government  realizes  the  importance  of  an  early 
peace  with  Chili,  the  necessity  of  which  must  be  recognized  by  every 
thoughtful  man;  while  that  of  Pierola  professes  to  intend  to  carry  on 
the  war;  but  it  has  no  means  for  the  purpose  at  present,  and  my  own 
opinion  is  that  any  effort  to  do  so  will  end  in  still  greater  calamities  to 
Peru.” 

On  May  23,  the  same  minister,  in  a postscript  to  his  dispatch  of 
the  17th  says: 

Since  writing  the  above,  it  has  become  still  more  probable  that 
the  threat  of  ‘ indefinite  occupation ' was  intended  only  to  drive  the 
Peruvians  into  the  support  of  the  provisional  government,  as  two 
days  ago  they  allowed  the  government  to  send  seventy -five  soldiers  to 
Tacna,  Oroyo,  etc.,  to  control  that  part  of  the  country,  so  as  to  allow 
the  members  of  Congress  to  come  to  Lima;  and  it  now  begins  to  look 
as  if  Calderon  might  secure  a quorum  (two  thirds)  of  the  Congress. 
If  he  does  succeed,  it  will  be  some  evidence  that  Peru  acquiesces  in 
that  government.  And  if  he  gets  the  two  thirds  of  the  members,  I 
think  I shall  recognize  the  provisional  government,  or  that  of  the 
Congress  and  the  President  they  may  elect,  imless  in  the  meantime  I 
shall  receive  other  instructions.” 

On  the  9ih  of  May,  1881,  instructions  had  been  sent  to  him  from 
the  department,  which  crossed  this  dispatch,  in  which  he  was  told: 
*'If  the  Calderon  government  is  supported  by  the  character  and 

11 


162 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


intelligence  of  Peru,  and  is  really  endeavoring  to  restore  constitu- 
tional governnaent  with  a view  both  to  order  within  and  negotiations 
with  Chili  for  peace,  you  may  recognize  it  as  the  existing  provisional 
government,  and  render  what  aid  you  can  by  advice  and  ^ood  offices 
to  that  end.” 

Acting  under  these  instructions,  although  with  some  expressed 
doubt  as  to  the  probable  permanence  of  its  existence,  Mr.  Christiancy, 
on  the  26th  of  June,  1881,  formally  recognized  the  Calderon  govern- 
ment. It  is  clear  that  this  recognition  was  not  an  unfriendly  inter- 
vention as  far  as  the  wishes  and  interests  of  Chili  were  concerned,  for 
under  date  of  May  7,  1881,  two  days  before  these  instructions  of  the 
9th  were  sent  to  Mr.  Christiancy,  Mr.  Osborn,  the  United  States  min- 
ister to  Chili,  wrote  from  Santiago  as  follows: 

In  my  201,  of  date  April  5,  regarding  the  war  in  this  section,  I 
mentioned  the  fact  that  the  minister  of  war,  Mr.  Vergara,  who  had 
been  with  the  army  at  Lima,  had  been  sent  for,  and  was  then  on  his 
way  to  Chili.  Since  his  arrival  the  government  has  labored  to  reach 
a conclusion  touching  the  course  to  be  pursued  with  Peru,  and  to  that 
end  numerous  and  extended  discussions  among  the  ministers  and 
prominent  citizens  of  the  Republic,  who  had  been  invited  to  partici- 
pate, have  taken  place.  Three  plans  or  propositions  were  discussed: 
First,  that  spoken  of  by  me  in  my  201,  involving  the  withdrawal  of 
the  army  to  Arica;  second,  the  occupation  of  the  entire  Peruvian 
coast  by  the  Chilian  forces,  and  its  government  by  Chilian  authori- 
ties; and  third,  the  strengthening  of  the  government  of  Calderon, 
and  the  negotiation  of  a peace  therewith.  The  propriety  of  entering 
into  negotiations  with  Pierola  was  not  even  dignified  with  a consider- 
ation. After  much  labor  the  government  reached  the  conclusion  that 
the  last  proposition  afforded  the  easiest  way  out  of  their  complica- 
tions, and  it  has  been  determined  to  send  to  Peru,  in  charge  of  the 
negotiations,  Mr.*  Godoy.  * * * The  ministry  has  freely  coun- 
seled with  me  regarding  the  difficulties  of  the  situation,  and  in  view 
of  their  previous  determination  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  Pierola,  I 
cannot  but  applaud  the  result  of  their  deliberations.  To  vacate  the 
country  now  would  be  to  turn  it  over  to  anarchy,  and  to  attempt  to 
oocupy  the  entire  coast  would,  in  time,  involve  both  countries  in  ruin. 
The  most  feasible  way  to  peace  is,  in  my  opinion,  the  one  resolved 
upon.  In  fact  it  is  the  only  one  which  offers  any  reasonable  hope  of 
a solution  of  the  difficulties  during  the  present  generation.” 

In  giving  the  support  of  recognition  to  the  Calderon  government, 
therefore,  so  far  was  this  government  from  doing  what  could  be  con- 
sidered an  unfriendly  act  to  Chili,  that  it  was,  in  fact,  giving  its  aid 


SECRETARY  OE  STATE. 


163 


to  the  very  policy  which  Chili  avowed,  and  which,  in  the  opinion  of 
competent  judges,  was  the  only  method  of  reasonable  solution. 

And  this  conclusion  of  the  government  was  strengthened  and  con- 
firmed by  the  information  which  was  transmitted  to  the  Departrijent 
by  General  Kilpatrick,  the  United  States  minister  to  Chili.  General 
Kilpatrick  was  appointed  after  the  recognition  of  the  Calderon  gov- 
ernment, and  was  furnished  with  instructions  to  which  I have  already 
referred. 

In  his  dispatch  No.  3,  under  date  of  August  15,  1881,  he  says: 
have  the  honor  to  report  that  so  far  as  the  assurance  of  public 
men  can  be  relied  upon,  your  instructions  have  been  complied  with; 
your  ideas  of  final  terms  of  peace  accepted,  not  only  by  the  present 
administration  at  Santiago,  but  still  better  by  Sehor  Santa  Maria,  the 
president  elect,  whose  administration  will  have  begun  when  you 
receive  this  note.'' 

General  Kilpatrick  then  proceeds  to  give  a detailed  account  of  a 
lengthy  interview  with  the  leading  and  most  influential  members  of 
the  Chilian  government,  in  which  he  quotes  the  following  as  the  flnal 
assurances  given  to  him  by  the  Chilian  secretary  of  state: 

‘‘You  may  therefore  say  to  your  government  that  every  effort 
would  be  given  by  Chili  to  strengthen  the  government  of  President 
Calderon,  giving  to  it  the  most  perfect  freedom  of  action,  considering 
the  Chilian  occupation.  That  no  question  of  Cliilian  annexation 
would  be  touched  until  a constitutional  government  could  be  estab- 
lished in  Peru,  acknowledged  and  respected  by  the  people,  with  full 
powers  to  enter  into  diplomatic  negotiation  for  peace.  That  no  .terri- 
tory would  be  exacted  unless  Chili  failed  to  secure  ample  and  just 
indemnification  in  other  and  satisfactory  ways,  as  also  ample  security 
for  the  future  ; and  that  in  no  case  would  Chili  exact  territory  save 
where  Chilian  enterprise  and  Chilian  capital  had  developed  the  desert 
and  where  to-day  nine  tenths  of  the  people  w^ere  Chilian." 

But  after  this  recognition,  made  in  entire  good  faith  to  both  par- 
ties, three  things  followed: 

1.  The  presence  of  a United  States  minister  at  Lima  accredited  to 
the  Calderon  government,  and  the  reception  in  Washington  of  a min- 
ister from  that  government,  gave  it,  unquestionably  increased  strength 
and  confidence. 

2.  The  adherents  of  Pierola,  realizing  the  necessity  of  peace  and 
the  existence  of  a stable  government  to  negotiate  it,  gradually  aban- 
doned the  forlorn  hope  of  continued  resistance,  and  gave  their  adhe- 
sion to  the  Calderon  government. 

3.  The  congress  which  assembled  within  the  neutral  zone  set 


164 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


apart  for  that  purpose  by  the  Chilian  authorities,  and  which  was  fur- 
ther allowed  by  the  Chilian  government  to  provide  for  the  military 
impositions  by  the  use  of  the  national  credit,  and  thus  recognized  as 
the  representative  of  the  Peruvian  people,  authorized  President  Cal- 
deron to  negotiate  a peace,  but  upon  the  condition  that  no  territory 
should  be  ceded. 

As  soon  as  these  facts  indicated  the  possibility  of  a real  and  inde- 
pendent vitality  in  the  constitution  of  the  Calderon  government  the 
Chilian  military  authorities  issued  an  order  forbidding  any  exercise 
of  its  functions  within  the  territory  occupied  by  the  Chilian  army — 
that  is,  within  the  entire  territory  west  of  the  mountains,  including 
the  capital  and  ports  of  Peru. 

Unable  to  understand  this  sudden  and,  giving  due  regard  to  the 
professions  of  Chili,  this  unaccountable  change  of  policy,  this  govern- 
ment instructed  its  minister  at  Lima  to  continue  to  recognize  the  Cal- 
deron government  until  more  complete  information  would  enable  it 
to  send  further  instructions.  If  our  present  information  is  correct, 
immediately  upon  the  receipt  of  this  communication  they  arrested 
President  Calderon,  and  thus,  as  far  as  w^as  in  their  power,  extin- 
guished his  government.  The  President  does  not  now  insist  upon  the 
inference  which  this  action  would  warrant.  He  hopes  that  there  is 
some  explanation  which  will  relieve  him  from  the  painful  impression 
that  it  was  taken  in  resentful  reply  to  the  continued  recognition  of 
the  Calderon  government  by  the  United  States.  If,  unfortunately,  he 
should  be  mistaken,  and  such  a motive  be  avowed,  your  duty  will  be 
a brief  one.  You  will  say  to  the  Chilian  government  that  the  Presi- 
dent considers  such  a proceeding  as  an  intentional  and  unwarranted 
offense,  and  that  you  will  communicate  such  an  avowal  to  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  with  the  assurance  that  it  will  be 
regarded  as  an  act  of  such  unfriendly  import  as  to  require  the  imme- 
diate suspension  of  all  diplomatic  intercourse.  You  will  inform  me 
immediately  of  the  happening  of  such  a contingency  and  instructions 
will  be  sent  you. 

But  I do  not  anticipate  such  an  occurrence.  From  the  informa- 
tion before  the  Department,  of  which  you  are  possessed,  it  is  more 
probable  that  this  course  will  be  explained  by  an  allegation  that  the 
conduct  and  language  of  the  United  States  minister  in  Peru  had 
encouraged  the  Calderon  government  to  such  resistance  of  the  wishes 
of  Chili  as  to  render  the  negotiation  of  a satisfactory  treaty  of  peace 
with  the  Calderon  government  impossible.  Any  explanation  which 
relieves  this  action  of  the  Chilian  government  of  the  character  of  an 
intentional  offense  will  be  received  by  you  to  that  extent,  provided  it 


SECRETARY  OE  STATE. 


165 


does  not  require  as  a condition  precedent  the  disavov/al  of  Mr.  Hurl- 
but.  Whatever  may  be  my  opinion  as  to  the  discretion  of  all  that 
may  have  been  said  or  done  by  Mr.  Hurlbut,  it  is  impossible  for  me 
to  recognize  the  right  of  the  Chilian  government  to  take  such  action 
without  submitting  to  the  consideration  of  this  government  any 
cause  of  complaint  which  it  was  prepared  to  allege  against  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  representative  of  the  United  States.  The  Chilian 
government  was  in  possession  of  the  instructions  sent  to  that  minister, 
as  well  as  those  to  his  colleague  at  Santiago.  There  was  no  pretense 
that  the  conduct  of  General  Kilpatrick  was  anything  but  friendly. 
Chili  was  represented  here  by  a minister  who  enjoyed  the  confidence 
of  his  government,  and  nothing  can  justify  the  assumption  that  the 
United  States  was  acting  a double  part  in  its  relations  to  the  two 
countries.  If  the  conduct  of  the  United  States  minister  seemed 
incon«^istent  with  what  Chili  had  every  reason  to  know  was  the 
friendly  intention  of  the  United  States,  a courteous  representation 
through  the  Chilian  minister  here  would  have  enabled  this  govern- 
ment promptly  to  correct  or  confirm  him.  You  are  not  therefore 
authorized  to  make  to  the  Chilian  government  any  explanation  of  the 
conduct  of  General  Hurlbut,  if  that  government,  not  having  afforded 
us  the  opportunity  of  accepting  or  disavowing  his  conduct,  insists 
upon  making  its  interpretation  of  his  proceedings  the  justification  of 
its  recent  action. 

It  is  hoped,  however,  that  you  will  be  able,  by  communication,  at 
once  firm  and  temperate,  to  avoid  these  embarrassments.  If  you 
should  fortunately  reach  the  ground  where  frank,  mutual  explanation 
can  be  made,  without  the  sacrifice  of  that  respect  which  every  gov- 
ernment owes  to  itself,  you  will  then  be  at  liberty,  conforming  your 
explanation  to  the  recent  instruction  to  Mr.  Hurlbut,  with  a copy  of 
which  you  are  furnished,  to  show  to  the  government  of  Chili  how 
much  both  his  words  and  acts  have  been  misconceived. 

It  is  difficult  for  me  to  say  now  how  far  an  explanation  would  be 
satisfactory  to  the  President,  which  was  not  accompanied  by  the 
restoration  or  recognition  of  the  Calderon  government.  The  objects 
which  he  has  at  heart  are,  first,  to  prevent  the  misery,  confusion  and 
bloodshed  which  the  present  relations  between  Chili  and  Peru  seem 
only  too  certain  to  renew;  and,  second,  to  take  care  that  in  any 
friendly  attempt  to  reach  this  desirable  end  the  government  of  the 
United  States  is  treated  with  the  respectful  consideration  to  which  its 
disinterested  purpose,  its  ligitimate  infiuence,  and  its  established  posi- 
tion entitle  it.  The  President  feels  in  this  matter  neither  irritation 
nor  resentment.  He  regrets  that  Chili  seems  to  have  misconceived 


166 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIETE. 


both  the  spirit  and  intention  of  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
and  thinks  her  conduct  has  been  inconsiderate.  He  will  gladly  learn 
that  a calmer  and  a wiser  judgment  directs  her  counsels,  and  asks  in  no 
exacting  spirit  the  correction  of  what  were,  perhaps,  natural  mis- 
understandings. So  he  would  be  satisfied  with  the  manifestation  of  a 
sincere  purpose  on  the  part  of  Chili  to  aid  Peru,  either  in  restoring 
the  present  provincial  government,  or  establishing  in  its  place  one 
which  will  be  allowed  the  proper  freedom  of  action  necessary  to  re- 
store internal  order  and  to  conduct  a real  negotiation  to  some  substan- 
tial result. 

Should  the  Chilian  Government,  while  disclaiming  any  intention 
of  offense,  maintain  its  right  to  settle  its  difficulties  with  Peru  with- 
out the  friendly  intervention  of  other  powers,  and  refuse  to  allow  the 
formation  of  any  government  in  Peru  which  does  not  pledge  its 
consent  to  the  cession  of  Peruvian  territory,  it  will  be  your  duty,  in 
language  as  strong  as  is  consistent  with  the  respect  due  an  independ- 
ent power,  to  express  the  disappointment  and  dissatisfaction  felt  by 
the  United  States  at  such  a deplorable-policy. 

You  will  say  that  this  government  recognizes  without  reserve  the 
right  of  Chili  to  adequate  indemnity  for  the  cost  of  the  war,  and  a 
sufficient  guarantee  that  it  will  not  again  be  subjected  to  hostile 
demonstration  from  Peru ; and  further,  that  if  Peru  is  unable  or  un- 
willing to  furnish  such  indemnity,  the  right  of  conquest  has  put  it  in 
the  power  of  Chili  to  supply  them,  and  the  reasonable  exercise 
of  that  right,  however  much  its  necessity  may  be  regretted,  is  not 
ground  of  legitimate  complaint  on  the  part  of  other  powers.  But 
this  government  feels  that  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  absolute  con- 
quest is  dangerous  to  the  best  interests  of  ail  the  republics  on  this 
continent ; that  from  it  are  certain  to  spring  other  wars  and  political 
disturbances  ; and  that  it  imposes,  even  upon  the  conqueror,  burdens 
which  are  scarcely  compensated  by  the  apparent  increase  of  strength 
which  it  gives.  This  government  also  holds  that  between  two  inde- 
pendent nations  hostilities  do  not,  from  the  mere  existence  of  war, 
confer  the  right  of  conquest  until  the  failure  to  furnish  the  indemnity 
and  guarantee  which  can  be  rightfully  demanded.  • 

The  United  States  maintains,  therefore,  that  Peru  has  the  right  to 
demand  that  an  opportunity  should  be  allowed  her  to  find  such  indem- 
nity and  guarantee.  Nor  can  this  government  admit  that  a cession 
of  territory  can  be  properly  exacted  far  exceeding  in  value  the  amplest 
estimate  of  a reasonable  indemnity. 

Already,  by  force  of  its  occupation,  the  Chilian  Government  has 
collected  great  sums  from  Peru  ; and  it  lias  been  openly  and  officially 


BEcketaky  of  state. 


167 


asserted  in  the  Chilian  Congress  that  these  military  impositions 
have  furnished  a surplus  beyond  the  cost  of  maintaining  its  armies 
in  that  occupation  The  annexation  of  Tarapaca,  which,  under 
proper  administration,  would  produce  annually  a sum  sufficient  to 
pay  a large  indemnity,  seems  to  us  to  be  not  consistent  with  the  execu- 
tion  of  justice. 

The  practical  prohibition  of  the  formation  of  a staple  government 
in  Peru,  and  the  absolute  appropriation  of  its  most  valuable  territory, 
is  simply  the  extinction  of  a State  which  has  formed  part  of  the 
system  of  republics  on  this  continent,  honorable  in  the  traditions  and 
illustrations  of  its  past  history,  and  rich  in  the  resources  for  future 
progress.  The  United  States,  with  which  Peru  has  for  many  years 
maintained  the  most  cordial  relations,  has  the  right  to  feel  and  express 
. a deep  interest  in  its  distressed  condition  ; and  while  with  equal 
friendliness  to  Chili,  we  will  not  interpose  to  deprive  her  of  the  fair 
advantages  of  military  success,  nor  put  any  obstacle  to  the  attainment 
of  future  security,  we  cannot  regard  with  unconcern  the  destruction 
of  Peruvian  nationality.  If  our  good  offices  are  rejected,  and  this 
policy  of  absorption  of  an  independent  State  be  persisted  in,  this 
government  will  consider  itself  discharged  from  any  further  obliga- 
tion to  be  influenced  in  its  action  by  the  position  which  Chili  has 
assumed,  and  will  hold  itself  free  to  appeal  to  the  other  republics  of 
this  continent  to  join  it  in  an  effort  to  avert  consequences  which  can- 
not be  conflned  to  Chili  and  Peru,  but  which  threaten  with  extremest 
danger  the  political  institutions,  the  peaceful  progress,  and  the  liberal 
civilization,  of  all  America. 

If,  however,  none  of  these  embarrassing  obstacles  supervene,  and 
Chili  receives  in  a friendly  spirit  the  representations  of  the  United 
States,  it  will  be  your  purpose: 

First.  To  concert  such  measures  as  will  enable  Peru  to  establish 
a regular  government,  and  initiate  negotiation. 

Second.  To  induce  Chili  to  consent  to  such  negotiation  without 
cession  of  territory  as  a condition  precedent. 

Third.  To  impress  upon  Chili,  that  in  such  negotiation  she  ought 
to  allow  Peru  a fair  oppoitunity  to  provide  for  a reasonable  indem- 
nity; and,  in  this  connection,  to  let  it  be  understood  that  the  United 
States  would  consider  the  imposition  of  an  extravagant  indemnity,  so 
as  to  make  the  cession  of  territory  necessary  in  satisfaction,  as  more 
than  is  justified  b}^  the  actual  cost  of  the  war,  and  as  a solution 
threatening  renewed  difficulty  between  the  two  countries. 

As  it  is  probable  that  some  time  will  elapse  before  the  completion 
of  all  the  arrangements  necessary  for  a final  negotiation,  this  govern- 


168 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


ment  would  suggest  a temporary  convention,  which,  recognizing  the 
spirit  of  our  present  friendly  representation,  would  bring  Peru  and 
Chili  into  amicable  conference,  and  provide  for  a meeting  of  plenipo- 
tentiaries to  negotiate  a permanent  treaty  of  peace. 

If  negotiation  he  assured,  the  ability  of  Peru  to  furnish  the 
indemnity  will  be  a matter  of  direct  interest.  Upon  this  subject  we 
have  no  information  upon  which  definite  instructions  can  now  be 
based.  While  you  will  carefully  abstain  from  any  interposition  in 
this  connection,  you  will  examine  and  report  to  this  department 
promptly  any  plans  which  may  be  suggested. 

You  will  not  indicate  any  wish  that  the  government  of  the  United 
States  should  act  as  umpire  in  the  adjudications  between  the  contend- 
ing powers.  Should  an  invitation  to  that  effect  be  extended,  you  will 
communicate  by  telegraph  for  instructions.  The  single  and  simple 
desire  of  this  government  is  to  see  a just  and  honorable  peace  at  the 
earliest  day  practicable,  and  if  any  other  American  government  can 
more  effectively  aid  in  producing  this  auspicious  result,  the  United 
States  will  cordially  sustain  it,  and  lend  such  co-operation  as  the  cir- 
cumstances demand.  I am,  etc., 

James  G.  Blaine. 

PEACE  CONGRESS  AT  WASHIl^GTOiq-. 

Two  days  before  Mr.  Blaine  issued  instructions  to  the 
envoys  who  were  sent  to  Peru  and  Chili  for  the  purpose  of 
negotiating  peace^  he  addressed  a letter  of  invitation  to  the 
independent  Republics  of  North  and  South  America^  in- 
viting them  all  to  meet  in  congress  at  Washington,  D.O., 
on  the  24th  day  of  November,  1882,  for  the  purpose  of 
considering  and  discussing  the  methods  of  preventing  war 
among  the  nations  of  America.  Particular  stress  was  laid 
upon  the  suggestion  that  the  congress  must  be  strictly 
confined  to  this  one  object;  and  the  circular  further  dwelt 
upon  the  far-reaching  consequences  of  war,  the  exhausted 
finances,  oppressive  debts,  ruined  States,  paralyzed  indus- 
tries, devastated  fields,  slaughtering  of  men,  the  grief  of 
the  widow  and  the  orphan,  and  the  embittered  resentments 
handed  down  to  future  generations.  The  entire  tone  of 
the  invitation  was  designed  to  impress  upon  the  South 
American  and  Central  American  States,  so  frequently  in- 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


169 


volved  in  external  dissensions,  that  the  purpose  of  the 
congress  was  to  consider,  and,  if  possible,  agree  upon 
conditions  which  would  avoid  them  in  the  future.  But  it 
also  expressly  stated  that  the  United  States  did  not  assume 
to  determine  any  existing  differences,  and  that  such  ques- 
tions would  not  properly  come  before  the  conference. 
Finally  it  was  proposed  that  each  government  should  send 
two  commissioners  to  the  congress,  and  that  the  United 
States  would  enter  it  upon  the  same  footing  as  the  other 
States.  A circular  letter  was  addressed  to  Mr.  Osborn, 
Minister  to  the  Argentine  Eepublic,  in  the  following 
words: 

MR.  BLAINE  TO  MR.  OSBORN. 

Department  of  State,  ) 
Washington,  November  29,  1881.  ) 

Sit:  The  attitude  of  the  United  States  with  respect  to  the  question 
of  general  peace  on  the  American  continent  is  well  known  through  its 
persistent  efforts  for  years  past  to  avert  the  evils  of  warfare,  or,  these 
efforts  failing,  to  bring  positive  conflicts  to  an  end  through  pacific 
counsels  or  the  advocacy  of  impartial  arbitration. 

This  attitude  has  been  consistently  maintained,  and  always  with 
such  fairness  as  to  leave  no  room  for  imputing  to  our  government  any 
motive  except  the  humane  and  disinterested  one  of  saving  the  kindred 
States  of  the  American  continent  from  the  burdens  of  war.  The  posi- 
tion of  the  United  States  as  the  leading  power  of  the  New  World  might 
well  give  to  its  government  a claim  to  authoritative  utterance  for  the 
purpose  of  quieting  discord  among  its  neighbors,  with  all  of  whom 
the  most  friendly  relations  exist.  Nevertheless,  the  good  offices  of 
this  government  are  not  and  have  not  at  any  time  been  tendered  with 
a show  of  dictation  or  compulsion,  but  only  as  exhibiting  the  solicit- 
ous good-will  of  a common  friend. 

For  some  years  past  a growing  disposition  has  been  manifested  by 
certain  States  of  Central  and  South  America  to  refer  disputes  affecting 
grave  questions  of  international  relationship  and  boundaries  to  arbi- 
tration rather  than  to  the  sword.  It  has  been  on  several  such  occasions 
a source  of  profound  satisfaction  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  to  see  that  this  country  is  in  a large  measure  looked  to  by  all 
the  American  powers  as  their  friend  and  mediator.  The  just  and  im- 
partial counsel  of  the  President  in  such  cases  has  never  been  withheld, 


170 


LIPE  OF  JAMES  G,  BLAIHE. 


and  his  efforts  have  been  rewarded  by  the  prevention  of  sanguinary 
strife  or  angry  contentions  between  peoples  whom  we  regard  as 
brethren. 

The  existence  of  this  growing  tendency  convinces  the  President 
that  the  time  is  ripe  for  a proposal  that  shall  enli^  the  good-will  and 
active  co  operation  of  all  the  States  of  the  western  hemisphere,  both 
north  and  south,  in  the  interest  of  humanity  and  for  the  common  weal 
of  nations.  He  conceives  that  none  of  the  governments  of  America 
can  be  less  alive  than  our  own  to  the  dangers  and  horrors  of  a state 
of  war,  and  especially  of  war  between  kinsmen.  He  is  sure  that  none 
of  the  chiefs  of  governments  on  the  continent  can  be  less  sensitive  than 
he  is  to  the  sacred  duty  of  making  every  endeavor  to  do  away  with 
the  chances  of  fratricidal  strife.  And  he  looks  with  hopeful  confi- 
dence to  such  active  assistance  from  them  as  will  serve  to  show  the 
broadness  of  our  common  humanity  and  the  strength  of  the  ties  which 
bind  us  all  together  as  a great  and  harmonious  system  of  American 
/ commonwealths. 

Impressed  by  these  views,  the  President  extends  to  all  the  independ- 
ent countries  of  North  and  South  America  an  earnest  invitation  to  par- 
ticipate in  a general  congress  to  be  held  in  the  city  of  Washington  on 
the  24th  day  of  November,  1882,  for  the  purpose  of  considering  and 
discussing  the  methods  of  preventing  war  between  the  nations  of 
America.  He  desires  that  the  attention  of  the  congress  shall  be  strictly 
confined  to  this  one  great  object;  that  its  sole  aim  shall  be  to  seek  a 
way  of  permanently  averting  the  horrors  of  cruel  and  bloody  combat 
between  countries,  of  tenest  of  one  blood  and  speech,  or  the  even  worse 
calamity  of  internal  commotion  and  civil  strife;  that  it  shall  regard  the 
burdensome  and  far-reaching  consequences  of  such  struggles,  the  leg- 
acies of  exhausted  finances,  of  oppressive  debt,  of  onerous  taxation, 
of  ruined  cities,  of  paralyzed  industries,  of  devastated  fields,  of  ruthless 
conscription,  of  the  slaughter  of  men,  of  the  grief  of  the  widow  and 
the  orphan,  of  embittered  resentments,  that  long  survive  those  who 
provoked  them  and  heavily  afiiict  the  innocent  generations  that  come 
after. 

The  President  is  especially  desirous  to  have  it  understood  that,  in 
putting  forth  this  invitation,  the  United  States  does  not  assume  the 
position  of  counseling,  or  attempting,  through  the  voice  of  the  con- 
gress, to  counsel  any  determinate  solution  of  existing  questions  which 
may  now  divide  any  of  the  countries  of  America.  Such  questions 
cannot  properly  come  before  the  congress.  Its  mission  is  higher.  It 
is  to  provide  for  the  interests  of  all  in  the  future,  not  to  settle  the  indi- 
vidual differences  of  the  present.  F^or  this  reason  especially  the  Presi- 


SECEEtARY  OF  STATE. 


171 


dent  has  indicated  a day  for  the  assembling  of  the  congress  so  far  in 
the  future  as  to  leave  good  ground  for  hope  that  by  the  time  named 
the  present  situation  on  the  South  Pacific  coast  will  be  happily  termi- 
nated, and  that  those  engaged  in  the  contest  may  take  peaceable  part  in 
the  discussion  and  solution  of  the  general  question  affecting  in  an  equal 
degree  the  well-being  of  all. 

It  seems  also  desirable  to  disclaim  in  advance  any  purpose  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States  to  prejudge  the  issues  to  be  presented  to  the 
congress.  It  is  far  from  the  intent  of  this  government  to  appear  be- 
fore the  congress  as  in  any  sense  the  protector  of  its  neighbors  or  the 
predestined  and  necessary  arbitrator  of  their  disputes.  The  United 
States  will  enter  into  the  deliberations  of  the  congress  on  the  same 
footing  as  the  other  powers  represented,  and  with  the  loyal  determina- 
tion to  approach  any  proposed  solution,  not  merely  in  its  own  interest, 
or  with  a view  to  asserting  its  own  power,  but  as  a single  member 
among  many  co-ordinate  and  co-equal  States.  So  far  as  the  influence 
of  this  government  may  be  potential,  it  will  be  exerted  in  the  direction 
of  conciliating  whatever  conflicting  interests  of  blood,  or  government, 
or  historical  tradition  may  necessarily  come  together  in  response  to  a 
call  embracing  such  vast  and  diverse  elements. 

You  will  present  these  views  to  the  minister  of  foreign  relations  of 
the  Argentine  Kepublic,  enlarging,  if  need  be,  in  such  terms  as  will 
readily  occur  to  you,  upon  the  great  mission  which  it  is  within  the 
j)ower  of  the  proposed  congress  to  accomplish  in  the  interest  of 
humanity,  and  upon  the  firm  purpose  of  the  United  States  to  main- 
tain a position  of  the  most  absolute  and  impartial  friendship  toward 
all.  You  will  thereupon,  in  the  name  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  tender  to  Ilis  Excellency,  the  President  of  the  Argentine 
Republic,  a formal  invitation  to  send  two  commissioners  to  the  con- 
gress, provided  with  such  powers  and  instructions  on  behalf  of  their 
government  as  will  enable  them  to  consider  the  questions  brought 
before  that  body  within  the  limit  of  submission  contemplated  by  this 
invitation.  The  United  States,  as  well  as  the  other  powers,  will,  in  like 
manner,  be  represented  by  two  commissioners,  so  that  equality  and 
impartiality  will  be  amply  secured  in  the  proceedings  of  the  congress. 

In  delivering  this  invitation  through  the  minister  of  foreign 
affairs,  you  will  read  this  dispatch  to  him  and  leave  with  him  a copy 
intimating  that  an  answer  is  desired  by  this  government  as  promptly 
as  the  just  consideration  of  so  important  a proposition  will  permit. 

I am,  etc.,  James  G.  Blaine. 


172 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


RETIREMENT  OF  SECRETARY  BLAINE. 

Mr.  Blaine  withdrew  from  the  State  Department  in  a 
quiet  and  unostentatious  way,  having  retired  on  the  19th 
of  December,  1881.  His  diplomatic  career  began  with  his 
appointment  as  Secretary  of  State,  on  the  5th  of  March, 
and  closed  with  his  resignation  three  months  after  the 
death  of  President  Garfield.  He  did  not  desire  to  remain 
in  connection  with  the  Administration  of  President  Arthur, 
but  exhibited  no  unseemly  haste  in  quitting  the  position 
which  he  had  accepted  at  the  solicitation  of  Mr.  ArthuPs 
predecessor.  His  retirement  was  marked  by  the  same 
decorum  and  good  judgment  which  distinguished  his  con- 
duct of  public  affairs  during  the  long  and  trying  period  of 
President  Garfield^s  prostration.  There  was  nothing  sen- 
sational about  either.  He  did  not  retire  and  relapse  into 
obscurity  ; he  stepped  out  in  the  full  fiush  of  success,  a 
bold  and  hopeful  statesman,  confident  in  the  admiration 
and  friendship  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people.  Upon  his 
retirement  from  the  position,  many  attempts  were  made  to 
assail  his  administration  of  affairs,  but  in  the  end  the 
public  were  fully  informed  of  his  actions  and  the  Secre- 
tary was  found  not  only  to  be  free  from  charge,  but  to 
have  exercised  the  duties  of  his  office  in  a manner  most 
commendable.  Though  pursued  by  envious  enemies,  his 
admirers  flocked  to  his  standard  with  a promptness  and 
enthusiasm  which  fully  showed  that  as  long  as  he  lived  he 
must  be  counted  an  element  in  American  politics.  They 
declared  him  the  Henry  Clay  of  his  time ; the  ideal  of  vast 
masses  of  the  people,  and  having  a name  the  most  potent 
of  any  with  which  to  conjure.  He  who  would  reckon 
without  including  Mr.  Blaine  in  the  count,  reckoned  with- 
out his  host.  It  was  said  of  him  that  he  combined  with  the 
brilliant,  electrifying  qualities  of  the  Irish  orators  Locke, 
Phillips,  Curran,  Grattan  or  Emmet,  the  obstinate  per- 
sistency and  shrewdness  of  the  Yankee.  If  there  was  an 


SECRETARY  OE  STATE. 


173 


imminent  deadly  breach  in  the  party  castle-wall,  Mr. 
Blaine  stood  there  proudly  breathing  not  only  defiance, 
but  threatenings  of  slaughter  to  its  enemies.  Never  was 
more  fitting  title  given  to  man-  than  that  to  Mr.  Blaine, 
^^The  Plumed  Knight.-"^  He  never  waited  to  be  chal- 
lenged ; he  flung  his  glove  impetuously  into  the  arena  of 
the  combat,  and  with  flashing  eyes  and  intellectual  facul- 
ties met  whoever  came.^^ 

A writer,  commenting  at  the  time,  used  language  such 
as  this:  Mr.  Blaine^s  contests  in  the  House  of  Represen- 

tatives will  never  be  forgotten.  His  victories  over  the 
Democratic  party  there  made  him  the  Republican  hero 
par-excellence,  and  caused  him  to  be  worshiped  by  Repub- 
licans as  Wellington  was  worshiped  by  Englishmen  after 
the  Battle  of  Waterloo.  Mr.  Blaine  is  to  the  Republican 
party  what  Lord  Brougham  was  to  the  Reform  Party  in 
England.  Brongham^s  force  as  a public  speaker  was  as 
compared  to  the  thunderbolt.  Blaine^s  incisive  keenness 
is  like  a flash  of  electric  light — it  exposes  and  transfixes  his 
opponent.  Brougham  associated  his  name  conspicuously 
and  liberally  with  every  great  measure  of  reform  in  England 
during  his  brilliant  career.  The  stamp  of  Blaine^s  genius 
is  to  be  found  upon  every  great  measure  proposed  and 
carried  by  the  Republican  party,  whether  in  convention  or 
in  Congress  from  the  date  of  his  entry  upon  the  political 
stage  down  to  the  present  time.  Mr.  Blaine  is  no  less 
daring  than  was  the  late  Mr.  Disraeli,  but  he  is  less  selfish; 
nor  is  he  like  Mr.  Disraeli  in  that  the  latter,  to  advance  his 
political  fortunes,  shifted  his  allegiance  from  Tory  to 
Liberal,  and  back  again  from  Liberal  to  Tory.  Mr.  Blaine 
has  been  a life-long  Republican,  and  nothing  else.  He 
holds  a large  place  in  the  public  heart,  because  in  character 
he  is  a Yankee.  He  can  be  compared  with  no  one  man  in 
American  public  life.  He  is  a statesman  of  a peculiar  type, 
and  stands  a little  apart  from  all  other  public  men,  and  in 
this  isolated  position  he  is  viewed  alone.  That  he  is  a 


174 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKB. 


colossal  figure  is  more  evident  now  in  the  time  of  his  retire- 
ment than  at  any  period  of  his  career,  since,  although  he 
holds  no  public  office,  he  is  constantly  in  the  public  eye. 
His  enemies  will  not  let  him  rest.  They  dread  his  blows, 
but  seem  to  court  them.  There  is  a fascination  about  the 
man  that  is  irresistible,  even  to  his  enemies.  Like  moths 
fiitting  about  a candle,  they  place  themselves  within  reach 
of  his  trenchant  blow  and  are  stricken  down.  Mr.  Blaine 
is  indeed  a man  to  be  dealt  with  fairly  and  kindly.  He 
has  the  keen  intuition  of  a woman,  the  logic  of  a man,  and 
the  force  of  a Hercules. 

Thus  was  Mr.  Blaine  regarded  when  he  retired  from  the 
position  of  Secretary  of  State,  and  thus  he  continues  to  be 
regarded,  holding  aloft  the  Kepublican  fiag  and  the  stand- 
ard-bearer of  throngs  as  enthusiastic  as  ever  marshaled 
under  the  banner  of  a conquering  hero. 

PRESiDEKT  Arthur's  foreign  policy. 

After  Mr.  Trescot  and  Mr.  Walker  Blaine  had  set  out*' 
to  South  America  on  their  delicate  mission.  Secretary  Blaine 
resigned,  and  Mr.  Frelinghuysen  became  his  successor. 
The  new  Secretary  at  once  reversed  the  diplomatic  policy 
of  Mr.  Blaine  with  such  haste,  that  Mr.  Trescot  on  arriv- 
ing at  his  destination  was  informed  by  the  Chilian  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs  that  the  instructions  which  he  held  had 
been  countermanded,  and  that  his  mission  was  of  no  avail. 
By  this  extraordinary  reversal  of  diplomatic  methods  and 
purposes  the  infiuence  of  our  government  on  the  South 
American  Coast  was  reduced  to  so  low  a point  as  to  become 
insignificant.  The  policy  of  Mr.  Blaine  had  been  both 
pacific  and  strong.  It  was  followed  by  a period  of  scarcely 
any  policy  at  all,  which  enabled  the  Eepublic  of  Chili  to 
impose  the  . terms  of  a conqueror  upon  the  vanquished,  and 
to  seize  such  territory  from  Peru  as  pleased  its  greedy 
generals.  Trescot  was  sent  to  South  America  for  the 
purpose  of  saving  Peru  from  confiscation  at  the  hands  of 
victorious  Chili.  There  was  no  other  object  in  his  mission. 


SECRETARY  OE  STATE. 


175 


When  Secretary  Frelingliuysen  came  into  office  he  in- 
structed Mr.  Trescot  to  let  negotiations  take  their  course. 
Secretary  Frelinghuysen  preferred  that  the  envoys  should 
remain  instead  of  being  recalled,  though  Mr.  Trescot 
could  not  see  any  object  in  his  mission  after  the  instruc- 
tions had  been  reversed.  Chili  dictated  the  most  extrava- 
gant terms.  It  took  possession  of  tlie  guano  and  nitrate 
districts  of  Peru,  and  then  exacted  a war  indemnity,  which 
Peru  could  not  pay  while  deprived  of  its  natural  resources. 
The  Secretary  dispatched  Trescot  to  urge  moderation 
upon  the  part  of  Chili,  but  at  the  same  time  continued  to 
remind  her  that  the  American  Government  merely  pro- 
posed to  give  counsel  to  aid  the  negotiations.  Chili  was 
encouraged  by  this  to  receive  the  American  suggestions 
with  contempt.  Trescot  was  compelled  to  reply  to  the 
State  Department  as  follows:  The  terms  of  joeace  will 

not  be  modified  by  Chili:  the  publication  of  instructions 
to  me  made  it  impossible  to  secure  a modification.'’^ 

Chili  was  not  disposed  to  abandon  its  policy  of  spolia- 
tion to  suit  any  government  which  had  not  the  courage  of 
its  convictions  to  i^ronounce  in  advance  that  it  would 
not  interfere  with  any  conditions  that  might  be  imposed 
upon  the  vanquished  Eepublic.  Mr.  Trescot  could  not 
see  why  he  should  be  there  at  all.  He  felt  the  awkward- 
ness and  humiliation  of  his  position,  and  asked  to  be 
recalled  to  Washington. 

In  addition  to  the  action  of  the  government  regarding 
the  settlement  of  difficulties  between  Chili  and  Peru, 
Secretary  Frelinghuysen  took  such  measures  as  to  recall 
the  invitation  to  the  Peace  congress  at  Washington  City, 
which  had  been  sent  out  by  Mr.  Blaine  on  the  1st  of 
December. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  motives  of  the  Adminis- 
tration in  reversing  the  policy  of  Mr.  Blaine,  it  is  sufficient 
to  state  that  in  the  course  of  a few  months  such  modifica- 
tions were  made  by  the  government  as  indicated  its  deter- 


176 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


minatiou  to  resume,  wholly  or  in  part,  the  policy  of  Secre- 
tary Blaine.  This  measure  of  Mr.  Frelinghuysen  was 
styled  by  the  press  of  the  day  the  no-policy of  the 
government  on  the  South  American  question,  and  was 
severely  criticised  by  that  part  of  the  press  which  had  sup- 
ported President  Garfield.  The  London  Times  referring 
to  the  diplomacy  of  Mr.  Frelinghuysen,  said:  ^^English- 
men regard  it  with  as  sincere  good  will  as  if  devised  on 
their  special  behalf;  and  this  was  the  key-note  to  the  atti- 
tude of  Chili. 

BLAINE^S  LETTEK  TO  PRESIDENT  ARTHUR. 

When  it  became  known  to  the  public  that  President 
Arthur  designed  the  recall  of  invitations  to  the  Peace 
congress  at  Washington,  Secretary  Blaine  became  very 
much  interested,  and  deeply  regretted  that  any  such  action 
should  take  place.  Accordingly  he  addressed  a letter  to 
the  President,  setting  forth  his  views.  This  letter  appealed 
irresistibly  to  the  judgment  of  the  American  people.  The 
idea  of  the  Peace  congress  originated  with  President  Gar- 
field, who  decided  to  issue  such  a circular,  inviting  every 
independent  State  in  North  and  South  America,  including 
Brazil,  to  send  two  delegates  or  representatives  to  a 
Bi- Continental  Congress  to  meet  at  Washington.  Before 
this  letter  was  actually  sent,  the  President  was  killed  by 
an  assassin,  and  no  action  was  taken  until  Mr.  Arthur 
became  President.  The  unexecuted  plan  was  then  brought 
to  his  notice,  and  he  most  heartily  approved  it,  and 
endorsed  the  views  of  the  Secretary. 

No  more  was  heard  of  the  letter  until  Mr.  Freling- 
huyseiPs  instructions  to  Trescot  were  published,  by  which 
it  appeared  that  Mr.  Arthur  gave  notice  that  the  invita- 
tions were  revoked,  and  the  conference  was  not  only  aban- 
doned, but  disapproved.  Against  this  sudden  change  of 
front,  both  from  public  and  personal  considerations,  Mr. 
Blaine,  properly  and  with  considerable  dignity,  protested 
and  urged  the  President  to  recall  this  ill-advised  revoca- 


SECRETAEY  OF  STATE. 


177 


tion.  Mr.  Frelinglmysen  did  not  state  in  his  letter  any 
of  the  reasons  inducing  the  President  to  revoke  in  Janu- 
ary the  invitations  issued  by  him  in  December,  beyond  an 
intimation  that  the  conference  of  the  States  of  the  con- 
tinent of  North  and  South  America,  without  the  consent 
and  countenance  of  European  nations,  would  be  an  of- 
fense, prejudicial  to  our  friendly  relations  with  the  gov- 
ernments of  Europe.  This  was  not  deemed  by  all  a suf- 
ficient reason,  since  conferences  by  representatives  are  of 
common  occurrence  in  Europe ; but  the  United  States  is 
never  invited.  This  is  never  deemed  an  offense  to  this 
country.  The  American  Eepublic  has  no  concern  in  Eu- 
ropean matters,  and  never  interposes  her  authority  or 
advice  concerning  them.  The  nations  of  North  and  South 
America  have  interests  in  common,  wholly  distinct  from 
those  of  the  rest  of  the  earth.  They  have  a common 
safety  to  secure  from  European  aggression.  Many  of 
them  are  weak  and  opposed  to  conquest  by  any  of  the 
great  nations  of  Europe.  They  can  appeal  to  no  one  save 
their  neighbors  on  the  American  continent.  The  safety  and 
protection  of  one  is  the  safety  and  protection  of  all.  The 
occurrence  of  a protracted  and  destructive  Avar  in  South 
America,  ending  in  the  defeat  of  one  South  American 
Eepublic,  exposed  both  to  the  danger  of  being  seized  by 
an  European  power  for  money  due  to  bond-holders.  An 
understanding  for  mutual  defense  as  against  European 
seizure  and  spoliation,  and  a closer  union  for  commercial 
and  industrial  purposes,  suggested  themselves  to  all  the 
peoples  and  States.  To  make  that  wish  a reality  instead  of 
a theory,  Avas  the  thought  of  President  Garfield,  as  it 
Avas  undoubtedly  the  thought  of  acting-President  Arthur, 
in  proposing  this  conference  of  all  the  governments  of  the 
two  hemispheres.  The  Avhole  country  shared  the  surprise 
Avhich  Mr.  Blaine  expressed  at  the  proceeding,  and  irnited 
in  the  appeal  Avhich  he  made.  The  following  is  the  text 
of  his  letter : 

12 


178 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


Washington,  D.  C.,  February  3. 

To  the  President  of  the  United  States ^ — The  suggestion  of  ~a  congress 
of  all  American  nations  to  assemble  in  the  city  of  Washington  for  the 
purpose  of  agreeing  on  such  a basis  of  arbitration  for  international 
troubles  as  would  remove  all  possibility  of  war  on  the  western  hem- 
isphere was  warmly  approved  by  your  predecessor.  His  assassination 
July  2 prevented  his  issuing  the  invitation  to  the  American  States. 
After  your  accession  to  the  Presidency  I acquainted  you  with  the 
project,  and  submitted  to  you  the  draft  for  such  an  invitation.  You 
received  the  suggestion  with  most  appreciative  consideration,  and, 
after  carefully  examining  the  form  of  invitation,  directed  it  to  be  sent. 
It  was  accordingly  dispatched,  in  November,  to  the  independent  gov- 
ernments of  America,  North  and  South,  including  all,  from  the 
empire  of  Brazil  to  the  smallest  republic.  In  a communication 
addressed  by  the  present  Secretary  of  State,  on  the  9th  of  last  month, 
to  Mr.  Trescot,  and  recently  sent  to  the  Senate,  I was  greatly  sur- 
prised to  find  a proposition  looking  to  the  annulment  of  these  invita- 
tions, and  I was  still  more  surprised  when  I read  the  reasons  assigned. 
I quote  Frelinghuysen  s language: 

The  United  States  is  at  peace  with  all  nations  of  the  earth,  and 
the  President  wishes  hereafter  to  determine  whether  it  will  conduce 
to  the  general  peace,  v/hich  he  would  cherish  and  promote,  for  this 
government  to  enter  into  negotiations  and  consultations  for  the  pro- 
motion of  peace  with  selected  friendly  nationalities,  without  extend- 
ing the  line  of  confidence  to  other  people  with  whom  the  United 
States  is  on  equally  friendly  terms.  If  such  partial  confidence  would 
create  jealousy  and  ill-will,  peace,  the  object  sought  by  such  consul- 
tation, would  not  be  promoted.  The  principles  controlling  the  rela- 
tions of  the  republics  of  this  hemisphere  with  other  nationalities  may, 
on  investigation,  be  found  to  be  so  well-established  that  little  would 
be  gained  at  this  time  by  re-opening  the  subject,  which  is  not  novel.” 

If  I correctly  apprehend  the  meaning  of  these  words  it  is,  that  we 
might  offend  some  European  powers  if  we  should  hold  in  the  United 
States  a congress  of  “selected  nationalities”  of  America. 

This  is  certainly  a new  position  for  the  United  States  to  assume, 
and  one  which  I earnestly  beg  you  will  not  permit  this  government 
to  occupy.  European  powers  assemble  in  congress  whenever  an 
object  seems  to  them  of  sufficient  importance  to  justify  it.  I have 
never  heard  of  their  consulting  the  government  of  the  United  States 
in  regard  to  the  propriety  of  their  so  assembling,  nor  have  I ever 
known  their  inviting  an  American  representative  to  be  present,  nor 


SECRETAEY  OF  STATE. 


179 


would  there,  in  my  judgment,  be  any  good  reason  for  their  so  doing. 
Two  Presidents  of  the  United  States  in  the  year  1881  adjudged  it  to 
be  expedient  that  American  powers  should  meet  in  congi’ess  for  the 
sole  purpose  of  agreeing  upon  some  basis  for  arbitration  of  differ- 
ences that  may  arise  between  them,  and  for  the  prevention,  as  far  as 
possible,  of  wars  in  the  future.  If  that  movement  is  now  to  be 
arrested  for  fear  it  may  give  offense  to  Europe,  the  voluntary  humili- 
ation of  this  government  could  not  be  more  complete  unless  we 
should  petition  European  governments  for  the  privilege  of  holding 
the  congress. 

I cannot  conceive  how  the  United  States  could  be  placed  in  a less 
enviable  position  than  would  be  secured  by  sending,  in  November,  a 
cordial  invitation  to  all  American  governments  to  meet  in  Washing- 
ton for  the  sole  purpose  of  concerting  measures  of  peace,  and  in 
January  recalling  the  invitation  for  fear  it  might  create  “jealousy 
and  ill  will”  on  the  part  of  monarchical  governments  in  Europe.  It 
would  be  difficult  to  devise  a more  effective  mode  of  making  enemies 
of  the  American  governments,  and  it  would  certainly  not  add  to  our 
prestige  in  the  European  world.  Nor  can  I see,  Mr.  President,  how 
European  governments  should  feel  “jealousy  and  ill-will”  toward  the 
United  States  because  of  an  effort  on  our  part  to  assure  lasting  peace 
between  the  nations  of  America,  unless,  indeed,  it  be  the  interest  of 
the  European  powers  that  the  American  nations  should  at  intervals 
fall  into  war,  and  bring  reproach  on  republican  government.  But 
from  that  very  circumstance  I see  an  additional  and  powerful  motive 
for  American  governments  to  be  at  peace  among  themselves.  The 
United  States  is  indeed  at  peace  with  all  the  world,  as  Mr.  Freling- 
huysen  well  says;  but  there  are,  and  have  been,  serious  troubles 
between  other  American  Republics.  Peru,  Chili  and  Bolivia  have 
been  for  more  than  two  years  engaged  in  a desperate  conflict.  It  was 
the  fortunate  intervention  of  the  United  States  last  spring  that  averted 
war  between  Chili  and  the  Argentine  Republic.  Guatemala  is  at  this 
moment  asking  the  United  States  to  interpose  its  good  offices  with 
Mexico  to  keep  off  war. 

These  important  facts  were  all  communicated  in  your  late  message 
to  Congress.  It  is  the  existence  or  menace  of  these  wars  that  influ- 
enced President  Garfield,  and,  as  I suppose,  influenced  yourself,  to 
desire  a friendly  conference  of  all  nations  of  America  to  devise 
methods  of  permanent  peace  and  consequent  prosperity  for  all.  Shall 
the  United  States  now  turn  back,  hold  aloof,  and  refuse  to  exert  its 
great  moral  power  for  the  advantage  of  its  weaker  neighbors?  If  you 
have  not  formally  and  fully  recalled  the  invitations  to  a peace  Con- 


180 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


gress,  Mr.  President,  I beg  of  you  to  consider  well  the  effect  of  so 
doing.  The  invitation  was  not  mine.  It  was  yours.  I performed 
only  the  part  of  secretary  to  advise  and  draft.  You  spoke  in  the 
name  of  the  United  States  to  each  of  the  independent  nations  of 
America.  To  revoke  that  invitation  for  any  cause  would  be  embar- 
rassing; to  revoke  it  for  avowed  ‘'fears  of  jealousy  and  ill-will”  on 
the  part  of  European  powers  would  appeal  as  little  to  American  pride 
as  to  American  hospitality.  Those  you  have  invited  may  decline, 
and,  having  now  cause  to  doubt  their  welcome,  will  perhaps  do  so. 
This  would  break  up  the  congress,  but  would  not  touch  our  dignity. 
Beyond  the  philanthropic  and  Christian  ends  to  be  obtained  by  the 
American  conference,  devoted  to  peace  and  good-will  among  men,  we 
might  well  hope  for  material  advantages  as  a result  of  a better  under- 
standing and  closer  friendship  with  the  nations  of  America.  At 
present  the  condition  of  trade  between  the  United  States  and  its 
American  neighbors  is  unsatisfactory  to  us,  and  even  deplorable. 

According  to  the  official  statistics  of  our  own  Treasury  Depart- 
ment the  balance  against  us  in  that  trade  last  year  was  $120,000,000 — 
a sum  greater  than  the  yearly  product  of  the  gold  and  silver  mines  in 
the  United  States.  This  vast  balance  was  paid  by  us  in  foreign 
exchange,  and  a very  large  proportion  of  it  went  to  England,  where 
shipments  of  cotton,  provisions  and  breadstuffs  supplied  the  money. 
If  anything  should  change  or  check  the  balance  in  our  favor  in 
European  trade,  our  commercial  exchanges  with  Spanish  America 
would  drain  us  of  our  reserve  of  gold  coin  at  a rate  exceeding 
$100,000,000  per  annum,  and  would  probably  precipitate  the  suspen- 
sion of  specie  payment  in  this  country.  Such  a result  at  home  might 
be  worse  than  a little  “jealousy  and  ill  will”  abroad.  I do  not  say, 
Mr.  President,  the  holding  of  a peace  congress  will  necessarily  change 
the  currents  of  trade,  but  it  will  bring  us  into  kindly  relations  with 
all  the  American  nations;  it  will  promote  the  reign  of  peace,  and  law, 
and  order;  it  will  increase  production  and  consumption,  and  will 
stimulate  the  demand  for  articles  which  American  manufacturers  can 
furnish  wdth  profit.  It  will,  at  all  events,  be  a friendly  and  auspicious 
beginning  in  the  direction  of  American  influence  and  American  trade 
in  a large  field  which  we  have  hitherto  greatly  neglected,  and  which 
has  been  practically  monopolized  by  our  commercial  rivals  in  Europe. 
As  Mr.  Ere] inghuy sen’s  dispatch  foreshadowing  an  abandonment  of 
a peace  congress  is  being  made  public  by  your  direction,  I deem  it  a 
matter  of  propriety  and  justice  to  give  this  letter  to  the  press. 

I am,  Mr.  President,  with  great  respect,  your  ever  obedient 
servant,  James  G.  Blaine:, 


CHAPTER  X. 


BLAIKE^S  FOREIGN  POLICY. 

IN  the  case  of  Peru,  the  rights  of  some  American  citizens 
were  jeopardized,  and  besides  these  there  were  claimants 
in  America  and  Prance  who  sought  the  intervention  of  the 
United  States.  These  claims  were  known  as  those  of 
Cochet,  the  Peruvian  Company,  Landreau  and  the  Credit 
Industriel;  but  the  Cochet  claim  and  that  of  the  Peruvian 
Company  were  identical.  Soon  after  Mr.  Blaine  retired 
from  the  cabinet,  reports  were  spread  abroad  that  he  had 
been  unduly  ambitious  in  advocating  his  foreign  policy,  and 
had  also  been  interested  in  private  claims  in  demanding 
the  protection  of  Peru.  Accordingly  a cougressional  com- 
mittee was  ordered  to  look  into  the  South  American  policy 
of  the  Garfield  administration,  and  the  proceedings  of  the 
investigation  which  followed  comprised  800  printed  pages 
of  documents  and  400  printed  pages  of  testimony.  The 
investigation  was  intended  as  a crusade  against  Mr.  Blaine, 
and  a great  many  charges  were  raised  and  answered. 

It  was  charged  in  some  of  the  newspapers  directly,  and 
insinuated  in  many  others,  that  Mr.  Blaine  had  concealed 
certain  papers,  which,  in  the  language  of  the  day,  were 
known  as  the  missing  papers, and  contained  evidence 
against  the  Secretary.  The  charge  was  based  upon  a -state- 
ment of  Mr.  Shipherd,  an  adventurer  in  the  interest  of 
the  Cochet  claim,  who  perjured  himself  before  the  com- 
mittee and  would  have  been  brought  to  trial  in  all  proba- 
bility had  he  been  regarded  altogether  in  his  right  mind. 
The  investigation  showed  that  Mr.  Blaine  never  saw  the 
papers,  and  that  they  were  not  addressed  to  him,  but  to 
the  President  of  the  United  States.  The  unimportance 
of  these  letters  was  also  shown,  and  it  was  found  out  that 

181 


182 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAISE. 


they  were  of  a kind  which  were  no  more  likely  to  be 
brought  to  the  Secretary's  attention  than  every  check 
going  through  the  bank  is  likely  to  be  brought  to  the  at- 
tention of  the  President ; and  that  they  had  never  been 
considered  of  the  least  consequence  after  Shipherd  pro- 
duced duplicates  of  them. 

It  went  the  rounds  of  the  newspapers,  and  was  largely 
discussed,  that  Mr.  Blaine  deceived  President  Arthur 
regarding  the  instructions  to  Mr.  Trescot,  making  them 
much  more  belligerent  than  the  President  supposed  them 
to  be.  Mr.  Blaine  read  to  the  committee  the  very  draft, 
patched  with  mucilage,  interlined,  which  he  had  read  to 
President  Arthur  in  his  bedroom,  and  which  is  identical 
with  the  printed  instructions.  After  this  presentation  to 
the  committee  there  was  not  a whisper  on  the  subject 
from  the  bitterest  anti-Blaine  newspapers,  but  there  was 
not  sufficient  generosity  on  the  part  of  any  one  to  retract 
the  charge. 

The  accusation  was  put  forth  that  Mr.  Blaine,  during 
the  illness  of  President  Garfield,  usurped  the  functions  of 
the  dying  Executive.  This  was  the  meanest  of  all  the 
unfounded  charges.  The  dates  of  the  public  correspond- 
ence show  that  not  a letter  was  written  by  Mr.  Blaine 
during  the  entire  sickness  of  the  Presideirt  which  it  is  at 
all  likely  would  have  been  shown  to  him  had  he  been  well, 
and  engaged  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties,  with  the  excep- 
tion perhaps,  of  a letter  to  the  President  of  France 
declining  his  proposition  for  a joint  convention  of  France 
and  the  United  States  in  the  South  American  difficulties. 
It  is  a good  illustration  of  the  unfairness  with  which  Mr. 
Blaine  was  treated  that  this  dispatch,  in  which  he  simply 
declined  to  commit  the  government  to  a course  at  once 
injudicious  and  un-American,  has  been  sought  as  a proof 
that  he  was  usurping  his  power  during  the  disability  of 
the  President  to  initiate  a bold  form  of  policy  and  to  secure 
his  retention  in  office. 


FOKEIGK  POLICY. 


183 


Mr.  Shipherd  testified  that  he  had  written  a letter  to 
Mr.  Hurlbut,  offering  him  a bribe  of  $250,000,  in  stock, 
and  that  Mr.  Blaine  knew  of  this  bribe.  The  testimony 
was  disproved  by  Mr.  Blaine  by  abundant  documentary 
evidence,  and  it  was  also  shown  that  no  such  letter  was 
heard  of  until  it  appeared  in  print.  All  the  testimony  of 
Mr.  Shipherd  derogatory  to  Mr.  Blaine  was  demonstrated 
to  be  false,  and  mercilessly  stripped  him  of  all  his  preten- 
sions, and  exposed  the  fact  that  he  was  a reckless  advent- 
urer and  bold  falsifier. 

A fifth  matter  for  investigation  was  that  Mr.  Blaine^s 
policy  toward  Chili  and  Peru  was  directly  in  the  inter- 
est of  the  Cochet  claim.  This  was  the  whole  cry  at  the 
beginning  of  the  investigation.  The  list  of  stock-holders 
of  the  Peruvian  company,  when  found,  was  to  contain 
the  name  of  Mr.  Blaine.  Mr.  Shipherd^s  scheme  was  to 
secure  American  intervention  between  Chili  and  Peru  to 
obtain  recognition  of  a claim  made  by  one  Cochet  to  a 
third  interest  in  the  guano  deposits,  based  on  the  right  of 
discovery  and  an  old  Peruvian  law.  He  represented  a 
company  who  claimed  succession  to  the  Cochet  claim 
through  an  illegitimate  son.  A French  company,  known 
as  the  Credit  Industrie!,  also  set  up  a claim  to  the  Peru- 
vian guano  and  nitrates.  Mr.  Shipherd  hoped  and 
endeavored  to  secure  the  active  infiuence  of  the  State 
Department  and  the  American  minister  in  favor  of  his 
Peruvian  company  and  against  the  French  company.  In 
this  he  did  not  succeed,  for  neither  one  of  those  companies 
secured  from  the  State  Department  or  the  American  min- 
ister in  Peru,  any  concession  of  aid  or  infiuence  from  the 
American  government. 

General  Hurlbut  having  been  ascertained  to  be  a man 
who  could  not  be  influenced  in  favor  of  the  Cochet  claim, 
Shipherd  endeavored  to  use  his  influence  for  the  removal 
of  the  General,  in  the  hope  that  some  other  person  more 
tractable  would  be  appointed  Minister  to  Peru,  that  he 


184 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


might  use  him  in  the  interest  of  his  claims.  The  instruc- 
tions to  Ministers  Kilpatrick  and  Hurlbut  sent  on  the 
same  day^  June  ISth^  indicated  a course  towards  the 
countries  represented,  from  which  the  Department  did  not 
vary  so  long  as  Mr.  Blaine  was  at  the  head  of  it,  and  were 
sent  six  weeks  before  Mr.  Blaine  saw  Mr.  Shipherd,  and 
then  heard  for  the  first  time,  as  he  testifies,  of  the  Cochet 
claim.  That  claim  is  first  mentioned  by  Mr.  Blaine  more 
than  a month  after  the  death  of  President  Garfield,  and 
five  months  after  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Blaine  as  Secre- 
tary. What  the  Secretary  did  in  reference  to  this  claim 
may  be  inferred  from  the  following  letter  of  August  4th  : 
The  two  claims  for  special  consideration  and  active  inter- 
vention that  have  been  asked  are  those  known  as  the  Cochet 
claim  and  the  Landreau  claim.  In  reference  to  the 
Cochet  claim,  there  has  been  no  information  laid  before 
the  Department  of  a sufficiently  definite  character  to  war- 
rant a specific  instruction,  and  in  the  absence  of  the 
requisite  data  here,  you  will  be  left  to  take  such  steps  as 
may  seem  expedient  on  investigation  of  the  origin  of  the 
claim.  The  primal  point  at  issue  is,  whether  any  Amer- 
ican citizen  or  association  of  citizens  has  acquired  an 
interest  in  the  claim  in  a manner  entitling  him  or  them 
to  the  good  offices  of  the  government  in  making  represen- 
tations to  Peru.  As  the  American  holders  of  the  claims 
or  their  attorneys  will  be  on  the  ground,  you  wdll  no 
doubt  be  placed  in  possession  of  all  the  facts ; but  you 
will  take  no  steps  to  commit  your  government  to  the  use 
of  its  good  offices  without  first  reporting  in  full  to  the  De- 
partment for  well-considered  and  definite  instructions.'’^ 
Mr.  Blaine,  while  Secretary  of  State,  wrote  only  three 
other  letters  in  which  the  Cochet  claim  was  mentioned. 
In  one  of  these,  dated  November  17th,  he  says:  After  the 

instructions  in  my  Ko.  7 in  regard  to  this  subject  had  been 
mailed,  I became  convinced  that  there  was  no  need  of  even 
the  preliminary  inquiry  which  I suggested  in  regard  to  the 


FOREIGN  POLICY. 


185 


Cocliet  claim.  There  is  no  just  ground  whatever  on  which 
this  government  could  intervene  in  behalf  of  it.'’^  Again, 
in  a communication  directed  to  General  Hurlbut,  Novem- 
ber 17,  referring  to  the  probability  of  the  Minister  being 
asked  to  promote  the  interest  of  the  Peruvian  Company  by 
its  agents,  Mr.  Blaine  said:  ^^Specifically  avoid  any  advo- 
cacy of  the  claims  of  that  or  any  other  company  or  indi- 
vidual in  the  pursuit  of  personal  ends  or  business  enter- 
prises.'’’ Another  letter  of  December  15th  took  note  of  the 
fact  that  Minister  Hurlbut  had  suggested  that  Shipherd 
was  perhaps  not  in  his  right  mind. 

In  spite  of  evidences  such  as  these,  the  enemies  of  Mr. 
Blaine  persisted  in  charging  that  he  was  in  league  with  the 
Peruvian  Company,  until  Shipherd’s  extravagant  perjuries 
involved  the  whole  subject  in  ridicule.  They  then  aban- 
doned Shipherd  entirely  and  retreated  to  the  next  position. 
This  was  that  Mr.  Blaine’s  policy  was  wholly  in  the  interests 
of  the  Landreau  claim.  This  charge  could  be  substantiated 
only  on  the  ground  that  the  Cochet  claim  and  that  of 
Landreau  were  bound  up  together;  that  the  titles  were  the 
same,  and  that  the  interests  of  the  supposed  claimants 
were  identical.  This  was  not  true.  Shipherd  had  nothing 
to  do  with  the  Landreau  claim;  he  did  not  even  know  that 
Lanlreau  was  still  alive.  This  charge  is  still  held  by  the 
original  owner,  an  American  citizen,  who  in  1882  was 
Consul  at  Santiago  de  Cuba.  It  had  been  commended  to 
the  attention  of  Congress  by  the  House  Committee  on 
Foreign  Affairs,  and  the  good  offices  of  the  government  in 
its  behalf  were  asked  by  a unanimous  vote  of  the  House. 
Mr.  Fish  and  others  had  instructed  our  Ministers  to  Peru 
to  use  their  good  offices  to  have  a formal  adjudication  of  it. 
Mr.  Blaine  did  the  same  thing — nothing  more,  and  nothing 
less. 

In  his  note  of  August,  1881,  to  Mr.  Hurlbut,  the  Sec- 
retary of  State  called  attention  to  the  course  of  Peru  re- 
garding jurisdiction  of  the  Landreau  claim,  and  said  : 


186 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIME. 


the  opinion  of  this  government,  Peru  is  hound  in 
duty  and  honor  to  do  one  of  three  things,  viz. : Supply 

an  impartial  tribunal,  or  extend  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
present  courts,  or  submit  the  case  to  arbitration/^'  Hurl- 
hut  was  further  instructed  to  see  that  the  conclusion  of 
peace  between  Peru  and  Chili  should  not  impair  the  rights 
which  Landreau,  after  a judicial  investigation,  should  be 
found  to  possess,  and  that  his  claim  should  follow  the  ter- 
ritory if  the  latter  should  be  transferred  to  Chili.  In 
point  of  fact  this  same  territory  afterwards  was  trans- 
ferred to  the  English  bondholders,  and  consumed  the 
claim  of  Landreau  and  very  many  other  things  besides. 
Landreau^s  claim  is  for  seven  million  three  hundred  thou- 
sand dollars.  It  is  not  a thing  without  substance,  such  as 
Shipherd^s  claim,  which  was  for  nine  hundred  millions,  for 
which  he  is  said  to  have  paid  eleven  dollars. 

Whether  the  Landreau  claim  was  a good  one  is  one 
question  ; whether  our  government  was  justified  in  urging 
the  Peruvian  government  to  adjudicate  upon  it,  is  quite 
another  question,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  whatever  that 
it  was  the  duty  of  the  State  Department  in  view  of  the 
action  of  Congress  to  save  the  rights  of  Landreau  to  a 
judicial  determination  of  his  claim,  when  it  was  proposed 
to  transfer  the  property  in  question  from  one  government 
to  another.  In  a letter  of  August  4th,  Mr.  Blaine  says  to 
General  Hurlbut:  ^^In  regard  to  the  Landreau  claim,  I 

see  no  reason  to  differ  from  the  conclusion  to  which  my 
predecessors  seem  to  have  arrived.’^  He  then  gives  a his- 
tory of  the  claim,  and  states  that  ^‘^the  opinion  of  this 
government  is  that  Landreau  ought  to  be  given  a hearing, 
and  if  he  be  found  to  possess  rights,  no  definite  treaty 
should  be  made  in  disregard  of  them.^^ 

In  another  communication,  Mr.  Blaine  says  : The 

claim  must  not  of  course  be  pressed  in  any  manner  that 
would  seem  to  embarrass  Peru  in  the  hour  of  her  great 
distress.^^  He  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  resources  of 


wnmo's  POLICY. 


187 


Peru  should  not  be  exhausted  in  the  settlement  of  other 
claims  to  the  detriment  of  one  belonging  to  an  American 
citizen.  The  instructions  to  Mr.  Trescot  in  a letter  of 
December  16,  states  in  a few  terse  sentences  all  that  was 
ever  said  by  Mr.  Blaine  regarding  the  Landreau  claim, 
and  disposes  of  a number  of  misrepresentations.  It  reads 
as  follows : 

While  disabusing  the  mind  of  the  Chilian  government 
of  any  impression  that  the  United  States  meditates  inter- 
vention on  behalf  of  private  claims  beyond  the  use  of  its 
good  offices,  you  will  see  that  justice  seems  to  demand 
that  Landreau  should  have  an  opportunity  to  be  heard  in 
support  of  his  claim  before  a tribunal  in  Peru  competent 
to  decide  it,  and  that  if  decided  in  his  favor,  a treaty  of 
peace  which  might  cede  the  territory  to  Chili  should  not 
be  made  in  disregard  of  any  rights  which  Mr.  Landreau 
may  be  found,  after  an  impartial  investigation,  to  possess. 
Further  than  this,  the  Department  of  State  has  not  felt 
authorized  to  go,  and  expresses  the  hope  that  the  govern- 
ments of  Chili  and  Peru,  to  both  of  which  }'OU  are 
accredited,  will  recognize  the  moderation  and  justice  of 
the  request  made  by  this  government.''^ 

As  a branch  of  this  idea,  it  was  further  charged  that 
Mr.  Blaine^s  policy  was  intended  to  force  the  Landreau 
and  Cochet  claims  upon  Peru.  The  quotations  just  given 
show  that  the  claims  were  treated  on  an  entirely  different 
basis,  and  were  kept  distinct  throughout. 

The  Cochet  claim  was  thrown  out  of  Court  at  the 
beginning ; and  all  that  was  ever  asked  for  the  Landreau 
claim  was  an  adjudication. 

The  charge  went  the  rounds  that  Mr.  Blaine  favored  an- 
nexing Peru  to  the  United  States.  The  evidence  in  re- 
gard to  all  these  questions  showed  that  the  charges  were 
groundless,  and  if  not  originated  for  the  purpose  of  injur- 
ing Mr.  Blaine,  could  have  no  special  meaning  save  that 
of  creating  a sensation.  On  the  subject  of  annexing 


188 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


Peru,  Mr.  Blaine  once  informally  said  : ‘^^Why,  you  might 
as  well  talk  of  annexing  Terra  del  Fuego  or  the  Island  of 
Juan  Fernandez  to  this  country.  Mr.  Christiancy  men- 
tioned some  such  thing  as  being  desired  in  Peru,  but  I 
never  thought  it  of  sufficient  consequence  or  importance 
to  call  for  any  comment.  It  was  merely  a despairing  cry 
upon  the  part  of  the  down-trodden  Peruvians.  My  dis- 
patches on  the  Isthmian  Canal  question,  by  order  of  the 
President,  disclaimed  for  the  United  States  any  desire  to 
territorial  acquisition  in  Mexico  or  Central  America.  It 
never  occurred  to  me  that  annexation  of  South  American 
territory  called  for  a disclaimer.'’^ 

Other  charges  similar  to  these,  and  involving  the  same 
ideas  could  be  multiplied  at  length,  but  these  are  sufficient 
to  show  the  nature  of  the  investigation  and  the  fairness  of 
Mr.  Blaine^s  defense.  When  the  first  portion  of  these 
charges  appeared,  a Washingtonian  who  was  not  a parti- 
san of  Mr.  Blaine,  said  that  they  had  the  look  to  him  of 
violent  inferences.'’^  This  phrase  is  a description  of 
every  charge  that  was  made  against  the  ex-Secretary.  They 
have  all  been  violent  inferences,^’  from  a man  who 
was  engaged  in  attending  to  his  business  in  a straightfor- 
ward, successful  and  business-like  way.  In  connection 
with  the  same  matter,  Mr.  Trescot  wrote  a letter  to  clear 
up  certain  points  in  the  South  American  diplomacy.  He 
said  : 

Yoek,  Me.,  July  17,  1882. 

To  the  Honorable  James  G,  Blaine:  Dear  Sir — I am  in  receipt  of 
yours  asking  me,  as  late  special  envoy  of  the  United  States  to  the 
belligerents  in  South  America,  to  state  my  knowledge  of  certain 
matters  connected  with  your  administration  as  Secretary  of  State. 
First:  From  your  formal  instructions  to  me  and  in  personal  consulta- 
tions that  you  had  with  me  before  my  departure  on  that  mission,  I have 
never  been  able  to  see  that  there  was  any  ground  for  misunderstand- 
ing or  misconstruing  your  position  in  regard  to  the  Credit  Industrie!. 
It  has  been  consistent  throughout,  as  I understood  it.  You  have 
always  expressed  yourself  to  me  as  desirous  that  the  Credit  Indus- 


FOREIGIsr  POLICY. 


189 


triel  might,  if  possible,  be  made  useful  to  Peru  in  her  distress;  but 
you  are  entirely  unwilling  that  the  United  States  should  make  the 
programme  of  that  company  part  of  our  own  negotiations,  or  should 
assume  to  guarantee  any  arrangement  which  it  might  make  with  the 
Peruvian  government.  You  did  not  favor  the  project  of  a protect- 
orate over  any  part  of  South  America. 

Your  idea  was  to  leave  Peru  free  to  negotiate  with  the  Credit 
Industriel,  and  you  instructed  General  Hurlbut,  and  afterwards 
myself,  to  report  the  result  of  such  negotiations  to  the  Department. 
What  action  might  lie  beyond  was  necessarily  for  the  deoision  of  the 
government,  and  its  policy  would,  in  all  probability,  have  depended 
largely  upon  the  report  made  by  its  ministers.  As  a matter  of  fact, 
neither  General  Hurlbut  nor  myself  was  ever  called  upon  to  take  any 
action  in  regard  to  the  Credit  Industriel  during  our  respective  mis- 
sions in  South  America. 

Second:  As  to  your  designing  war,  that  supposition  is  too  absurd 
for  serious  consideration.  If  you  had  any  such  purpose,  it  was  care- 
fully concealed  from  me,  and  I left  for  South  America  with  the  impres- 
sion that  I would  completely  fail  in  my  mission  if  I should  not  .succeed 
in  obtaining  an  amicable  settlement  of  the  differences  between  the  bel- 
ligerents. You  will  allow  me  to  add  that  I would  have  declined  the 
mission  if  1 had  thought  otherwise.  As  I understood  you,  your 
object  was,  by  a friendly  solution  of  existing  difficulties,  to  pre- 
pare the  way  for  a meeting  of  the  Peace  Congress  at  Washington, 
when  you  hoped  to  establish  such  relations  between  the  republics  of 
the  two  Americas  as  would  prevent  the  possibility  of  a future  war. 
But  for  the  strange  misconception,  for  which  I cannot  account,  and 
which  reached  the  misled  Chilian  Cabinet  through  some  of  the  leading 
influential  papers  of  the  United  States,  I believe  my  purpose  would 
have  been  accomplished  under  your  instructions. 

Third:  In  regard  to  the  Cochet  and  Landreau  claims,  it  is  suffi- 
cient to  say  that  you  rejected  the  first  absolutely,  and  as  to  the  second 
you  instructed  General  Hurlbut  to  ask,  if  the  proper  time  for  such 
request  should  come,  that  Landreau  should  be  heard  before  a Peru- 
vian tribunal  in  support  of  his  claim,  and  that  in  case  of  a peace  pro- 
viding for  the  cession  of  Peruvian  territory,  the  condition  of  his  claim 
should  be  brought  to  the  attention  of  Chili  and  Peru.  This  instruc- 
tion, as  stated  in  your  dispatch,  was  made  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
numerous  claims  of  Europeans  for  frivolous  amounts  were  being 
pressed,  and  you  were  anxious,  as  you  expressed  it,  that  the  resources 
of  Peru  should  not  be  exhausted  in  the  settlement  of  claims  of  for- 
eigners to  the  prejudice  of  one  belonging  to  an  American  citizen. 


190 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


This  notification  would  not  have  interposed  an  obstacle  to  the  conclu- 
sion of  a treaty  of  peace,  but  would  have  simply  signified  to  both 
parties  that  these  provisions  could  not  put  aside  any  rights  which 
Landreau  might  be  found  to  possess  after  an  impartial  judicial  inves- 
tigation. Under  the  restrictions  of  these  instructions,  General  Hurl- 
but,  although  approving  the  justice  of  Landreau’s  claim,  in  his  dis- 
patch of  September  14,  1881,  never  brought  it  in  any  way  to  the  con- 
sideration of  the  Peruvian  government.  During  my  mission  in  South 
America  I never  referred  to  it.  So  that  in  point  of  fact,  during  your 
secretaryship,  the  Landreau  claim  was  never  mentioned  either  to  the 
Chilian  government  or  the  Peruvian  government  by  the  minister  of 
the  United  States.  It  could  not,  therefore,  have  affected  the  diplo- 
matic questions  in  the  remotest  degree. 

Yours  very  truly  and  faithfully, 

William  H.  Trescot. 

This  investigation  was  very  advantageous  to  Mr.  Blaine. 
The  reflections  which  Shipherd  made  by  innuendo  upon  the 
Secretary  of  State  proved  to  be  the  means  of  clearing  up 
the  whole  Peruvian  business  more  quickly  and  more 
thoroughly  than  could  have  been  hoped  for  from  any  other 
source.  Mr.  Blaine  brushed  away  the  charges  and  pre- 
sented the  case  in  a nutshell ; Shipherd  was  the  char- 
latan whose  pretenses  were  repudiated  from  the  first  at 
the*  State  Department;  they  never  had  a footing  in  gov- 
ernment considerations^  and  his  statements  of  intimate 
important  interviews  and  confidential  communications 
were  entirely  false.  His  claim  was  instantly  recognized  at 
its  true  value  by  the  State  Department,  and  his  name  was 
soon  stricken  from  the  roll  of  privileged  attorneys.  He 
had  an  illegitimate  claim,  coming  from  an  illegitimate 
son,  transferred  for  a trifling  consideration  to  an  American, 
with  an  illegitimate  purpose.  There  was  not  the  slightest 
intention  on  the  part  of  anybody  to  give  his  extravagant 
scheme  the  backing  of  government  authority.  An  ex- 
tended review  of  all  the  features  of  the  investigation  will 
show  that  Mr.  Blaine’s  defense  of  himself  against  these 
charges  was  greatly  to  his  credit,  and  derogatory  to  those 
who  had  undertaken  the  crusade. 


FOREIGN  POLICY. 


191 


BLAIKE^S  FOREIGN  POLICY. 

Early  in  March  of  1882,  a debate  in  the  House  of 
Eepresentatives  on  diplomatic  affairs  proved  to  be  one  of 
the  most  interesting  incidents  of  that  session  of  Congress. 
The  most  significant  feature  about  it  was  the  evident  dis- 
position of  the  Democrats  to  applaud  the  foreign  policy  of 
ex-Secretary  Blaine.  This  retired  diplomat  commanded 
the  situation.  His  foreign  policy  was  not  only  approved 
of  by  his  friends,  but  also  by  his  opponents.  Strenuous 
efforts  were  made  by  the  supporters  of  the  Administration 
to  harmonize  the  policy  of  the  new  Secretary  with  the  one 
that  had  just  retired,  the  statement  being  that  there  was 
no  definite  change  of  policy,  but  that  the  new  Secretary 
was  only  waiting  time  for  deliberation.  Notwithstanding 
the  many  attempts  made  by  the  traducers  of  Mr.  Blaine 
to  show  that  his  diplomatic  relations  were  improper,  never- 
theless the  fact  was  soon  developed  that  the  policy  was 
consistent  throughout,  and  in  accordance  with  the  spirit 
of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  the  commercial  interests  of  the 
country,  and  the  sentiment  of  the  American  people. 

Ex- President  Hayes  had  declared  the  position  of  the 
United  States  in  a special  message,  and  Congress  had  re- 
asserted by  a formal  resolution  the  claim  of  our  govern- 
ment to  the  control  of  any  inter-oceanic  highway  or-water- 
way  that  might  be  constructed.  The  question  re-appeared 
under  Mr.  Blaine^s  administration  of  the  State  Department. 
There  was  an  effort  looking  to  the  joint  guarantee  of  the 
neutrality  of  the  Isthmian  Canal  by  the  European  powers. 
Blaine  protested  against  such  action  on  the  part  of  his 
government.  If  he  had  not  done  this  he  would  have  been 
untrue  to  his  trust,  and  there  would  be  nothing  left  to  the 
Monroe  doctrine  short  of  high  sounding  words.  The  Clay- 
ton-Bulwer  Treaty  was  cited  as  a barrier  to  exclusive  Amer- 
ican protection  over  the  Isthmian  Canal,  and  the  ansvvcr 
was  that  the  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty  was  a mistake  in  this 


192 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIJSTE. 


respect,  and  should  be  modified.  There  could  be  no  other 
reply  consistent  with  the  position  which  had  been  taken  by 
the  American  President  and  the  American  Congress. 

Mr.  Blaine  should  not  be  charged  with  unworthy 
political  motives,  because  he  was  able,  bold,  and  effective 
in  defending  the  American  idea.  The  war  between  Chili 
and  Peru  likewise  turned  uj)on  the  vindication  of  the 
United  States  government's  paramount  influence  upon 
the  American  continent.  The  war  between  Chili  and 
Peru  was  ended.  Great  Britain  was  the  creditor  of  Chili 
and  saw  a chance  to  secure  its  debt  by  the  confiscation  of 
Peruvian  wealth,  and  Chili  was  a willing  tool  in  the  trans- 
action. Our  government  could  not  be  expected  to  view 
so  gross  an  injustice  with  indifference.  Secretary  Blaine 
protested  on  the  principle  of  comity  and  humanity  against 
further  persecution  of  Peru  in  the  interests  of  robbery, 
and  that  protest  would  have  been  effectual  had  it  not  been 
withdrawn  by  his  successor.  Any  representation  in  regard 
to  tlie  Landreau  claim  w^as  merely  incidental  to  the  general 
policy  that  Chili  could  not  assume  to  deprive  Peru  of  all 
jurisdiction  over  its  own  affairs,  nor  to  exclude  from 
proper  consideration  any  claim  which  should  be  made  by 
an  American  citizen  simply  on  the  ground  that  Peru  had 
been  conquered,  robbed,  and  annihilated. 

Those  who  suppose  for  one  moment  that  Mr.  Blaine  is 
to  be  injured  in  the  eyes  of  the  American  people  by  going 
to  the  rescue  of  a v/eak  and  outraged  people,  or  by  defend- 
ing American  rights,  or  by  an  effort  to  block  England's 
way  to  supremacy  in  South  American  affairs,  very  much 
mistake  the  temper  of  the  American  people.  The  move- 
ment for  a Peace  Congress  was  not  belligerent ; it  was  the 
last  thing  that  could  result  in  war ; it  was  the  last  thing 
calculated  to  bring  about  a conflict  between  Peru  and  the 
United  States  ; and  our  government  could  not  be  in  danger 
of  an  attack,  because  Mr.  Blaine  proposed  that  all  the  gov- 
ernments of  this  continent  should  consult  as  to  the  best 


FOREIGi^  POLICY. 


193 


means  for  maintaining  peace  for  the  common  interests  of 
humanity,  and  the  material  prosperity  of  all  concerned. 
All  these  things  demonstrated  very  clearly  that  Mr.  Blaine 
was  consistent  and  firm  of  purpose  from  the  first,  while 
his  critics  were  vacillating,  unreasonable  and  unjust. 

13 


CHAPTER  XL 


THE  HISTORIAN  AND  PRIVATE  CITIZEN. 

TWENTY  YEARS  IN  CONGRESS.” 

IN  1884  the  public  was  presented  with  the  first  Yolume  of 
Mr.  Blaine^s  history,  entitled  Twenty  Years  in  Con- 
gress,” a work  that  is  to  cover,  when  completed,  the 
period  from  Lincoln  to  Garfield,  with  a review  of  the 
events  which  led  to  the  political  revolution  of  1860.  This 
work,  in  the  language  of  a reviewer,  may  be  called  the 
biography  of  the  American  people,  abstract  questions 
and  individuals,  and  indeed  everything,  being  subordi- 
nated in  the  effort  to  give  to  the  public  a clear  and  strong 
picture  of  the  life  of  our  country.  Their  times  of  inde- 
cision and  of  swift  and  heroic  resolution ; their  days  of 
timidity  and  weak  compromising  with  wrong;  their  grand 
endurance  and  unfiinching  fidelity  when  the  crisis  at  last 
appeared;  their  singular  sagacity  in  decisions  of  vital 
moment — all  these  are  portrayed  in  Mr.  Blaine^s  narra- 
tive with  clearness  and  power.  The  story  he  tells  in 
his  first  volume  is  given  with  the  simplicity  and  direct- 
ness of  a trained  journalist,  and  yet  with  sufficient  full- 
ness to  make  the  picture  distinct  and  clear  in  almost 
every  detail.  The  book  is  as  easy  to  read  as  a well-written 
novel.  It  is  interesting,  and  commands  attention  through- 
out, the  more  from  the  absence  of  anything  like  oratorical 
display  or  form. 

The  history  of  Mr.  Blaine  in  its  main  feature  is  one  of 
universal  value.  It  is  beyond  criticism  in  literary  polish, 
and  is  noted  for  its  clearness  and  force  of  style.  The 
work  is  of  great  import  in  its  broad  and  comprehensive 
appreciation  of  the  forces  by  which  the  development  of 

194 


HISTORIAK  AHD  PEIVATE  CITIZEN, 


195 


public  opinion  has  been  effected.  The  arrangement  of  the 
first  volume  favors  the  compact  and  intelligent  treatment 
of  a many-sided  subject.  The  first  eight  chapters  review 
the  main  question  out  of  which  developed  the  civil  war^ 
and  the  political  revolution  of  1860.  Many  of  the  prob- 
lems with  which  the  National  Legislature  had  to  deal  after- 
wards could  not  have  been  treated  with  wisdom  by  law- 
yers, nor  intelligently  by  the  historian,  except  in  the  light 
of  a double  conflict  between  the  slave  power  and  anti- 
slavery, hostile  political  forces.  By  careful  tracing  of  the 
causes  which  had  made  slavery  what  it  was,  and  public 
opinion  in  regard  to  slavery  what  it  was,  the  history  of  the 
war  is  rendered  far  more  compact  and  clear.  Closely 
allied  with  the  main  cause  of  war,  the  tariff  question  is 
reviewed  in  chapter  nine.  The  following  chapter  begins 
with  the  election  of  1860,  and  the  events  of  the  wonder- 
ful history  from  the  administration  of  Lincoln  to  that  of 
Garfield  are  there  evolved  mainly  in  chronological  order. 
Chapters  eighteen  and  nineteen  consider  the  financial  his- 
tory of  the  war,  the  levying  of  taxes  and  the  creation  of 
legal  tender  notes.  The  United  States  banks  and  the 
State  banks  of  the  ante-war  period  are  contrasted  in 
chapter  twenty-second,  with  the  system  of  national  banks. 
Its  creation  is  fully  described.  The  relations  between  the 
United  States  and  foreign  powers  during  the  war  of  the 
Eebellion  are  treated  in  the  last  part  of  the  book. 

While  engaged  in  writing,  he  has  lived  with  the  greatest 
simplicity,  retiring  early  so  as  to  devote  the  forenoon  of  his 
days  to  literary  work.  He  has  persistently  followed  a 
most  rigid  system  regarding  his  hours,  not  being  visible 
to  callers  any  day  until  two  o^clock  in  the  afternoon. 
After  that  time  he  has  devoted  himself  to  social  talk, 
writing,  driving,  and  light  reading.  He  has  found  a 
strange  pleasure  in  the  duty  of  writing  his  book.  He 
has  been  all  his  life  a student  of  American  history.  No 
other  man  in  the  country  is  so  familiar  with  the  growth 


196 


Lim  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


and  progress  of  his  own  country  as  ex-Secretary  Blaine. 
It  is  a matter  of  great  pride  to  him  that  his  first  volume 
of  history  has  not  as  yet  had  any  of  its  facts  questioned. 
It  is  his  idea  that  a man  who  writes  history  should  have 
no  other  object  than  a faithful  recital  of  facts  connected 
with  the  period  which  he  is  seeking  to  describe. 

AT  HOME. 

Mr.  Blaine  resides  in  Augusta^  near  the  State  House, 
in  a plain  two-story  dwelling.  At  his  home  he  is  a man 
of  culture  and  refinement,  a pleasant  host,  and  a courte- 
ous gentleman.  There  is  no  man  in  public  life  who  is  more 
fortunate  in  his  domestic  relations;  he  is  the  companion 
and  confidant  of  every  one  of  his  six  children,  and  they 
fear  him,  it  is  said,  no  more  than  they  fear  one  of  their 
own  number.  Mrs.  Blaine  is  a model  wife  and  mother, 
and  much  is  due  to  her  strong  judgment,  quick  percep- 
tion, and  heroic  courage.  Walker  Blaine,  a graduate  of 
Yale  college,  and  of  the  law  school  of  Columbia  college, 
is  the  eldest  son.  He  is  a member  of  the  bar  in  several 
States,  and  has  been  engaged  in  public  life  in  Washington 
city.  Emmons  Blaine,  a graduate  of  Harvard  college, 
and  of  the  Cambridge  law  school,  is  the  second  son.  The 
third  son  is  James  G.  Blaine,  Jr.,  a lad  fourteen  years  old. 
The  names  of  the  three  daughters  are,  Alice,  Margaret, 
and  Harriet.  More  than  a year  ago  the  eldest  was  mar- 
ried to  J.  J.  Coppinger,  of  the  United  States  army.  Mr. 
Blaine  is  very  happy  in  his  family.  Unless  invited  out  to  a 
dinner  or  social  gathering,  he  is  always  at  home.  He  is  a 
member  of  no  club,  and  keeps  more  to  himself  than  a 
man  of  his  social  instincts  would  be  expected  to. 

CHAEACTERISTICS  OF  MR.  BLAINE. 

Mr.  Blaine  has  a great  fund  of  anecdotes  which  he  uses 
in  most  appropriate  ways  on  almost  every  occasion.  He  is 
a man  of  good  temper  and  temperament,  though  with  a 


HISTORIAN  AND  PRIVATE  CITIZEN. 


197 


certain  intellectual  vehemence  that  sometimes  might  be 
mistaken  for  anger;  of  strong  physique,  wonderful  powers 
of  endurance  and  of  recuperation;  of  great  activity  and 
industry;  cordial  and  frank,  easily  approachable  and  ready 
to  aid  all  good  causes  with  tongue,  pen  and  purse.  His 
studies  have  been  largely  on  political  questions  and  politi- 
cal history.  Everything  connected  with  the  development  of 
the  country  interests  him,  and  he  is  a dangerous  antagon- 
ist in  any  matter  of  American  history,  especially  of  our 
country  since  the  adoption  of  the  National  Constitution. 
He  is  an  intense  believer  in  the  American  Eepublic,  as  one 
and  indivisible,  a jealous  watcher  of  her  honor,  her  dignity 
and  her  right  of  eminent  domain;  ready  to  brave  the 
wrath  of  the  East  for  the  welfare  of  the  West,  as  in  the 
Chinese  question;  and  ready  to  differ  from  political  friends 
rather  than  permit  the  indefinite  suspension  of  the  writ 
of  habeas  corpus.  He  willingly  braved  the  wrath  of  con- 
servatives in  support  of  the  Southern  ex-slaves  as  was 
instanced  in  his  opposition  to  President  Hayes^  Southern 
policy. 

His  knowledge  of  facts,  dates,  events,  men  and  history 
is  not  only  remarkable,  but  almost  unprecedented.  In 
his  college  days  he  was  noted  for  his  love  of  American 
history,  and  he  had  great  knowledge  of  its  details.  He 
has  enlarged  upon  this  field  of  reading  in  his  advanced 
years,  until  it  is  difficult  to  find  a man  in  the  United 
States  who  can  instantly,  without  reference  to  note  or 
book,  give  so  many  facts  and  statistics  bearing  upon  our 
financial  and  revenue  system,  on  our  river  and  harbor 
improvements,  our  public  lands,  our  railway  system,  our 
minerals,  our  mines,  our  agricultural  interests,  and  in 
fact  on  everything  that  tends  toward  developing  the  inter- 
ests of  the  United  States.  His  memory  is  an  encyclopae- 
dia, and  he  remembers,  because  it  is  easier  to  do  this  than 
to  forget.  “1  was  raised  a boy  with  Mr.  Blaine, said 
Mayor  Ephraim  Jones,  the  Democratic  politician,  ^^but  he 


198 


LIFE  OF-  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


went  South  and  I came  to  Pittsburgh.  I had  not  seen 
him  for  thirty  years^  and  would  not  have  known  him  if  I 
had  seen  him,  and,  of  course,  would  not  expect  him  to 
remember  that  I had  ever  existed.  But  I learned  some- 
thing about  his  memory.  When  Mr.  Blaine  visited  Pitts- 
burgh a couple  of  years  ago,  I went  to  call  on  him.  The 
room  was  full  of  men,  but  I had  no  difficulty  in  picking 
out  the  man  who  was  the  center  of  attraction.  I walked 
up  to  him,  but  before  I got  there  he  held  out  his  hand  and 
saluted  me  with,  ^ Hello,  Ephraim!  how  are  you?^  Blessed 
if  he  hadnT  recollected  me  for  thirty  years!  Not  only 
that,  but  he  spoke  of  occurrences  of  our  boyhood,  and 
remembered  the  members  of  our  family  and  inquired  after 
them.^^ 

In  1863  I wrote, said  one,  for  the  New  York  Herald 
an  account,  some  twelve  columns  long,  of  the  battle  of  Ohick- 
amauga.  About  twenty  lines  of  the  entire  account  were 
devoted  to  the  narration  of  a trifling  incident.  A white 
pigeon  or  dove,  confused  by  the  smoke  of  the  last  desperate 
combat,  at  the  close  of  the  battle  in  which  George  H. 
Thomas  repulsed  Longstreet’s  attack  on  his  right,  fluttered 
awhile  over  the  heads  of  Thomas,  Garfleld,  Wood  and 
others,  grouped  in  a little  hollow  in  the  fleld  for  protection 
from  the  rebel  sharpshooters,  and  then  perched  on  the 
limb  of  a dead  tree  just  above  them.  Here  it  sat  until  the 
firing  ceased,  and  then  flew  northward  unhurt.  It  was  a 
pretty  incident,  and  of  course  I took  all  the  license  of  a 
writer  and  made  it  as  striking  a passage  of  the  narrative  as 
I could.  In  1874,  eleven  years  later,  I was  a witness  before 
a congressional  committee,  and  while  in  the  Capitol  one 
day  was  introduced  by  Zebulon  L.  White  to  Mr.  Blaine,  who 
was  at  the  time  Speaker  of  the  House.  If  I remember 
rightly  I had  never  before  seen  him,  and  I supposed  he 
had  never  heard  of  me.  Imagine  my  astonishment  then 
when  he  said  abruptly  on  hearing  my  name  called  by  Mr. 
White:  ^You^re  the  man  Pve  been  wanting  to  see  for 


HISTOHTAX  PEIVATE  CITIZEi^-. 


199 


ten  years/  Of  course  I was  immensely  flattered  by  such 
a notice. 

^^^Tve  been  wanting  to  know  if  you  were  telling  the 
truth  or  lying/  Mr.  Blaine  added,  almost  without  pause. 
This  was  as  surprising  as  it  was  blunt.  He  took  my  arm 
and,  drew  me  half-away  to  one  side  of  the  corridor.  ^ Did 
you  write  for  the  Herald  an  account  of  Chickamauga  in 
which  a white  dove  flgured  rather  poetically?’  he  asked, 
and  then  went  on  to  recall  what  1 had  written.  ^ Now,’ 
he  continued,  ^ tell  me,  was  that  a true  incident  or  only 
done  to  make  the  story  readable  ? ’ I assured  him  it  was 
true,  and  then  mentioned  that  General  Garfleld,  who  was 
in  the  House,  would  probably  recall  it,  as  he  was  present. 
Nothing  more  of  interest  passed  between  us ; but  natu- 
rally I have  since  sworn  by  the  man  who  could  recall  my 
unknown  name  and  what  I had  written  about  a mere  inci- 
dent occurring  ten  years  before.  He  was  so  earnest  in  his 
inquiry  that  I have  never  doubted  that  his  curiosity  in  the 
matter,  small  as  the  incident  was,  was  genuine.” 

Mr.  Blaine,  being  simple  and  unaffected,  in  manner  is 
essentially  democratic.  In  all  of  the  various  periods  of 
his  career  he  has  never  shown  any  pride  of  place;  harbor- 
ing few  if  any  resentments,  he  does  not  believe  in  the 
statesmanship  of  revenge.  Upon  this  topic  he  once  said. 
Life  is  too  short  to  lie  in  wait  for  personal  retaliation 
for  injuries  received;  if  you  can  strike  out  a good  strong 
blow  at  the  time,  well  and  good,  but  the  world  moves  too 
fast  for  one  to  waste  his  life  in  waiting  an  opportunity  to 
gratify  mere  personal  revenge.”  He  has  never  been  at  the 
head  of  any  stock  enterprise  gotten  up  to  swindle  inves- 
tors. He  has  violated  no  trust  funds,  and  has  wrecked 
no  one’s  property  with  which  he  has  been  connected. 
Being  known  as  a most  excellent  business  man,  and  hav- 
ing had  an  extensive  experience,  the  public  expect  from 
him  greater  circumspection  in  business  management  than 
from  the  average  public  man.  His  present  fortune  is  one 


200 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


that  has  been  the  subject  of  considerable  comment  and 
much  exaggeration.  He  is  undoubtedly  in  easy  circum- 
stances, because  he  has  enjoyed  for  years  a liberal  income 
from  his  Pennsylvania  coal  property;  and,  what  is  strange 
to  say,  he  is  one  of  the  few  men  in  the  world  who  says  that 
his  income  is  all  that  he  wants.  He  is  never  avaricious, 
nor  is  he  lavish  in  expending  funds,  but  seems  to  have 
joined  the  liberal  and  hospitable  free-handedness  of  the 
West  with  the  conservative  carefulness  of  the  East.  His 
style  of  living  is  comfortable  but  not  extravagant. 

He  is  now  in  the  vigor  and  prime  of  life,  having 
attained  his  fifty-fourth  year  of  age;  his  eyes  are  keen  and 
clear,  and  his  voice  is  as  ringing,  deep  and  strong  as  it  was 
in  his  palmiest  days  as  an  orator.  On  retiring  from  the 
cabinet,  he  did  not  drop  into  obscurity,  but  held  his  own 
in  the  public  mind,  as  no  statesman  ever  had  before  with- 
out the  artificial  aid  of  official  position.  Instead  of  rest- 
ing in  his  retired  condition,  he,  with  the  energy  of  genius, 
discovered  a new  field  to  conquer.  In  the  brief  period  of 
one  year  he  has,  in  the  hard  and  untried  path  of  litera- 
ture, accomplished  as  valiant  a success  as  has  ever  fallen 
to  his  lot  in  politics.  His  political  history  will  do  more 
to  make  his  name  memorable  than  all  other  acts  of  his 
varied  public  career.  Kelegated  to  private  life  by  the  hand 
of  an  assassin,  Mr.  Blaine  did  not  despair  as  many  ordi- 
nary men  would,  with  faint-heartedness  and  resignation, 
but  he  took  on  new  courage  and  rose  unexpectedly  in  a 
still  higher  estimation  of  the  people.  The  best  thing 
about  Mr.  Blaine  is  that  he  is  an  American  and  a Eepub- 
lican  in  the  best  sense  of  the  word.  He  is  the  man  of 
to-day  who  pre-eminently  represents  the  American  idea, 
and  is,  since  the  days  of  Piercers  administration,  the  first 
American  statesman,  who,  in  a responsible  position  in  the 
government,  has  dared  to  assert  the  national  attitude  be- 
coming fifty  millions  of  people. 

Mr.  Blaine  has  a popular  hold  upon  the  people,  sur- 


HISTORIAN  AND  PRIVATE  CITIZEN. 


201 


passing  anything  produced  in  the  history  of  modern 
politics.  There  is  nothing  negative  about  him;  neither 
can  you  remain  neutral  with  him.  Either  you  are  very 
much  in  his  favor  or  very  much  against  him.  Even  his 
enemies  who  fight  him  the  hardest  secretly  admire  his 
brilliant  abilities.  He  is  an  antagonist  who  grows  on 
opposition.  His  individuality  pervades  the  Nation,  and 
he  has  more  power  to  secure  a devoted  following  than  any 
other  member  of  the  Eepublican  party.  Being  in  the 
prime  of  his  intellectual  growth,  in  strong  and  vigorous 
health,  he  has  a magnetic  power  that  is  very  great  over 
every  one  with  whom  he  comes  in  contact.  He  is  so 
many-sided  as  to  be  classed  as  a man  of  genius.  He  is  a 
student  of  history,  a wide  reader  of  literature,  a successful 
financier,  a polished  orator,  a thorough  man  of  the  world, 
and  a complete  master  of  the  art  of  pleasing,  in  a social 
way.  He  has  few  equals  as  a conversationalist,  and  having 
a keen  appreciation  of  fun,  can  tell  a story  with  wonderful 
simplicity. 

His  ability  to  entertain  the  private  circle  as  well  as  an 
audience  in  public  indicates  that  he  has  great  power  as  an 
actor.  Though  a good  talker  he  is  quite  willing  to  listen 
when  anyone  has  anything  to  say,  and  never  appears  more 
at  his  best  than  when  he  is  taking  part  in  a running  con- 
versation of  sharp  and  sprightly  talk.  In  the  house  of 
Mr.  Blaine,  his  dinner  table  is  the  place  where  the  gayest 
of  good-natured  talk  reigns  supreme.  From  six  to  eight 
o’clock  the  dinner  speeds  under  cover  of  running  talk 
upon  the  incidents  of  the  day. 

One  finds  much  to  admire  in  his  varied  information, 
his  social  culture,  his  power  and  individuality  as  a states- 
man in  the  fullest  sense  of  the  word.  On  account  of  this, 
one  is  constantly  turned  in  the  direction  of  extravagant 
eulogy.  It  is  said  that  if  a person  wishes  to  be  his  enemy, 
he  must  keep  away  from  him,  beyond  the  reach  of  his 
voice,  and  close  his  eyes  and  ears  to  everything  but  the 


202 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


ancient  stories  of  his  former  enemies,  many  of  whom  are  his 
friends  to-day. 

OKATIOH  OK  GARFIELD. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  selected  by  Congress  to  pronounce  a for- 
mal eulogy  upon  President  Garfield,  February  17,  1882, 
before  President  Arthur  and  his  Cabinet,  both  Houses  of 
Congress,  the  Supreme  Court,  the  various  Legations,  and 
an  audience  of  ladies  and  gentlemen,  which  crowded  the 
Hall  of  Eepresentatives.  The  orator,  with  entire  self- 
abnegation  and  reserve,  but  with  a firm  touch,  and  in  a 
style  which  rose  at  times  to  easy  eloquence,  assigned  to 
President  Garfield  his  true  place  in  history.  ^^Few  men 
would  have  had  the  courage  or  the  skill  to  eliminate  so 
completely  from  a life-sketch  of  a dead  friend  any  per- 
sonal element.  There  was  no  Marc  Antony  on  this  occa- 
sion ; yet  Blaine  himself  must  have  often  echoed  the 
words  of  Caesar’s  panegyrist,  ^ Then  you,  and  I,  and  all  of 
us  fell  down.^^^  This  address  must  be  considered  beyond 
question  as  the  most  masterly  and  the  most  beautiful  of 
all  the  tributes  which  have  yet  been  paid  to  the  life  and 
memory  of  the  illustrious  dead.  He  joined  to  a warmth 
of  sentiment  which  might  have  been  expected  from  a per- 
sonal friend  and  admirer,  the  cool,  clear  analysis  of  the 
accurate  observer  of  human  nature.  But  the  affection 
engendered  by  personal  intercourse  is  not  allowed  to  carry 
the  speaker  into  rhapsodies  on  the  one  hand,  and  extrava- 
gant partisanship  on  the  other.  In  its  literary  style  it  is 
clear,  concise  and  thoughtful,  powerfully  written,  calmly 
stated,  and  at  times  bright  in  peroration  and  glowingly 
eloquent.  It  is  a compact,  symmetrical  sketch  which  will 
long  survive  the  occasion  upon  which  it  was  pronounced. 
And  it  is  not  too  much  to  claim  that  portions  of  it  will 
pass  into  our  literature,  as  choice  specimens  of  American 
oratory.  What  tenderer  or  more  beautiful  words  have 
been  spoken  of  him  than  the  following  closing  statements 
of  the  oration : 


HISTORIAN  AND  PRIVATE  CITIZEN. 


203 


the  end  drew  near  his  early  craving  for  the  sea 
returned.  The  stately  mansion  of  power  had  been  to  him 
a wearisome  hospital  of  pain^  and  he  begged  to  be  taken 
from  its  prison  walls  ; from  its  oppressive,  stifling  air;  from 
its  homelessness  and  its  hopelessness. 

Gently,  silently,  the  love  of  a great  people  bore  the 
pale  sufferer  to  the  longed-for  healing  of  the  sea,  to  live 
or  to  die,  as  God  should  will.  Within  sight  of  its  heaving 
billows,  within  sound  of  its  manifold  voices,  with  wan, 
fevered  face,  tenderly  lifted  to  the  cooling  breeze,  he 
looked  out  wistfully  upon  the  ocean^s  changing  wonders 
and  its  fair  sails  whitening  in  the  morning  light;  on  its 
restless  waves,  rolling  shoreward  to  break  and  die  beneath 
the  noon-day  sun  ; on  the  red  clouds  of  evening,  reaching 
low  to  the  horizon  ; on  the  serene,  shining  pathway  of  the 
stars.  Let  us  think  that  his  dying  eyes  read  the  mystic 
meaning  which  only  the  rapt  and  parting  soul  may  know. 
Let  us  believe  that  in  the  silence  of  the  receding  world, 
he  heard  the  great  waves  breaking  on  a farther  shore,  and 
he  felt  already  upon  his  wasted  brow  the  breath  of  the 
eternal  morning. 


CHAPTER  XIL 


REPUBLICAIT  NATIONAL  COKVEKTION,  CHICAGO, 
JUNE  3d,  1884. 

The  city  of  ^Chicago,  for  several  days  preceding  the 
Republican  National  Convention,  was  the  scene  of 
wild  political  excitement  and  confusion,  more  so  than  had 
been  witnessed  for  many  years.  In  the  hotels  and  at 
other  places  of  public  resort  which  were  the  head -quarters 
of  the  several  State  delegations,  vigorous  efforts  in  the 
interests  of  favored  candidates  were  carried  on  in  the  most 
aggressive  manner.  The  National  Committee,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  general  custom,  selected  a candidate  as 
temporary  chairman  of  the  convention,  and  their  choice 
fell  upon  the  Hon.  Powell  Clayton,  of  Arkansas.  It  was 
claimed  that  Mr.  Clayton,  although  he  had  been  elected 
as  an  Arthur  delegate,  would  be  chosen  in  the  interest  of 
Mr.  Blaine.  However  this  may  be,  the  selection  was  dis- 
tasteful to  a majority  of  the  delegates,  and  many  of  them 
were  persistent  in  advocating  the  claims  of  their  favorites, 
various  reasons  being  given  in  support  of  the  new  names 
suggested.  As  the  result  of  the  thorough  canvass  of  the 
opposition,  the  Hon.  John  R.  Lynch,  of  Mississippi,  was 
presented  to  the  convention,  and  on  the  third  of  June,  the 
date  of  assembling,  was  elected  by  a vote  of  431  to  387 
for  Mr.  Clayton.  Aside  from  this,  nothing  of  importance 
was  transacted  the  first  day. 

The  succeeding  day,  Mr.  Hawkins,  of  Tennessee,  pre- 
sented a resolution,  which  pledged  every  member  of  the 
convention  to  support  the  nominee,  and  declared  that  no 
man  ought  to  hold  a seat  who  was  unwilling  to  subscribe  to 
that  pledge.  The  resolution  met  with  such  opposition 
that  it  was  ultimately  withdrawn  by  the  mover,  and  the 

204 


was  held 


KEPUBLICAH  NATIONAL  CONVENTION. 


205 


convention  proceeded  to  the  work  of  permanent  organ- 
ization. General  Williams,  of  Indiana,  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Permanent  Organization, presented  the  name 
of  the  Hon.  J.  G.  Henderson,  of  Missouri,  for  the  position 
of  permanent  Chairman,  and  after  a few  objections  having 
been  made  and  answered,  the  report  was  agreed  to  by  a viva 
voce  vote,  very  few  voices  being  heard  in  the  negative. 
When  Mr.  Henderson  was  conducted  to  the  chair,  he  de- 
livered a brief  speech,  in  which  he  very  gracefully  alluded  to 
the  leading  candidates  before  the  convention.  His  refer- 
ence to  Mr.  Edmunds  was  received  with  silence;  the  name 
of  the  President  elicited  hearty  applause.  When  the  name 
of  Mr.  Blaine  was  mentioned  it  fell  upon  the  audience  as 
an  electric  shock,  and  was  the  signal  for  a perfect  cyclone 
of  voices.  The  storm  died  away  and  returned;  again  sub- 
sided and  returned  the  third  time.  The  Committee  on 
Eules  not  being  ready  to  report,  the  convention  adjourned 
without  transacting  any  business  of  special  note. 

The  first  action  of  the  third  day  was  the  report  of 
the  Committee  on  Credentials,  which  favored  the  sitting 
delegates  in  all  the  districts  except  the  Albany  District  in 
New  York  and  the  Fourth  District  in  Kentucky.  These 
were  divided  among  the  contestants,  half  a vote  in  the  con- 
vention being  allowed  to  each  man.  The  report  of  the  com- 
mittee was  unanimously  adopted.  Following  this  was  the 
reading  of  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Eules.  Its 
main  points  were,  that  the  previous  question  could  be 
moved  when  called  for  by  a majority  vote  in  any  State 
delegation,  seconded  by  two  other  States,  and  sanctioned 
by  the  majority  of  the  convention;  the  roll  call  might 
be  had  at  the  request  of  any  two  States;  the  vote  in  each 
State  was  to  be  announced  by  its  Chairman;  no  one  was 
allowed  to  speak  more  than  once  on  a question  aside  from 
the  nomination  of  candidates,  and  not  longer  than  five 
minutes;  the  National  Committee  was  to  be  empowered 
to  select  a method  for  the  election  of  delegates  to  the  next 


206 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


National  Convention.  A substitute  was  offered  by  Mr. 
Grow,  of  Pennsylvania,  proposing  that  the  delegates  be 
elected  by  Congressional  Districts  as  heretofore.  He  did 
not  wish  that  the  National  Convention  should  choose  the 
manner  of  their  selection;  he  thought  the  people  alone 
ought  to  select  them.  This  proposition  was  agreed  to. 

The  report  of  the  Committee  on  Eesolutions  was  next 
ill  order.  A platform  which  met  the  hearty  approbation 
of  the  Eepublican  party  was  unanimously  approved.  After 
the  adoption  of  the  platform  the  nominations  for  members 
of  the  National  Committee  were  made,  and  the  conven- 
tion adjourned  until  evening,  when  the  names  of  the  can- 
didates were  presented.  During  the  evening  session  every 
seat  was  filled;  the  galleries  were  packed  closely  and  the 
atmosphere  was  heated.  Five  thousand  fans  were  waving 
in  the  mellow  gaslight  like  leaves  in  a grove  of  palmet- 
tos,^^ and  twelve  thousand  faces  were  turned  eagerly  toward 
the  stage,  waiting  for  the  opening  of  the  great  struggle.  The 
roll  call  of  States  proceeded  in  alphabetical  order,  begin- 
ning with  Alabama.  General  Hawley  was  the  first  to  be 
nominated  as  a candidate.  Following  him  came  Illinois, 
with  the  name  of  Senator  Logan.  The  presentation  of 
his  name  elicited  hearty  applause.  When  the  State  of 
Maine  was  called  a perfect  tornado  of  applause  broke 
forth,  and  for  a time  the  uproar  was  deafening.  Judge 
West,  ^^the  blind  man  eloquent  of  Ohio,  then  nomi- 
nated Mr.  Blaine  in  a speech  of  impassioned  fervor.  On 
mentioning  the  name  of  his  candidate,  the  applause  broke 
forth  with  wild  enthusiasm ; the  festooned  fiags  were  torn 
from  the  State  coats-of-arms  on  the  galleries,  and  wildly 
waved  to  and  fro.  The  convention  rose  en  masse  and  such 
rounds  and  storms  of  enthusiasm  were  not  heard  in  the 
city  since  the  nomination  of  James  A.  Garfield.  Men  got 
up,  took  off  their  coats,  and  pulled  down  the  fiags  and 
banners  that  draped  the  gallery  rails.  These  stars  and 
stripes  were  given  to  the  ladies,  who  waved  them  as  long 


JAMES  G.  BLAINE'S  llESIDENCE,  AUGUSTA,  MAINE. 
Drawn  by  our  Special  Artist 


BEPUBLiCAJSr  KATIOKAL  COKVEKTIOi^-. 


207 


as  their  strength  lasted.  Umbrellas  were  raised,  whistles 
and  shouts  rent  the  building  and  reached  the  throng  out 
on  the  street. 

The  great  staff  of  patrolmen  and  police  were  set  aside, 
and  thousands  of  men  and  boys  scaled  the  balconies,  and 
not  only  filled  every  window  but  opened  those  that  were 
closed,  and  lent  their  fresh  lungs  to  the  tired  throats  in 
the  house. 

The  ladies  at  this  moment  sent  greetings  to  the  Plumed 
Knight,  the  champion  of  the  land  that  above  all  lands 
champions  and  respects  the  cause  of  women. 

The  tribute  consisted  of  a helmet  made  of  pink  and 
white  roses,  over  which  waved  a plume  of  white  yak  hair. 
Bands  of  red,  white,  and  blue  satin  strings  finished  the 
typical  design.  This  was  seized  by  a Chicago  Tribune 
man  and  hoisted  on  the  apex  of  one  of  the  American  fiags 
in  sight  of  the  yelling  crowd.  The  sight  of  it  renewed 
the  people  to  louder  and  longer  plaudits,  and  it  was  more 
than  half  an  hour  before  the  sightless  orator  could  finish 
his  remarks. 

The  uproar  within  the  building  was  to  the  multitude 
outside  like  the  smell  of  blood  to  the  tiger.  It  maddened 
them  with  an  uncontrollable  desire  to  see  and  hear  what 
was  going  on.  The  iron  chains  that  protected  the  doors 
alone  prevented  them  from  forcing  an  entrance.  Hundreds 
scaled  the  telegraph  poles,  and  gaining  the  eaves  of  the 
building  opened  the  windows  and  stretched  themselves  out 
half-suspended  over  the  vast  assemblage  within. 

Hearty  cheering  and  enthusiasm  were  evoked  by  the 
nomination  of  President  Arthur.  He  was  presented  to 
the  convention  by  Mr.  Martin  I.  Townsend,  in  a forcible 
speech,  but  with  less  eloquence  than  that  which  Judge  West 
has  thrown  into  his  fiery  oration.  Senator  Sherman^s 
name  was  presented  by  Judge  Poraker,  and  the  name  of 
Senator  Edmunds  by  Governor  Long,  seconded  by  Mr. 
George  Wm.  Curtis.  The  convention  adjourned  late  at 


208 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIISTE. 


night  to  meet  the  following  day.  At  ten  o^clock  on  Friday 
morning  thousands  of  people  were  waiting,  and  the  struggle 
for  admission  was  greater  than  on  any  previous  occasion. 
By  the  time  Mr.  Henderson  took  the  chair  every  seat  was 
filled.  The  balloting  was  begun  without  delay.  It  was 
soon  seen  that  the  solid  phalanx  for  Mr.  Blaine  was  to  en- 
counter a scattered  and  unorganized  opposition,  and  by 
the  time  the  third  ballot  was  taken  the  nomination  of  the 
Maine  statesman  was  a foregone  conclusion.  The  follow- 
ing is  a summary  of  the  various  votes : 


CANDIDATES. 

BALLOTS. 

James  G.  Blaine 

Chester  A.  Arthur 

George  F.  Edmunds 

John  A.  Logan 

John  Sherman 

1st. 

334^ 

278 

93 

63i 

30 

13 

4 

2 

2d. 

349 

276 

85 

61 

28 

13 

4 

2 

3d. 

375 

274 

69 

53 

25 

13 

8 

2 

4th. 

541 

207 

41 

7 

Joseph  E.  Hawley 

Eobert  T.  Lincoln 

William  T.  Sherman 

15 

2 

Total  vote 

818 

410 

818 

410 

819 

410 

813 

407 

Necessary  to  a choice 

When  the  fourth  ballot  was  taken  it  was  followed  by 
another  storm  of  applause.  Mr.  Barlow,  of  New  York, 
moved  that  the  nomination  be  made  unanimous.  Herein 
Mr.  Blaine  received  the  recognition  he  has  so  long  de- 
served, and  with  his  success  has  come  the  triumph  of  a 
life  which  unites  in  itself  correct  principles,  broad  intel- 
lectual and  moral  development  and  energetic,  well-directed 
effort. 

There  was  something  in  what  is  termed  the  magnet- 
ism^^ of  Blaine.  Even  the  day  before  the  nomination 
there  were  many  who  felt  that  he  would  be  the  choice, 
and  but  few  of  them  could  give  any  logical  reason  for 
their  conclusion.  They  knew  it  from  some  intangible, 
indefinable  assertion  that  came  to  them  and  made  its 


?.EPUBLICAH  KATIOFAL  COKVEKTIOK. 


209 


meaning  known  through  some  subtle  sympathy.  For  two 
days  it  was  evident  that  the  great  majority  of  the  vast 
crowds  that  filled  the  auditorium  of  the  hall  were  in 
active  sympathy  with  the  ^^Man  from  Maine. 

The  greater  por-tion  of  the  enormous  mass  that  gath- 
ered in  the  hall  of  the  Exposition  Building  found  itself 
pervaded  with  this  mysterious  infiuence.  Thousands  who 
knew  Mr.  Blaine  scarcely  more  than  by  name  were  among 
those  who  were  readiest  to  cheer  when  his  name  was  men- 
tioned, and  to  hope  ardently  for  his  success  at  every  step 
of  the  tedious  march  of  the  processes  of  the  convention. 

It  would  almost  seem  that  had  the  delegates  who  pre- 
ferred some  other  one  to  Blaine  been  even  more  numerous 
than  they  were,  they  would  have  been  forced  to  yield  to 
the  tremendous  infiuence  which  pervaded  the  human 
atoms  of  the  vast  body  of  the  people  which  dominated 
and  enveloped  them. 

The  fiutter  of  the  units  compacted  in  the  building 
showed  the  existence  of  the  magnetic  forces  which  ema- 
nate from  the  great  intellectual  dynamo-machine  in 
Maine.  At  no  moment  were  they  at  rest.  When  the 
name  of  Blaine  was  called  by  the  chairman  of  a delega- 
tion as  he  gave  the  ballot  of  his  State,  there  was  a round 
of  cheers.  When  there  was  a change  whereby  he  gained 
a vote,  there  w^as  an  inundation  of  enthusiastic  satisfac- 
tion. When  the  condition  of  the  balloting  showed  that 
his  nomination  was  reasonably  certain,  the  whole  audience 
rose  to  their  feet  and  shook  the  earth  with  applause,  and 
hid  themselves  behind  clouds  of  waving  handkerchiefs 
and  gaudy  banners.  When  he  was  finally  officially  an- 
nounced as  nominated,  words  fail  to  express  the  intensity 
and  extent  of  the  mighty  outburst  of  enthusiasm.  Hav- 
ing taken  a recess  until  evening,  the  convention  met  and 
nominated  General  John  A.  Logan  for  Vice-President, 
and  the  Republican  Convention  of  1884  then  adjourned, 
14 


210 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


James  G.  Blaine  and  General  John  A.  Logan  being  the 
standard-bearers  of  the  Eepublican  party  for  1884. 

Speech  op  Judge  West  Nominating  James  G.  Blaine. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Gonmntion:  As  a delegate  in  the  Chicago 

Convention  of  1860,  the  proudest  service  of  my  life  was  performed 
hy  voting  for  the  nomination  of  that  inspired  Emancipator,  the  first 
Republican  President  of  the  United  States.  Four  and  twenty  years 
of  the  grandest  history  in  the  annals  of  recorded  time  have  distin- 
guished the  ascendency  of  the  Republican  party.  The  skies  have 
lowered;  reverses  have  threatened;  our  flag  is  still  there,  waving  above 
the  mansion  of  the  Presidency;  not  a stain  on  its  folds,  not  a cloud 
on  its  glory.  Whether  it  shall  maintain  that  grand  ascendency  de- 
pends on  the  action  of  this  great  council.  With  bated  breath  the 
Nation  awaits  the  result.  On  it  are  flxed  the  eyes  of  twenty  millions 
of  Republican  freemen  in  the  North.  On  it,  or  to  it,  are  stretched 
forth  the  imploring  hands  of  ten  millions  of  political  bondmen  in 
the  South;  while  above,  from  the  portals  of  light,  is  looking  down 
the  immortal  spirit  of  the  immortal  martyr  who  first  bore  it  to  victory 
and  bade  it  godspeed.  Six  times  — in  six  campaigns  — has  that 
banner  triumphed.  That  symbol  of  union,  of  freedom,  of  humanity, 
and  of  progress,  some  time  born^  by  that  silent  man  of  destiny,  the 
Wellington  of  American  arms,  Ulysses  the  Great,  and  last  by  him 
whose  untimely  taking-off  the  Nation  bewailed  and  wept  above  great 
Garfield’s  grave.  Shall  that  banner  triumph  again?  Commit  it  to 
the  bearing  of  that  chief — -5^*****;^** 

* * * Commit  it  to  the  bearing  of  that  chief,  the  inspiration 

of  whose  illustrious  character  and  great  name  will  fire  the  hearts  of 
our  young  men  and  stir  the  blood  of  our  manhood  and  fervid  vete- 
rans. The  close  of  the  seventh  campaign  will  see  that  holy  ensign 
spanning  the  sky  like  a bow  of  promise.  Political  conditions  are 
changed  since  the  accession  of  the  Republican  party  to  power.  The 
mighty  issues  of  struggling  freedom  and  bleeding  humanity,  which 
convulsed  the  continent  and  racked  the  Republic,  united,  inspired  the 
forces,  the  patriotism,  and  the  force  of  humanity  in  one  consolidated 
phalanx.  These  great  issues  have  ceased  their  contention ; the  sub- 
ordinate issues  resulting  therefrom  are  settled  and  buried  away  with 
the  dead  issues  of  the  past.  The  odds  of  a Solid  South  are  against 
us.  Not  an  electoral  gun  can  be  expected  from  that  section.  If 
triumph  come,  the  North — the  Republican  States  of  the  North — 
must  furnish  the  conquering  battalion;  from  the  farm,  the  anvil,  and 
the  loom;  from  the  mine,  the  workshop  and  the  desk;  from  the  huts 


IIEPUBLICAK  KATIOKAL  COiTVEJSfTIOK. 


211 


of  the  trapper  on  snowy  Sierra,  from  the  hut  of  the  fisherman  on  the 
banks  of  the  Hudson.  As  the  Republican  States  must  furnish  this 
conquering  battalion,  if  triumphant,  does  not  sound  political  wisdom 
dictate  and  demand  that  a leader  shall  be  given  to  them  whom  our 
people  will  follow,  not  as  conscripts  advancing  by  funeral  marches  to 
certain  defeat,  but  a grand  civic  hero,  whom  the  souls  of  the  people 
desire  to  serve,  swelling  the  lines  with  the  enthusiasm  of  volunteers 
as  they  sweep  on  and  onward  to  certain  victory?  In  this  contention 
of  forces,  to  whom  as  a candidate  shall  be  entrusted  our  battle  fiag? 
Citizens,  I am  not  here  to — and  may  my  tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  of 
my  mouth  if  I — abate  one  tittle  from  the  just  fame,  integrity,  and 
public  honor  of  Chester  A.  Arthur,  our  President. 

I abate  not  one  tittle  from  the  just  fame  and  Republican  integrity 
of  George  F.  Edmunds,  of  Joseph  R.  Hawley,  of  John  Sherman,  of 
that  grand  old  Black  Eagle  of  Illinois ; and  I am  proud  to  know  that 
these  distinguished  Senators  whom  I have  named  have  borne  like 
testimony  to  the  public  life,  the  public  character  and  the  public 
integrity  of  him  for  whose  confirmation  they  voted  to  the  high  otlice, 
second  in  dignity  to  the  oflice  of  the  President  himself — the  first 
Premiership  in  the  administration  of  James  A.  Garfield.  The  man 
for  whom  these  Senators  and  rivals  will  vote  for  Secretary  of  State  of 
the  United  States  is  good  enough  for  the  plain  fiesh-and-blood  God’s 
people  to  vote  for  for  President.  Who  shall  be  our  candidate? 

Not  the  representative  of  a particular  interest  or  a particular  class, 
send  the  great  apostle  to  the  country.  Name  the  doctor’s  candidate, 
the  lawyer’s  candidate,  the  banker’s  candidate,  the  Wall  street  candi- 
date, and  the  hand  of  resurrection  would  not  fathom  his  November 
grave.  Sir,  he  must  be  a representative  of  American  manhood,  a 
representative  of  that  leading  Republicanism  that  demands  the  amplest 
industrial  protection,  and  opportunity  whereby  labor  shall  be  enabled 
to  earn  and  eat  the  bread  of  independent  employment,  relieved  of 
mendicant  competition  with  pauper  Europe  or  pagan  China.  He 
must  be  a representative  of  that  Republicanism  that  demands  the 
absolute  political  as  well  as  personal  emancipation  and  disenthrall- 
ment  of  mankind;  a representative  of  that  Republicanism  which 
recognizes  the  stamp  of  American  citizenship  as  the  passport  to  every 
right,  privilege  and  consideration,  at  home  or  abroad,  whether  under 
the  sky  of  Bismarck,  under  the  palmetto,  under  the  pelican  or  on  the 
banks  of  the  Mohawk  ; that  Republicanism  that  regards  with  detes- 
tation a despotism  which  under  the  sic  semper  tyrannis  ” of  the  Old 
Dominion,  annihilates  by  slaughter  in  the  name  of  Democracy;  a 
Republicanism  that  is  embodied  and  stated  in  the  platform  of  prin- 


213 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


ciples  this  day  adopted  by  your  coj:vention.  Gentlemen,  such  a 
Republican  is  James  G.  Blaine,  cf  Maine. 

[The  immense  concourse  then  broke  out  into  great  and  prolonged 
applause,  continuing  nearly  half  an  hour.] 

Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  it  has  been  urged  that  in  making 
this  nomination  every  other  consideration  should  merge,  every  other 
interest  be  sacrificed,  in  order  and  with  a view  exclusively  to  securing 
the  Republican  vote  and  carrying  the  State  of  New  York.  Gentle- 
men, the  Republican  party  demands  of  this  convention  a nominee 
who  has  inspiration,  a glorious  prestige  which  shall  gain  the  Presi- 
dency with  or  without  New  York;  who  will  carry  the  Legislatures  of 
the  several  States  and  avert  the  sacrifice  of  the  United  States  Senate ; 
who  shall  sweep  into  the  tide.  Congressional  Districts  sufiicient  to 
recover  tlie  House  of  Representatives  and  restore  it  to  the  Republican 
party.  Three  millions  of  Republicans  believe  that  that  man  who,  from 
the  baptism  of  blood  on  the  plains  of  Kansas  to  the  fall  of  the  immortal 
Garfield,  in  all  that  struggle  of  manhood  and  progress  wherever 
humanity  desired  succor,  wherever  freedom  called  for  protection, 
wherever  the  country  called  for  a defender,  or  wherever  blows  fall 
thickest  and  fastest,  there  in  the  forefront  of  the  battle  was  seen  to 
wave  the  white  plume  of  James  G.  Blaine,  our  Henry  of  Navarre. 

Nominate  him,  and  the  results  of  a September  victory  in  Maine 
will  be  re-echoed  back  by  the  thunders  of  the  October  victory  in  Ohio. 
Nominate  him,  and  the  camp-fires  and  beacon-lights  v/ill  illuminate 
the  continent  from  the  Golden  Gate  to  Cleopatra’s  Needle.  Nominate 
him,  and  the  millions  who  are  nov/  in  v/aiting  will  rally  to  swell  the 
column  of  victory  that  is  sweeping  on. 

In  the  name  of  a majority  of  the  delegates  flora  the  Republican 
States  and  their  glorious  constituencies  who  must  fight  this  battle,  I 
nominate  James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine. 


Nomination  Seconded  by  Goyeknor  Davis. 

Mr,  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Conmniion:  In  face  of 

the  demonstration  which  v/e  have  seen  and  heard  it  w^ould  seem 
scarcely  necessary  to  second  a nomination  which  appears  already  to 
be  a foregone  conclusion.  But  in  the  name  of  the  people  of  Minne- 
sota it  gives  me  the  greatest  pleasure  to  second  the  nomination  of 
James  G.  Blaine,  who  has  never  been  defeated  ])v  the  people;  who 
has  borne  his  great  faculties  so  nobly  year  after  year,  in  success  and 
adversity;  who  has  grown  so  completely  into  the  affections  of  the 


EEPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION. 


213 


people  of  this  country  that  at  this  moment  he  is  in  his  own  person, 
and  without  doubt,  the  embodiment  and  definition  of  their  choice  for 
President  of  the  United  States.  This  preference  is  not  the  growth  of 
any  locality  or  of  any  one  idea.  It  springs  not  from  any  cold  calcu- 
lation of  expediency,  although  it  is  coincident  with  the  highest  expe- 
diency— the  expediency  of  success.  It  is  the  majestic  voice  of 
3,000,000  of  the  great  party  of  the  Union,  of  national  progress, 
which  emancipated  man,  which  raised  the  country  from  the  hell  of  a 
civil  war  and  made  it  so  great  that  no  foreign  foe  nor  domestic  fac- 
tion can  ever  affect  it  while  it  stands  secure  upon  the  eternal  basis  of 
right  wherein  it  has  been  placed. 

Mr.  Blaine  is  not  the  man  of  any  State.  He  has  grown  far  beyond 
that.  To-day  his  persistent  popularity,  his  magnificent  personal 
traits,  his  unfailing  tact,  his  unswerving  loyalty  to  his  party,  and  his 
commanding  statesmanship  are  felt  and  honored  in  every  community 
from  Maine  to  California,  from  Minnesota  to  Florida.  Without  the 
aid  of  that  thing  called  organization,  without  self-seeking,  without 
combination,  without  any  such  condition  to  his  success  as  the  ruin  of 
any  other  man,  he  stands  here  to-day  with  all  these  attributes,  and 
the  people  of  this  country  ask  this  convention  to  gratify  their  twice 
defeated  desire.  He  stands  upon  the  friendship  and  confidence  of 
Garfield,  and  when  the  life  of  the  Nation  seemed  to  be  ebbing  away 
with  the  spirit  of  the  great  son  of  Ohio,  when  all  the  functions  of 
government  were  languid,  when  business  men  felt  the  need  of  security, 
it  was  upon  the  arm  of  the  great  Secretary  that  the  Nation  leaned, 
because  it  was  in  him  that  the  Nation  believed. 

He  has  conducted  our  foreign  affairs  so  as  to  make  us  respected 
abroad,  and  that,  too,  upon  principles  almost  coeval  with  the  founda- 
tions of  the  government.  He  has  undergone  defeat  in  two  conven- 
tions and  risen  from  each  with  greater  strength  than  before  The 
campaigns  which  followed  were  most  momentous  and  imperiled  the 
very  existence  of  the  party.  Did  he  sulk  in  his  tent  in  the  apathy  of 
disappointed  ambition?  No,  he  rose  upon  the  ruins  of  his  adversity 
and  made  them  the  monuments  of  his  glory.  He  led  his  competitors 
through  the  arch  of  triumph  to  the  White  House.  No  word  from 
him  that  the  nomination  was  unfortunate.  No  auspices  from  him  of 
want  of  success.  But  then  this  man  from  Maine  came  forward  with 
all  his  armament  like  a magnificent  war  vessel,  every  pennant  flying, 
every  sail  set,  every  man  at  his  post,  and  every  gun  thundering  from 
its  sides.  This  is  the  man,  faithful  to  all  trusts,  superior  to  any  fort- 
une, beloved  as  no  American  statesman  has  ever  been,  whom  we 
present  for  your  suffrages. 


314 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAIKE. 


Nomination  Seconded  by  Thomas  C.  Platt. 

The  Chairman  introduced  the  Hon.  Thomas  C.  Platt,  of  New 
York,  who  spoke  as  follows: 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  I rise  with  pleasure  to  second  the 
nomination  of  James  G.  Blaine. 

I second  this  nomination,  believing,  as  I do,  that  expediency  and 
justice  demand  it;  believing,  as  I do,  that  the  Republican  people 
of  the  Republican  States  that  must  give  the  Republican  majorities 
want  him;  believing,  as  I do,  that  he  is  the  representative  of  that 
strong,  stern,  stalwart  Republicanism  which  will  surely  command 
success;  believing,  as  I do,  that  with  him  for  our  standard-bearer, 
success  is  surely  assured;  believing  in  my  inmost  heart  that  with  him 
ais  our  standard-bearer,  success  is  assured  in  the  great  State  of  New 
York. 

Fellow-delegates,  friends  of  James  G.  Blaine,  stand  firm,  stay 
solid,  with  steady  step  and  strong  purpose,  and  victory  is  ours,  now 
and  in  November. 


i 


/ 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 


CHAPTEE  XIII. 

LOGAN,  THE  CIVILIAN. 

PARENTAGE. 

JOHN  ALEXANDER  LOGAN  was  born  February  9, 
1826,  at  Murphysboro,  Jackson  county,  Illinois.  His 
father.  Dr.  John  Logan,  came  to  the  United  States  from  the 
north  of  Ireland  about  the  year  1818,  and  settled  in  the 
State  of  Missouri  where  he  married  a French  lady,  the 
daughter  of  one  of  the  prominent  early  French  colonists. 
By  this  marriage,  he  had  one  daughter  who  is  still  living. 
Upon  the  death  of  his  first  wife.  Dr.  Logan  moved  to  Illi- 
nois, and  settled  at  the  old  town  of  Brownsville,  the  county- 
seat  of  Jackson  county,  where  he  practiced  his  profession 
and  was  one  of  the  most  popular  and  successful  physicians 
and  surgeons  in  southern  Illinois.  It  was  at  Brownsville 
that  Dr.  Logan  first  met  Miss  Elizabeth  Jenkins,  whom 
he  afterward  married.  She  was  the  daughter  of  one  of 
the  pioneer  families  of  Jackson  county.  Her  relatives 
were  sturdy,  infiuential  people,  who  exercised  great  influ- 
ence in  the  development  of  the  country  and  the  promotion 
of  its  general  welfare.  Her  brother,  Hon.  A.  M.  Jenkins, 
was  a prominent  lawyer,  and  became  Lieutenant-Governor 
of  the  State  of  Illinois. 

After  his  marriage  with  Miss  Jenkins,  Dr.  Logan  estab- 
lished himself  upon  a large  farm  near  Brownsville,  where 
he  continued  the  practice  of  his  profession  and  engaged 
in  farming  operations  of  considerable  extent,  and  in  the 

216 


216 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGAN, 


raising  of  stock.  Here  were  born  to  him  eleven  children, 
of  whom  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  John  A.  Logan,  is 
the  eldest. 

EDUCATION. 

When  General  Logan  was  born,  Illinois  was  considered 
a pioneer  settlement.  It  was  not  until  six  years  later  that 
the  Indians  under  Black  Hawk  were  driven  from  the 
State,  and  the  General  was  eleven  years  old  before  Chicago 
became  a place  of  four  thousand  inhabitants.  It  will, 
therefore,  be  understood  that  the  educational  facilities  of 
the  State  at  that  period  were  very  limited.  Being  an  edu- 
cated man  himself.  Dr.  Logan  was  anxious  to  give  to  his 
children  better  opportunities  for  receiving  education  than 
were  afforded  by  the  local  schools.  He,  therefore,  em- 
ployed a competent  tutor  to  take  charge  of  the  education 
of  his  children,  and  young  John  was  thus  enabled  to  lay 
the  foundation  for  an  English  education  and  to  acquire 
some  knowledge  of  Greek  and  Latin.  Dr.  Logan  was  a 
man  of  great  hospitality,  and  his  house  became  the  resort 
of  the  most  prominent  residents  of,  and  visitors  to,  that 
part  of  the  country,  and  his  children  thus  made  the 
acquaintance  and  became  the  associates  of  the  best  people 
of  the  country.  The  Doctor^s  fine  horses  and  hounds 
always  attracted  attention,  and  the  use  of  both  in  the 
chase  was  a familiar  sport  of  the  Doctor  and  his  boys. 

LIEUTENANT  IN  MEXICAN  WAE. 

Young  John  continued  his  education  at  a neighboring 
seminary  for  a period  of  three  years;  but  the  Mexican  war 
coming  on  broke  up  all  his  plans  for  further  education,  as 
he  at  once  enlisted  and  became  a lieutenant  in  Company 
H,  1st  Eegiment  Illinois  Volunteers.  Dr.  Logan  lived  to 
see  his  son  enter  upon  that  career  which  was  destined  to 
make  him  one  of  the  most  prominent  military  and  political 
figures  of  the  country.  Dr.  Logan  lived  a life  of  useful- 


LIEUT.  JOHN  A.  LOGAN.  Age,  20  years. 

Engraved  from  Painting,  by  permission  of  Mrs.  Logan. 


LOGAiq-,  THE  CIVILIAN. 


217 


ness,  reared  a large  family,  and  died  in  1851,  respected 
and  honored  by  all  who  knew  him.  His  widow.  Mother 
Logan,  as  she  was  called,  was  known  far  and  wide.  She 
was  a woman  of  large  intellectual  endowments,  of  indom- 
itable will,  and  splendid  executive  ability.  She  lived  to 
see  her  children  and  a number  of  grandchildren  grow  up, 
and  died  in  1877,  respected  and  lamented  by  all  who 
knew  her. 

As  an  evidence  of  the  sagacity  of  Dr.  Logan  in  the 
selection  of  a site  for  his  home,  it  may  be  stated  that  the 
town  of  Murphysboro,  the  present  county- seat  of  Jackson 
county  and  a large  and  flourishing  place,  is  laid  out  upon 
the  old  Logan  homestead. 

As  his  father  and  mother  by  reason  of  their  intellectual 
endowments  and  personal  characteristics  were  leaders  of 
thought  and  action  among  those  with  whom  they  asso- 
ciated, so  young  John  became  a leader  among  his  associates, 
and  developed  those  qualities  of  mind  and  heart  which 
have  stood  him  so  well  in  hand  in  later  years.  He  was 
candid,  just,  courageous,  self-reliant,  and  warmly  devoted 
to  his  friends;  and  so  when  he  enlisted  for  the  Mexican 
rar,  he  was  at  once  made  a lieutenant,  although  not 
twenty-one  years  of  age.  He  served  his  country  with 
distinction  to  the  end  of  the  war,  and,  at  the  time  of  his 
muster  out,  was  acting  quarter-master  of  his  regiment. 

A LEADING  ATTORNEY. 

In  1849  young  Logan  was  elected  to  the  office  of  county 
clerk  of  Jackson  county.  He  held  this  position  but  a short 
time,  being  ambitious  to  enter  the  profession  of  the  law, 
and  so  he  resigned  his  clerkship  and  became  a student  at 
Louisville,  Kentucky,  in  the  Law  Department  of  the 
Louisville  University.  He  continued  his  studies  in  this 
institution,  and  in  due  time  graduated  with  honor,  and 
returned  at  once  to  his  home  at  Murphysboro,  Illinois, 


218 


LIFE  OF  JOHH  A.  LOGAK. 


where  he  was  admitted  to  a partnership  in  the  law  office  of 
his  uncle^  Governor  Jenkins. 

As  an  attorney  he  soon  became  noted  and  conspicuous 
in  the  trial  of  cases.  Quick  to  gather  all  the  leading  facts 
in  a case,  and  ready  in  the  application  of  the  law  thereto, 
and  powerful  in  the  presentation  of  these  to  a jurj^,  he 
soon  came  to  lead  when  associated  in  the  trial  of  cases 
with  the  most  prominent  and  distinguished  lawyers  of  the 
State.  His  practice  became  large  and  lucrative,  but  he 
was  not  to  be  left  to  the  mere  practice  of  the  law  in  the 
courts,  for  in  1852  he  was  elected  by  the  people  of  his 
legislative  district,  composed  of  the  counties  of  Franklin 
and  Jackson,  to  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  of  the 
Illinois  Legislature  for  a period  of  two  years,  a position 
in  which  his  father  had  preceded  him. 

While  in  the  Legislature,  he  occupied  an  influential 
position,  and  was  recognized  on  all  hands  as  one  of  the 
rising  men  of  the  State.  After  his  service  in  the  Legis- 
lature, he  continued  the  practice  of  his  profession,  and 
was  soon  elected  to  the  office  of  prosecuting  attorney  for 
the  third  judicial  district,  which  was  composed  of  a number 
of  counties.  In  this  position  he  was  the  instrument  of  the 
law  for  the  prosecution  of  wrong-doers,  and  to  these  he 
became  a terror;  never  undertaking  to  turn  the  penalties 
of  the  law  against  those  who  had  not  really  violated  its 
provisions,  the  guilty  by  his  earnest  endeavors  were  brought 
to  punishment.  In  this  position  his  labors  were  very 
arduous.  He  traveled  from  county  to  county  to  attend 
the  terms  of  court,  and  performed  the  labor  of  the  prepa- 
ration of  all  the  indictments  and  the  trial  of  all  the  cases. 
He  tried  many  of  the  most  noted  cases  ever  brought  before 
the  courts  of  Illinois,  and  met  many  of  the  most  prominent 
lawyers  of  that  and  adjoining  States. 

The  preparation  of  his  cases  was  always  thorough  and 
complete,  and  upon  entering  upon  their  trial  he  was 
master  of  the  law  and  the  facts.  He  did  not  confine  him- 


LOGAl^,  THE  CIYILIAK. 


219 


self  solely  to  the  practice  of  the  criminal  law^  the  civil  and 
chancery  dockets  were  full  of  cases  in  which  he  was 
employed  either  on  one  side  or  the  other,  and  litigants 
soon  found  it  to  their  advantage  to  have  Mr.  Logan  as 
their  attorney. 

After  his  term  of  office  as  prosecuting  attorney  had 
expired,  he  was  so  widely  known,  especially  in  southern 
Illinois,  that  but  few  cases  of  great  importance  were  tried 
concerning  which  he  was  not  consulted,  or  in  which  he 
did  not  take  an  active  part. 

During  this  period  the  forensic  efforts  of  Mr.  Logan 
attracted  widespread  attention,  and  wherever  it  was  known 
that  he  was  to  speak  in  an  important  case,  large  numbers 
of  the  most  intelligent  people  of  the  town  and  country 
would  assemble  to  hear  him.  In  the  defense  of  a prisoner 
he  rarely  ever  failed  to  arouse  a profound  sympathy  for 
his  client,  and  the  public  mind,  favoring  the  defendant, 
would  naturally  have  an  important  influence  upon  the 
jury. 

MARKIAGE. 

On  the  27th  of  November,  1855,  Mr.  Logan  married 
Miss  Mary  S.  Cunningham,  a daughter  of  Captain  John 
M.  Cunningham,  who  had  served  with  gallantry  in  the 
Mexican  war,  had  served  in  the  Legislature  of  Illinois, 
had  been  Eegister  of  Public  Lands  at  the  Shawneetown, 
Illinois,  Land  Office,  and  had  occupied  other  important 
positions.  Captain  and  Mrs.  Cunningham  felt  great  in- 
terest in  the  education  of  their  daughter,  Mary,  and 
entrusted  this  duty  to  the  sisters  of  St.  Vincent  Seminary, 
Morganfield,  Kentucky,  where  she  received  her  education. 
After  their  marriage,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Logan  removed  to 
Bentdn,  Franklin  county,  Illinois,  where  they  established 
their  home. 

A MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS. 

In  1856  Mr.  Logan  was  again  chosen  to  represent  his 


220 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAII. 


district  in  the  Illinois  Legislature,  where  he  maintained 
and  advanced  the  prestige  gained  by  his  former  service. 

During  the  practice  of  his  profession,  Mr.  Logan  made 
the  warm  friendship  of  almost  all  the  leading  citizens  of 
his  district,  and  he  increased  his  hold  upon  the  confidence 
and  esteem  of  the  people  by  the  fearless  and  able  manner 
in  which  he  discussed  political  questions.  He  became  a 
strong  adherent  and  friend  of  Senator  Douglas,  and  ear- 
nestly espoused  his  cause  and  the  doctrines  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  as  advanced  by  him,  and  so  it  came  to  pass, 
in  1858,  that  Mr.  Logan  was  nominated  without  opposition 
as  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Congress  in  the  Ninth 
Congressional  District  of  Illinois. 

This  political  campaign  was  made  famous  by  the  joint 
debates  between  Douglas  and  Lincoln,  and  while  the 
speeches  of  these  two  great  men  gave  the  campaign  its 
national  character,  the  speeches  of  Mr.  Logan,  delivered 
in  various  parts  of  the  State,  contributed  largely  in  elect- 
ing to  the  Legislature  a majority  of  members  favorable  to 
the  re-election  of  Mr.  Douglas  to  the  United  States  Sen- 
ate. Mr.  Logan^s  own  election  was  assured  from  the 
start.  He  lived  in  the  banner  Democratic  district  of  the 
United  States,  and  was  elected  by  a handsome  majority. 

Mr.  Logan  was  now  thirty-two  years  of  age.  He  had 
served  as  a lieutenant  in  the  Mexican  war.  He  had  been 
elected  clerk  of  the  county  court  of  his  native  county. 
He  had  studied  law,  and  had  graduated  with  honor  at  the 
law  department  of  a university.  He  had  been  twice 
elected  to  and  served  in  the  Legislature  of  Illinois.  He 
had  been  elected  prosecuting  attorney  in  the  judicial  dis- 
trict where  he  lived.  He  had  acquired  a large  and  lucra- 
tive practice  of  the  law,  and  had  established  a high  repu- 
tation as  a lawyer  and  as  an  orator,  and,  finally,  he  had 
been  elected  to  represent  sixteen  counties  of  the  State  of 
Illinois  in  that  broad  field  of  endeavor,  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States, 


LOGAK^  THE  CIVILIAK. 


221 

These  honors  were  won  by  earnest  and  constant  effort 
in  the  line  of  duty,  whereby  the  confidence  of  the  people 
was  secured  and  held.  This  record  might  well  satisfy  the 
ambition  and  aspirations  of  most  men^but  at  the  time  Mr. 
Logan  entered  Congress,  in  December,  1859,  the  country 
was  about  entering  upon  the  stage  where  was  to  be  enacted 
some  of  the  mightiest  events  of  time,  in  which  Mr.  Logan 
was  to  play  a most  conspicuous  part,  and  which  was  to  be 
with  him  the  beginning  of  a career  of  great  importance 
and  usefulness  to  his  country. 

Congressman  Logan  took  his  seat  December,  1858,  at 
what  will  be  remembered  as  the  most  exciting  period  prior 
to  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion.  Stephen  A.  Douglas, 
the  Little  Giant, was  then  the  leading  Democrat  of 
the  Northwest,  and  especially  of  Illinois.  It  was  to  be 
expected,  therefore,  that  Mr.  Logan  would  defer  to  him, 
and,  so  far  as  he  could  with  consistency,  follow  his  lead 
in  all  matters  of  public  weal.  But  even  then  his  impetu- 
ous spirit  with  difficulty  brooked  the  insults  daily  heaped 
upon  every  man  who  dared  to  call  a halt  to  the  rampant 
fire-eaters  then  in  Congress,  who  seemed  bent  upon  ruling 
or  ruining  the  Union.  He  worked  incessantly  for  the 
welfare  of  his  constituents,  and  so  well  did  he  succeed  that 
in  November  of  1860  he  was  unanimously  renominated  and 
re-elected  by  an  increased  majority  to  the  Thirty-seventh 
Congress. 

Mr.  Logan  attended  the  national  convention  at  Charles- 
ton, S.  C.,  and  for  the  first  time  beheld  the  veritable  auc- 
tion-block and  slave-dens  of  the  South.  His  generous 
nature  revolted  at  the  barbarity  of  slavery  thus  in  its  very 
nakedness  brought  right  beneath  his  eyes,  and  his  mind 
foresaw  the  fall  of  that  inhuman  institution  at  no  distant 
day.  He  saw  that  the  spirit  of  tyranny  and  oppression 
manifested  by  the  leaders  of  the  Democratic  party  towards 
every  man  north  of  Mason  and  Dixon^s  line^^  boded  ill 
for  them.  He  felt,  as  did  every  free  man,  that  very  soon 


222 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAK. 


must  cease  the  forbearance  that  had  been  shown  to  men 
who  knew  no  bounds  to  their  demands,  and  who  were 
ready  to  subordinate  everything  to  their  lust  for  wealth 
and  power  and  the  perpetuation  of  human  slavery.  Hence, 
when  the  Congress  assembled  in  December,  1860,  he  was 
in  no  frame  of  mind  to  endure  the  intensified  fanaticism 
and  threatening  manner  of  the  Southern  Eepresentatives. 
His  speeches  made  at  that  time,  as  a Democrat,  are  replete 
with  patriotic  fire  and  love  of  the  Union.  Imbued  with 
this  spirit  he  was  most  active  in  striving  to  bring  about 
what  was  known  as  the  Crittenden  Compromise, believ- 
ing, as  did  many  other  patriotic  men,  that  that  measure 
would  avert  the  horrors  of  a civil  war.  But  all  effort 
geemed  powerless  before  fate.  The  tide  was  too  strong. 
Boldly  and  bravely  Mr.  Logan  exerted  himself  to  breast 
it,  urging  moderation  upon  his  party  and  its  older  leaders, 
vhile  eloquently  avowing  his  own  devotion  to  the  Union 
and  his  abhorrence  of  the  meditated  treason. 

It  may  be  well  right  here  to  allude  briefiy  to  the  base 
and  baseless  charge  made  by  some  of  his  enemies,  that  at 
the  outbreak  of  the  war  and  prior  to  it,  he  was  a seces- 
sion sympathizer,’^  and  his  triumphant  refutation  of  the 
same,  which  may  be  found  in  the  Congressional  Record  of 
April,  1881.  The  only  man  who  ever  dared  insinuate 
that  charge  to  his  face,  was  Senator  Ben  Hill,  of  Georgia, 
in  the  United  States  Senate  Chamber,  March  30,  1881, 
and  Logan  at  once  replied:  Any  man  who  insinuates 

that  I sympathized  with  it  at  that  time,  insinuates  what 
is  false,”  and  Senator  Hill  at  once  retracted  the  calumny. 
Subsequently,  April  19,  1881,  a portion  of  the  press  hav- 
ing in  the  meantime  insinuated  further  doubts.  Senator 
Logan  proved  by  the  record,  and  by  voluminous  docu- 
mentary evidence,  the  falsity  of  the  aspersion.  That 
record  shows  that  January  7,  1861,  while  still  a Douglas 
Democrat,  before  Lincoln’s  inauguration,  and  before  even 


LOGAJSr,  THE  CIVILIAK. 


223 


the  first  gun  of  war  was  fired  upon  Fort  Sumter^  he 
declared  in  Congress,  as  he  voted  for  a resolution  which 
approved  the  action  taken  by  the  President  in  support  of 
the  laws  and  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  that  the 
resolution  received  his  ^^unqualified  approbation/^  Prior 
to  that  (December  17,  1860),  he  had  voted  affirmatively 
on  a resolution  offered  by  Morris,  of  Illinois,  which 
declared  an  immovable  attachments^  to  ^^our  National 
Union,s^  and  ^^that  it  is  our  patriotic  duty  to  stand  by  it, 
as  our  hope  in  peace  and  our  defense  in  war/^  In  a speech 
he  made  February  5,  1861,  on  the  Crittenden  Compro- 
mise,he  declared  that  ^‘he  had  always  denied,  and  did 
yet  deny  the  right  of  secession/s  And  when  he  concluded 
his  speech  of  vindication  in  the  Senate,  even  the  Bourbon 
Senator  Brown,  of  Georgia,  declared  it  to  be  ^^full,  com- 
plete, and  conclusive/s  In  future,  then,  no  truthful  man 
will  dare  to  say  that  Logan  was  not  true  to  the  Union  and 
opposed  to  secession  before  the  war,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  war,  and  all  through  the  war. 

Mr.  Logan  was  elected  to  Congress  as  a Democrat  of 
the  Douglas  school.  He  had  espoused  the  doctrine  of 
popular  sovereignty  in  respect  to  the  organization  of  the 
Territories,  and  earnestly  opposed  the  positions  taken  by 
the  Kepublicans  and  Administration  Democrats,  the  one 
favoring  the  exclusion  of  slavery  from  the  Territories  by 
acts  of  Congress,  and  the  other  claiming  that  slaves,  like 
all  other  property,  could  be  lawfully  taken  to  the  Territo- 
ries, and  was  entitled  to  the  protection  of  Congress  during 
the  existence  of  the  Territorial  governments.  So,  when 
he  entered  Congress,  he  was  earnest  in  his  advocacy  of  his 
favorite  doctrine,  and  when,  in  1860,  Mr.  Douglas  was 
nominated  as  a candidate  for  the  Presidency,  Mr.  Logan 
favored  his  election  in  many  earnest  speeches,  delivered  to 
large  audiences.  Mr.  Logan  insisted  that  the  conflict  of 
opinion  between  the  adherents  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr. 


224 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAK. 


Breckenridge  endangered  the  Union,  and  that  the  election 
of  Mr.  Douglas  would  be  an  act  of  wisdom  on  the  part  of 
the  people,  and  be  a sure  means  of  maintaining  peace  and 
preserving  the  Union.  In  this  political  contest  Mr.  Logan, 
with  great  earnestness,  opposed  alike  the  Eepublicans  and 
Breckenridge  Democrats,  and  after  the  election  of  Mr. 
Lincoln,  and  the  assembling  of  Congress,  Mr.  Logan 
abated  none  of  his  opposition  to  these  parties. 

He  earnestly  advocated  peace,  and  expressed  the  most 
profound  deprecation  of  war.  He  favored  the  plan  of 
compromise  offered  by  the  venerable  statesman  of  Ken- 
tucky, Hon.  John  J.  Crittenden.  He  delivered  a speech 
during  the  session,  of  great  force  and  ability,  in  which  he 
set  forth  his  views  upon  the  existing  crisis.  No  blow  had 
yet  been  struck,  no  blood  had  yet  been  spilled;  men  of  all 
parties  in  the  Northern  and  border  States  hoped  and 
worked  for  peace,  and  proposed  numerous  amendments 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  in  the  interest 
of  slavery  as  a means  of  averting  the  horrors  of  civil  war. 

Time,  however,  rolled  on;  the  4th  of  March  came; 
Lincoln  was  inaugurated;  Congress  had  adjourned,  and 
no  measure  had  been  adopted  which  was  acceptable  to  the 
Southern  leaders.  Mr.  Logan  returned  to  his  home.  Six 
weeks  afterward  Fort  Sumter  fell.  President  Lincoln 
issued  his  proclamation  calling  for  seventy-five  thousand 
volunteers  and  convening  Congress.  Mr.  Logan  took  his 
seat  in  Congress,  and  during  the  brief  session  voted  for  all 
the  important  measures  necessary  for  the  organization, 
equipment  and  arming  of  the  army  and  navy. 

Up  to  this  time  there  had  yet  been  no  actual  conflict  of 
arms  between  the  Union  and  Confederate  forces  resulting 
in  bloodshed,  but  the  rebels  were  hovering  near  the  capital 
of  the  Nation,  and  it  was  obvious  to  the  most  casual 
observer  that  the  clash  of  arms  could  not  long  be  delayed. 
At  last  the  hour  came  for  an  advance  of  the  Union  army 


LOGAK,  THE  CIVILIAN. 


225 


under  General  McDowell  to  give  battle  to  the  hosts  who 
sought  the  overthrow  of  the  Union.  The  martial  spirit  of 
war  seized  Mr.  Logan,  and  he  determined  to  leave  his  seat 
in  Congress  and  take  his  chances  with  the  soldiers  in  the 
ranks  in  this  the  first  great  battle  of  the  war. 


15 


CHAPTEE  XIV. 


LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIER. 


CONGEESSMAN  LOGAN  AT  BULL  EUN  — HE  EETUENS  TO 
WASHINGTON  AND  TO  EGYPT  ^ THE  SACEIFICES  HE 
MADE  FOE  THE  UNION  CAUSE  — THE  MAGICAL  EFFECT 
OF  HIS  PATEIOTIC  ELOQUENCE  UPON  A HOWLING  MOB 
— HOW  HE  TUENED  SECESSION  SYMPATHIZEES  INTO 
UNION  SOLDIEES  — HOW  SOUTHEEN  ILLINOIS  WAS 
SAVED  TO  THE  UNION  — THE  EFFECT  OF  HIS  GEEAT 
INFLUENCE  THEEE. 


OUCHIlSrGr  this  first  Bull  Run^  General  Anson  G. 


McCook,  now  Secretary  of  the  United  States  Senate, 
himself  a gallant  soldier  in  the  war,  and  a participant,  as 
Captain  of  the  Second  Ohio,  in  that  battle,  narrated  to  the 
writer  the  following  characteristic  incident.  Said  he: 
"^It  was,  I think,  on  the  18th  of  July — three  days  before 
the  battle  proper.  We  were  making  a reconnoisance  at 
Blackburn^s  Ford,  when  I heard  artillery-firing,  and  went 
to  the  front  to  see  what  was  going  on.  Shortly  after, 
musketry-firing  began  in  the  valley,  and  our  men  com- 
menced to  fall  back,  when  I noticed  two  men  in  citizen^s 
dress  among  the  soldiers.  One  was  my  uncle,  Daniel 
McCook;  the  other,  a man  I had  never  before  seen,  but 
whose  striking  personal  a|)pearance  and  actions  at  once 
arrested  my  attention.  He  wore  a silk  hat,  which  seemed 
strangely  incongruous  on  a battle-field  in  a crowd  of  sol- 
diers. He  was  a man  of  alert  and  vigorous  frame,  swarthy 
complexion,  long  and  heavy  black  mustache,  and  black 
eyes.  His  hands  were  bloody,  a rifie  was  on  his  shoulder, 
and  while  at  one  moment  he  was  helping  to  carry  off  some 
wounded  man,  at  another,  with  blazing  eyes  and  language 


226 


LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIER. 


227 


more  forcible  than  polite,  he  strove  to  rally  the  men.  I 
afterwards  asked  my  uncle  who  that  man  was,  and  he  told 
me  it  was  John  A.  Logan,  the  Illinois  Congressman. 

Eeturning  to  Washington,  Mr.  Logan  hurried  back  to 
his  district  at  the  close  of  the  session,  to  tell  his  people  of 
his  intention  to  follow  the  flag  of  his  country,  and,  if  need 
be,  ^^hew  Ms  luay  to  the 

No  man  in  the  nation  made  greater  sacrifices  at  this 
supreme  moment  than  did  Logan.  Eesolutions  favoring 
secession  had  already  been  adopted  by  his  constituents. 
At  his  own  home,  excitement  ran  liigh,  and  all  one  way. 
Every  tie  he  had,  save  that  of  his  patriotic  wife,  was 
arrayed  against  him.  He  had  been  the  pride  and  the  idol 
of  his  people,  but  now  they  spurned  him  and  heaped  upon 
him  the  bitterest  denunciation.  Party  ties  were  rent 
asunder,  and  persecution  and  abuse  followed  him  every- 
where. Threats  of  personal  violence  were  made.  So 
inflamed,  indeed,  was  the  public  mind  that  deeds  of  open 
defiance  to  the  government  were  imminent.  Tliere  are  per- 
sons now  living  who  witnessed  and  will  never  forget  the 
wonderful  magnetic  influence  of  Mr.  Logan  over  men  as 
exhibited  at  that  stormy  time  when,  mounting  a wagon  in 
the  public  square  at  Marion,  Williamson  County,  which 
was  now  his  place  of  residence,  he  addressed  a vast  multi- 
tude of  infuriated  people  who,  strongly  sympathizing  with 
the  South,  were  little  less  than  a turbulent,  howling  mob. 
AVhen  Logan  commenced  to  speak,  it  was  with  difficulty 
the  mob-spirit  could  be  restrained  so  that  he  could  gain  a 
hearing,  but  before  he  had  finished  the  vivid  picture  he 
painted  in  words  of  living  light,  of  the  inevitable  conse- 
quences of  treason  and  disunion  to  them,  their  children, 
and  their  country,  they  stood  absolutely  spell-bound,  and 
many  were  even  ready  to  enlist  in  defense  of  that  very  flag 
which,  but  a few  moments  before,  they  would  have  stamped 
upon.  And  when  he  closed  his  glowing  periods  and  told 
them  he  was  going  to  enlist  for  the  war,  ^^as  a private,  or 


328 


LIFE  OF  joh:n’  a.  logah. 


in  any  capacity  in  which  he  could  serve  his  country  best 
in  defending  the  old  blood-stained  flag  over  every  foot 
of  soil  in  the  United  States/^  they  swarmed  about  him 
and  sent  up  such  a shout  as  has  rarely  been  heard.  A 
friend  and  fellow  comrade  of  Logan^s  in  the  Mexican  war, 
having  in  the  meantime  hurriedly  hunted  up  an  old  fifer 
and  drummer,  was  the  first  to  shout:  ^^Oome  on,  boys! 

Let^s  go  with  Logan.  Where  he  leads  we  can  follow. 
Suiting  action  to  the  words,  the  fife  and  drum  struck  up 
the  familiar  tune  of  Yankee  Doodle, and  before  they 
had  marched  half  way  round  the  square,  one  hundred 
gallant  fellows  were  in  line  keeping  step  to  the  music  of 
the  Union. Each  pledged  to  serve  his  country  for  three 
years,  unless  sooner  discharged  by  peace  being  declared. 

The  midnight  traveling  and  daily  speaking  and  enlist- 
ing of  soldiers  for  the  war,  during  the  ensuing  ten  days  can 
scarcely  be  described.  The  conversion  of  an  entire  people 
from  sympathy  for  their  kindred  and  friends  in  the  South 
into  patriotic  soldiers  ready  to  fight  against  them,  was 
little  short  of  miraculous.  The  sharp  struggle  between 
duty  and  inclination;  the  actual  taking  up  of  arms  and 
leaving  loved  ones  behind  while  on  the  way  to  fight  other 
loved  ones  in  front;  the  sacrifice  of  all  other  ties  for  the 
sake  of  patriotic  principle,  and  the  maintenance  and 
preservation  of  the  unity  of  the  States — how  trying  an 
ordeal  I 

And  yet,  despite  all  these  great  heart-bursting  difficul- 
ties and  struggles,  from  which  none  but  the  noblest  of 
men  could  find  the  true  course,  in  ten  days  the  grand  old 
Thirty-first  Illinois  Volunteer  Infantry  Eegiment  with 
Logan  at  its  head  was  en  route  for  Cairo,  the  rendezvous  of 
the  first  soldiers  enlisted  in  Southern  Illinois.  From  that 
hour,  the  whole  surrounding  country  seemed  to  catch  the 
infection  of  patriotism,  and  Colonel  Logan’s  regiment,  the 
Thirty-first  Illinois  Infantry — which  was  quickly  followed 
by  the  Twenty-second,  Twenty-seventh  and  Thirtieth  Regi- 


LOGAi^,  THE  SOLDIER. 


229 


ments,  was  at  once  organized  with  others  into  McCler- 
nand’s  First  Brigade  under  Grant.  Thus  Southern  Illinois 
was  saved  to  the  Union,  and  the  indescribable  calamity  of 
guerilla  warfare  averted  from  the  soil  of  Logan^s  native 
State.  What  might  have  happened  had  any  portion  of 
Illinois  lying  south  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  railroad 
joined  in  an  attempt  at  secession,  we  care  not  now  to  con- 
template. That  Cairo,  as  a base  for  our  armies,  when 
they  embarked  for  the  Tennessee,  Mississippi,  and  the 
whole  southern  field — was  of  inestimable  importance,  none 
can  deny.  Nor  can  it  be  disputed  that  to  Logan,  more 
than  to  any  other  one  man,  is  due  the  gallant  and  patriotic 
stand  the  Southern  Illinoisans  took;  nor  that  its  infiuence 
was  felt  in  a very  marked  degree  in  Indiana  and  other 
adjacent  States,  and  nerved  the  hearts  of  Union  men 
everywhere,  giving  fresh  impulse  to  Northern  courage. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


COLOi^-EL  LOGAlSr  AT  THE  BATTLE  OF  BELMOKT  — HIS 
BRAYEEY  AHD  ADMIRABLE  TACTICS/^ — HIS  HORSE 
SHOT  UNDER  HIM — HIS  CARE  FOR  THE  PROPER  OUTFIT 
AND  COMFORT  OF  HIS  MEN — LOGAN  AT  FORT  HENRY — 
HIS  INTREPIDITY  AND  SKILL  AT  FORT  DONELSON — HE 
IS  WOUNDED  AND  CARRIED  FROM  TPIE  FIELD,  HAVING 
EARNED  A BRIGADIER-GENERALSHIP. 

AS  a soldier.  Colonel  Logan  brought  into  play  all  the 
- enthusiasm,  energy  and  indomitable  will  which  has 
always  characterized  him.  He  drilled  and  disciplined  his 
regiment  himself,  and  six  weeks  after  the  enlistment  of  his 
men  led  them  into  battle  at  Belmont,  Missouri.  There 
the  force  of  General  Grant  being  landed  from  the  trans- 
ports, conveyed  by  the  gunboats  Tyler  and  Lexington, 
the  line  of  battle  was  formed,  with  Logan  and  his  Thirty- 
first  Illinois  Infantry  regiment  on  the  left.  An  account 
of  this  early  battle  says: 

The  advance  was  a continuous  running  fight.  Every 
inch  of  ground  was  hotly  contested.  The  scene  became 
terrific.  Men  grappled  with  men,  column  charged  upon 
column,  musketry  rattled,  cannon  thundered  and  tore 
frightful  gaps  in  the  contending  forces.  But  unable  to 
win  against  such  formidable  odds,  the  command  to  fall 
back  was  given  (to  avoid  being  cut  off  from  the  gunboats) 
and  the  soldiers  of  the  North  fought  their  way  back  even 
as  they  had  forward. 

Of  Colonel  Logan  in  this  engagement  the  official  report 
says:  Colonel  Logan^s  admirable  tactics  not  only  foiled 

the  frequent  attempts  of  the  enemy  to  fiank  him,  but 
secured  a steady  advance  toward  the  enemy^s  camp.^^ 

It  was  on  this  occasion  that  in  a moment  of  victory 
330 


LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIER. 


231 


McOlernand^s  command  being  given  over  to  rejoicing  was 
much  demoralized  and  exposed  to  danger  should  the 
enemy  reinforce  and  return.  This  the  enemy  was  doing 
when  Colonel  Logan  discovered  him,  instantly  formed  his 
command,  and  repulsing  the  attack  succeeded  in  getting 
the  entire  command  on  board.  It  was  during  a successful 
bayonet  charge  at  this  battle  that  Logan^s  horse  was  shot 
under  him.  The  design  of  the  expedition  was  the  break- 
ing up  of  the  enemy^s  encampment  at  Belmont.  Having 
accomplished  it,  the  Union  troops  returned  to  Cairo  with 
many  prisoners. 

The  discomforts  of  the  raw  troops  in  Cairo  at  that  time 
were  very  great,  and  much  harder  to  bear  than  the  greater 
hardships  which  they  subsequently  bore  as  veterans. 
They  had  left  their  homes  and  comfortable  surroundings 
quite  unprepared  for  the  life  of  a soldier.  Their  equipage 
was  poor,  as  neither  quarter-masters  nor  purveyors  had  yet 
learned  how  to  properly  prepare  for  the  needs  of  troops. 
Colonel  Logan,  with  that  solicitude  for  the  well-being  of 
his  men  which  always  distinguished  him,  and  for  which, 
together  with  his  military  skill  and  daring,  they  idolized 
him,  finally  went  to  Washington  and  arranged  for  arms  and 
clothing  suitable  for  his  command,  although,  owing  to  the 
confusion  incident  to  the  hurried  preparations  for  war,  it 
w^as  almost  impossible  to  obtain  much  needed  supplies  of 
any  character. 

The  plan  for  the  campaign  in  the  Southwest  having 
been  perfected,  the  troops  were  embarked  upon  ordinary 
western  river  steamboats  to  go  up  the  Ohio  to  the  Ten- 
nessee river,  to  strike  and  dislodge  the  enemy  at  Fort 
Henry,  a work  quickly  done.  This  was  the  first  decisive 
triumph  of  the  Union  arms  upon  western  waters  and  On 
to  Donelson!^^  was  the  cry  of  every  tongue.  In  the 
fiercest  storms  of  a severe  winter,  after  the  fall  of  Fort 
Henrj^  the  Union  cavalry,  infantry  and  artillery,  were 
landed  and  marched  across  the  country  to  Fort  Donelson, 


232 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAJST. 


a much  more  formidable  fortification  on  the  Cumberland 
river  which  had  been  erected  for  the  defense  of  Nashville 
and  the  whole  section  of  country  thereabout.  The  gunboats 
pushed  up  the  river  to  shell  the  fort  in  front,  while  the  com- 
mand marched  rapidly  to  the  rear  of  the  works,  despite  sleet, 
rain,  almost  impassable  mud,  and  bitter  cold.  For  three 
days  the  Union  forces  besieged  Fort  Donelson,  doing  some 
gallant  fighting  all  along  the  line.  The  lamented  Eansom 
and  Logan,  respectively,  with  the  Eleventh  and  Thirty-first 
Illinois  Infantry,  with  inflexible  courage  held  their  posi- 
tions notwithstanding  they  received  the  heaviest  fire  of 
the  enemy,  and  sustained  the  sudden  and  simultaneous 
attack  of  an  immense  mass  of  Confederatfe  infantry  which 
had  been  hurled  on  McClernand^s  division.  It  was  in 
the  afternoon  of  the  third  day,  when  the  Eleventh  and 
Thirty-first  Illinois,  the  latter  commanded  by  the  intrepid 
Logan,  stood  like  a wall  of  belching  fire  against  the  enemy 
until  both  had  nearly  exhausted  their  cartridges  and  had 
suffered  greatly  in  killed  and  wounded — of  the  six  hun- 
dred and  six  men  of  Logan’s  regiment  who  went  into  the 
fight,  but  three  hundred  and  three  answered  to  their  names 
the  next  morning — among  the  former,  in  the  Thirty-first 
Illinois,  being  their  Lieutenant-Colonel  (White)  and  the 
senior  Captain  (Williamson,)  and  among  the  latter  Col- 
onel Logan  himself.  Logan,  however,  regardless  of  a 
severe  wound  in  his  shoulder,  rallied  his  men  to  fresh  exer- 
tion and  held  them  in  position  until  from  exhaustion  and 
loss  of  blood  he  was  carried  from  the  field. 

In  his  official  reports  of  the  battles  of  Fort  Henry  and 
Fort  Donelson,  General  McClernand,  commanding  the 
First  Division,  speaks  highly  of  Colonel  Logan’s  conduct 
in  those  battles.  Touching  Fort  Donelson,  he  says: 
Schwartz’s  battery  being  left  unsupported  by  the  retire- 
ment of  the  Twenty-ninth,  the  Thirty-first  boldly  rushed 
to  its  defense,  and  at  the  same  moment  received  the  com- 
bined attack  of  the  forces  on  the  right  and  of  others  in 


LOGAN^  THE  SOLDIER. 


233 


front,  supposed  to  have  been  led  by  General  Buckner. 
The  danger  was  imminent,  and  calling  for  a change  of 
disposition  adapted  to  meet  it,  which  Colonel  Logan  made 
by  forming  the  right  wing  of  his  battalion  at  an  angle  with 
the  left.  In  this  order  he  supported  the  battery,  which 
continued  to  play  upon  the  enemy  and  held  him  in  check 
until  his  regiment^s  supply  of  ammunition  was  entirely 
exhausted. 

The  report  of  Colonel  Oglesby  of  the  Eighth  Illinois, 
commanding  the  first  brigade,  also  says:  ^‘Turning  to  the 
Thirty-first,  which  yet  held  its  place  in  line,  I ordered 
Colonel  Logan  to  throw  back  his  right,  so  as  to  form  a 
crotchet  on  the  right  of  the  Eleventh  Illinois.  In  this 
way  Colonel  Logan  held  in  check  the  advancing  foe  for 
some  time,  under  the  most  destructive  fire,  whilst  I endeav- 
ored to  assist  Colonel  Cruft  with  his  brigade  in  finding  a 
position  on  the  right  of  the  Thirty-first.  It  was  now  four 
hours  since  fighting  began  in  the  morning.  The  cartridge- 
boxes  of  the  Thirty-first  Avere  nearly  empty.  The  Colonel 
had  been  severely  wounded,  and  the  Lieutenant-Colonel, 
John  H.  White,  had,  with  some  thirty  others,  fallen  dead 
on  the  field,  and  a large  number  wounded.  In  this  con- 
dition Colonel  Logan  brought  off  the  remainder  of  his 
regiment  in  good  order. 

Says  another  writer:  ^^The  annals  of  the  Avar  speak 

of  General  Logan  as  being  where  danger  Avas  the  greatest 
and  the  blows  of  death  the  thickest  and  most  heavy,  and 
no  name  is  inscribed  more  brightly  upon  the  roll  of  honor 
of  Donelson.^^ 

The  ^^unconditional  surrender’^  of  Fort  Donelson, 
February  16,  1862,  was  a heavy  shock  to  the  South,  and 
correspondingly  SAvelled  with  joy  the  Northern  heart. 

At  this  distance  of  time  it  is  hard  to  realize  what  Avas 
endured  by  our  Union  soldiers  at  Donelson.  The  cold 
Avas  of  such  intensity  that  the  hands  and  feet  of  many  of 
them  were  frozen.  Everything  was  covered  with  a thick 


234 


LIFE  OF  JOHlSr  A.  LOGAK. 


crust  of  ice,  and  the  sleet  continued  to  fall  heavily  and 
ceaselessly  day  and  night  during  the  siege.  The  besiegers 
were,  moreover,  so  close  to  the  fortifications  that  no  fires 
could  be  lighted,  and  neither  officers  nor  men  had  any- 
thing to  eat  save  the  cold  cooked  rations  in  their  haver- 
sacks. 

The  following  letter  exhibits  the  fact  that  Colonel 
Logan^s  conduct  at  this  siege  had  attracted  the  personal 
attention  of  General  Grant: 

Headquarters  District  West  Tennessee, 
Fort  Henry,  March  14,  1862. 

Hon.  E.  M.  Stanton: 

Secretary  of  War,  Washington,  D.  G., — I have  been  waiting  for 
reports  of  sub-commanders  at  the  battle  of  Fort  Donelson  to  make 
some  recommendations  of  officers  for  advancement  for  meritorious 
services.  Those  reports  are  not  yet  in,  and,  as  the  troops  under  my 
command  are  actively  engaged,  may  not  be  for  some  time.  I there- 
fore take  this  occasion  to  make  some  recommendations  of  officers  who, 
in  my  opinion,  should  not  be  neglected.  I would  particularly  men- 
tion the  names  of  Colonel  J.  D.  Webster,  First  Illinois  Artillery; 
Morgan  L.  Smith,  Eighth  Missouri  Volunteers;  W.  H.  L.  Wallace, 
Eleventh  Illinois  Volunteers,  and  John  A.  Logan,  Thirty-first  Illinois 
Volunteers.  The  two  former  are  old  soldiers  and  men  of  decided 
merit.  The  two  latter  are  from  civil  pursuits,  but  I have  no  hesita- 
tion in  fully  indorsing  them  as  in  every  way  qualified  for  the  position 
of  brigadier-general,  and  think  they  have  fully  earned  the  position  on 
the  field  of  battle.  There  are  others  who  may  be  equally  meritorious, 
but  I do  not  happen  to  know  so  well  their  services. 

U.  S.  Grant,  Major-General. 

Eor  his  gallantry  in  the  reduction  of  Donelson,  Colonel 
Logan  was  accordingly  promoted  to  be  a brigadier-general 
of  volunteers.  For  some  time  he  was  confined  by  his 
wound  to  his  bed;  but  so  impatient  was  he  to  return 
to  his  command  that  with  his  wound  still  unhealed  he 
essayed  to  do  so  as  soon  as  he  was  able  to  sit  up.  He 
reached  it  on  the  evening  of  the  battle  of  Shiloh,  April  7, 
1862,  just  too  late  to  participate  in  the  engagement,  much 
to  his  disappointment. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


GENERAL  LOGAN  IN  COMMAND  OF  A BRIGADE — HIS  SER- 
VICES AT  AND  ABOUT  CORINTH — GENERAL  SHERMAN'S 
APPRECIATION  OF  THEM — LOGAN  SOLICITED  TO  RETURN 
TO  CONGRESS  — HIS  GRANDLY  PATRIOTIC  REFUSAL  — 
^^I  HAVE  ENTERED  THE  FIELD  TO  DIE,  IF  NEED  BE, 
FOR  THIS  government’^ — HIS  ONLY  POLITICS,  HIS 
''ATTACHMENT  FOR  THE  UNION.” 

Being  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  first  brigade, 
third  division  of  the  seventeenth  army  corps.  General 
Logan  took  a distinguished  part  in  the  movement  against 
Corinth;  and,  had  his  suggestions  been  acted  upon,  that 
vast,  fortified  encampment,  with  the  enemy  encamped 
therein,  would  have  been  captured,  instead  of  being  merely 
occupied  after  the  enemy  had  evacuated  it.  After  the 
occupation  of  Corinth,  General  Logan  guarded  with  his 
brigade  the  railroad  communications  with  Jackson,  Tenn., 
of  which  place  he  was  subsequently  given  the  command. 

General  Sherman,  in  his  official  report  of  the  siege  of 
Corinth,  dated  " Camp,  near  Corinth,  May  30,  1862,” 
says:  "Colonel  John  A.  Logan’s  brigade,  of  General 
Judah’s  division  of  McClernand’s  reserve  corps,  and  Gen- 
eral Yeatch’s  brigade,  of  Hurlbut’s  division,  were  placed 
subject  to  my  orders,  and  took  an  important  part  with  my 
own  division  in  the  operations  of  the  two  following  days, 
namely.  May  28  and  May  29,  1862;  and  I now  thank  the 
officers  and  men  of  those  brigades  for  the  zeal  and  enthu- 
siasm they  manifested  and  the  alacrity  they  displayed  in 
the  execution  of  every  order  given.  * * * And  further, 

I feel  under  special  obligations  to  this  officer.  General 
Logan,  who,  during  the  two  days  he  served  under  me, 

235 


236 


LIFE  OF  JOILl^  A.  LOGAFT. 


held  critical  ground  on  my  right,  extending  down  to  the 
railroad.  All  that  time  he  had  in  his  front  a large  force 
of  the  enemy,  but  so  dense  was  the  foliage  that  he  could 
not  reckon  their  strength,  save  from  what  he  could  see  in 
the  railroad  track. 

In  the  summer  of  1862,  General  Logan  was  warmly 
urged  by  his  numerous  friends  and  admirers  in  Illinois  to 
become  a candidate  for  re-election  to  Congress  as  a repre- 
sentative at  large,  but  in  a letter  glowing  with  the  fires  of 
true  patriotism.  General  Logan  answered: 

In  reply  I would  most  respectfully  remind  you  that  a compliance 
with  your  request  on  my  part  would  be  a departure  from  the  settled 
resolution  with  which  I resumed  my  sword  in  defense  and  for  the 
perpetuity  of  a government,  the  like  and  blessings  of  which  no  other 
nation  or  age  shall  enjoy,  if  once  suffered  to  he  weakened  or  destroyed. 
In  making  this  reply  I feel  that  it  is  unnecessary  to  enlarge  upon  what 
were,  or  are,  or  may  hereafter  be  my  political  views,  but  would  simply 
state  that  politics,  of  every  grade  and  character  whatsoever,  are  now 
ignored  by  me,  since  I am  convinced  that  the  Constitution  and  life  of 
the  republic — which  I shall  never  cease  to  adore — are  in  danger.  I 
express  ail  my  views  and  politics  when  I assert  my  attachment  for  the 
Union.  I have  no  other  politics  now,  and  consequently  no  aspirations 
for  civil  place  and  power.  * * Ambitious  men,  who  have  not  a 

true  love  for  their  country  at  heart,  may  bring  forth  crude  and  bootless 
questions  to  agitate  the  pulse  of  our  troubled  nation,  and  thwart  the 
preservation  of  this  Union;  but  for  none  of  such  am  I.  I have  entered 
the  field  to  die,  if  need  he,  for  this  Government,  and  never  expect  to 
return  to  peaceful  pursuits  until  the  object  of  this  war  of  preservation 
has  become  a fact  established. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


GENERAL  LOGAN  LEADS  THE  ADVANCE  IN  THE  NORTHERN 
MISSISSIPPI  CAMPAIGN  — THE  RETURN  TO  MEMPHIS, 
TENNESSEE — THE  CAMPAIGN  TO  AND  BEFORE  VICKS- 
BURG— LOGAN  IN  COMMAND  OF  THE  THIRD  DIVISION 
OF  m'PHERSON^S  corps  — CANALLING  AT  LAKE  PROVI- 
DENCE— A BOLD  PROPOSAL — LOGAN^S  MEN  MAN  THE 
TRANSPORTS  THAT  RUN  THE  TERRIBLE  FIRE  OF  VICKS- 
BURG^S  GUNS  — THE  VICTORY  OF  PORT  GIBSON  — 
LOGAN^S  MEN  DETERMINE  THE  DAY  — BATTLE  OF  THE 
BIG  BLACK  — LOGAN  FLANKS  THE  ENEMY,  WHO  ARE 
DRIVEN  AGAIN — CONSEQUENT  EVACUATION  OF  GRAND 
GULF — ^^THE  ROAD  TO  VICKSBURG  NOW  OPEN.''^ 

From  Corinth  General  Logan  with  his  matchless  men 
moved  forward,  under  Grant,  to  Vicksburg,  that  Gib- 
raltar of  the  Confederacy.’^  It  was  during  Grant’s  northern 
Mississippi  campaign  (1862-3)  that  Logan  was  promoted  to 
be  a major-general  of  volunteers  (his  commission  dating 
from  November  29,  1862).  Those  who  are  familiar  with 
the  story  of  that  memorable  campaign  will  remember  that 
General  Logan’s  command  led  the  advance  all  the  way 
from  Corinth  down  through  Holly  Springs  and  Oxford  to 
the  Yocuapataufa,  where  the  campaign  ended. 

In  the  attempt  to  take  Vicksburg  in  the  rear,  made  by 
General  Grant  in  the  fall  of  1862,  General  Logan  com- 
manded the  first  division  of  the  right  wing  of  the  thir- 
teenth corps,  so  denominated,  which  was  organized  at 
Bolivar,  Tennessee.  The  command  of  General  Logan  in 
this  campaign  was  the  main  reliance  of  the  commanding 
general,  U.  S.  Grant,  and  to  him  was  he  indebted  for  the 
discipline  and  good  order  in  which  the  troops  finally 
reached  Memphis  on  their  return,  December  31,  1862. 

237 


238 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAN. 


Upon  arrival  at  Memphis,  Tennessee,  the  Seventeenth 
Corps,  under  orders  from  the  War  Department,  was  organ- 
ized, General  Logan  being  assigned,  January  11,  1863,  to 
the  command  of  its  third  division,  which  command  he 
continued  to  hold  until  after  the  fall  of  Vicksburg. 

From  Memphis,  General  Logan^s  division  was  embarked 
on  transports,  and  proceeded  to  Lake  Providence,  near 
Vicksburg,  where,  amid  their  watery  surroundings,  efforts 
were  made  to  construct  the  famous  canal,  until  the  impa- 
tient spirit  of  leader  and  men  would  no  longer  patiently 
await  the  results  of  the  tedious  experiment  of  canal-dig- 
ging, but  boldly  proposed  to  run  past  the  frowning  cannon 
of  Vicksburg  in  vessels,  protected  only  by  bales  of  cotton 
piled  up  on  either  side  to  protect  the  brave  fellows  who 
volunteered  for  the  dangerous  service.  General  Logan^s 
command  moved  from  Lake  Providence  February  22, 
1863,  reaching  Milliken’s  Bend  April  25,  and  thence  pro- 
ceeded, by  way  of  Carthage  and  Perkins^  Plantation,  to 
Hard  Times  Landing,  below  Grand  Gulf.  Meanwhile, 
the  transports,  manned  almost  exclusively  by  volunteers 
from  Logan^s  division,  with  their  valuable  cargoes  of 
human  souls,  had  with  arrowy  speed  in  the  night  swept 
past  the  belching  batteries  of  Vicksburg,  comparatively 
unharmed  by  the  storms  of  shot  and  shell  that  poured 
upon  them.  Having  thus  secured  transports  with  which 
the  troops  could  be  crossed  over  the  Mississippi  river,  work 
was  now  to  commence  in  real  earnest  and  to  some  purpose. 
On  the  morning  of  May  1,  General  Logan’s  division  was 
ferried  across  the  river  in  these  vessels,  and  was  at  once 
pushed  toward  Port  Gibson,  where  General  McClernand 
was  engaging  the  enemy,  and  attempting,  without  success, 
to  drive  him  from  his  position.  The  official  report  of 
General  Grant  says:  McClernand,  who  was  with  the 

right  in  person,  sent  repeated  messages  to  me  before  the 
arrival  of  Logan  to  send  Logan’s  and  Quimby’s  divisions 
to  him.  Osterhaus,  of  McClernand’s  corps,  did  not  move 


LOGAK,  THE  SOLDIER. 


239 


the  enemy  from  the  position  occupied  by  him  on  our  left 
until  Logan^’s  division  of  McPherson^s  corps  arrived.  How- 
ever^ as  soon  as  the  advance  of  McPherson^’s  corj)s,  Logan^s 
division,  arrived,  I sent  one  brigade  of  the  division  to  the 
left.  By  the  judicious  disposition  made  of  this  brigade, 
under  the  immediate  supervision  of  McPherson  and  Logan, 
a position  was  obtained,  giving  us  an  advantage,  which 
drove  the  enemy  from  that  part  of  the  field,  to  make  no 
further  stand  south  of  Bayou  Pierre,  and  the  enemy  was 
here  repulsed  with  a heavy  loss  in  killed,  wounded  and 
prisoners.  He  was  pursued  toward  Port  Gibson,  but  night 
closing  in,  and  the  enemy  making  the  appearance  of 
another  stand,  the  troops  slept  upon  their  arms  until  day- 
light. Major  Stolbrand,'  with  a section  of  one  of  General 
Logan^s  batteries,  had  the  pleasure  of  firing  the  last  shot 
at  the  retreating  enemy  across  the  bridge  on  the  north  fork 
of  Bayou  Pierre,  just  at  dusk  on  that  day.’’^ 

In  this  battle  the  Union  loss  was  one  hundred  and 
thirty  killed  and  seven  hundred  and  eighteen  wounded. 
The  Union  army  captured  six  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners 
and  six  field  guns.  The  enemy  acknowledged  a loss  of 
four  hundred  and  forty-eight  killed  and  wounded  and  three 
hundred  and  eighty-four  missing.  The  Confederate  Gen- 
eral Pemberton  telegraphed  that  night  to  General  Joseph 
E.  Johnston: 

furious  battle  has  been  going  on  since  daylight 
just  below  Port  Gibson.  Enemy  can  cross  all  his  army 
from  Hard  Times  to  Bruinsburg.  I should  have  large 
reinforcements.  Enemy^s  movements  threaten  Jackson, 
and,  if  successful,  cut  off  Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson.^^ 
Early  on  the  morning  of  the  second,  it  was  found  that 
Port  Gibson  had  been  evacuated  the  previous  night  and 
that  the  enemy  had  withdrawn  across  the  two  forks  of 
Bayou  Pierre  and  burned  the  bridges  behind  him.  Badeau 
in  his  Military  History  of  U.  S.  Grant, says:  Grant 

immediately  detached  one  brigade  of  Logan^s  division  to 


240 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 


the  left^  to  engage  the  attention  of  the  rebels  there,  while 
a heavy  detail  of  McOlernand^s  troops  was  set  to  work 
rebuilding  the  bridge  across  the  South  Fork.  * * * 

While  this  was  doing,  two  brigades  of  Logan^s  division 
forded  the  bayou  and  marched  on.  * * * Mean- 

while another  division  (Crocker^s)  of  McPherson^s  corps 
had  been  ferried  across  the  Mississippi  and  * * * had 

come  up  with  the  command.  * * * Grant  now  ordered 

McPherson  to  ^Push  across  the  bayou  and  attack  the 
enemy  in  flank,  and  in  full  retreat  through  Willow  Springs, 
demoralized  and  out  of  ammunition/  McPherson  started 
at  once,  and  before  night  his  two  divisions  had  crossed  the 
South  Fork  and  marched  to  the  North  Fork,  eight  miles 
further  on.  They  found  the  bridge  at  Grindstone  Ford 
still  burning,  but  the  Are  was  extinguished  and  the  bridge 
repaired  in  the  night,  the  troops  passing  over  as  soon  as 
the  last  plank  was  laid.  This  was  at  flve  o^clock  a.m.  on 
the  third.  Before  one  brigade  had  flnished  crossing,  the 
enemy  opened  on  the  head  of  the  column  with  artillery; 
but  the  command  was  at  once  deployed,  and  the  rebels 
soon  fell  back,  their  movement  being  intended  only  to 
cover  the  retreating  force.  McPherson  followed  rapidly, 
driving  them  through  Willow  Springs,  and  gaining  the 
Cross  Eoads.  Here  Logan  was  directed  to  take  the  Grand 
Gulf  road,  while  Crocker  continued  the  direct  pursuit. 
Skirmishing  was  kept  up  all  day;  the  broken  country,  the 
narrow,  tortuous  roads  and  impassable  ravines,  offering 
great  facilities  for  this  species  of  warfare;  the  enemy 
availed  himself  fully  of  every  advantage,  contesting  the 
ground  with  great  tenacity.  This  continued  all  the  way 
to  Hankinson^s  ferry  on  the  Big  Black  river,  fifteen  miles 
from  Port  Gibson.  Several  hundred  prisoners  were  taken 
in  the  pursuit.  At  four  o^clock  in  the  afternoon,  McPher- 
son came  up  with  the  rebels,  and  Logan  at  the  same  time 
appearing  on  their  right  flanh,  caused  them  to  move  precipi- 
tously toivard  the  river.  McPherson  followed  liard,  and 


LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIER. 


241 


arrived  just  as  the  last  of  the  rebels  was  crossing,  and  in 
time  to  prevent  the  destruction  of  the  bridge.  It  being 
now  dark,  and  the  enemy  driven  across  the  Big  Black,  the 
command  was  rested  for  the  night. 

On  the  morning  of  the  third  it  was  found  that  the 
previous  night  the  enemy  had  evacuated  the  stronghold  of 
Grand  Gulf,  with  its  elaborate  and  extensive  works,  after 
burying  or  spiking  his  cannon  and  blowing  up  his  maga- 
zines. Thirteen  heavy  guns  thus  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  Union  army. 

In  a dispatch  to  Sherman,  then  at  Milliken’s  Bend, 
General  Grant  wrote  on  the  third:  Logan  is  now  on  the 

main  road  from  here  to  Jackson,  and  McPherson,  closely 
followed  by  McClernand,  on  the  branch  of  the  same  road 
from  Willow  Springs.  * * * The  road  to  Vicksburg  is 

now  open.^^  :i«  * * 

16 


CHAPTEE  XVIII. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  RAYMOND  — LOGAN^S  DIVISION  WINS  IT  — 
ONE  OF  THE  HARDEST  SMALL  BATTLES  OF  THE  WAR"^ 
— LOGAN  OUTFLANKS  THE  ENEMY  AT  THE  BATTLE  OF 
champion's  hill  and  secures  victory  to  THE  UNION 
ARMS — RETREAT  AND  ROUT  OF  THE  ENEMY — ^*THE 
MOST  COMPLETE  DEFEAT  OF  THE  CONFEDERATES  SINCE 
THE  COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  WAR. 

OX  the  12th  of  May  General  Logan  again  struck  the 
enemy^  under  Gregg  and  Walker,  at  Eaymond,  and, 
after  several  hours'  hard  fighting  drove  him  with  heavy  loss 
in  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners,  many  throwing  down  their 
arms  and  deserting  the  Confederate  cause.  General  Logan's 
division  alone  participated  in  this  fight.  General  Grant 
has  described  the  battle  of  Eaymond  as  ^^one  of  the 
hardest  small  battles  of  the  war."  And  in  this  battle  Logan 
saved  the  day  by  his  desperate  and  personal  bravery.  On 
the  14th  General  Logan^s  division  participated  in  the  battle 
of  Jackson,  Mississippi,  fought  outside  the  intrenched 
capital  of  the  State,  at  which  McPherson's  corps  had  alone 
engaged  and  routed  the  bulk  of  the  Confederate  General 
Johnston's  command,  had  captured  all  his  artillery,  seven- 
teen cannon,  the  enemy  losing,  in  killed,  wounded  and 
prisoners,  eight  hundred  and  forty-five  men.  Grant  slept 
that  night  in  the  house  which  the  night  before  had  been 
occupied  by  Johnston. 

Historians  agree  that  the  battle  of  Champion's  Hill, 
fought  May  16,  was  one  of  the  most  spirited  and  hotly 
contested  battles  of  the  war.  Badeau  thus  describes  the 
field  and  the  battle: 

^^The  enemy  was  strongly  posted,  with  his  left  on  a 
high  wooded  ridge,  called  Champion's  Hill,  over  which  the 

242 


LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIER. 


243 


road  to  Edwards  station  makes  a sharp  turn  to  the  south, 
as  it  strikes  the  hills.  This  ridge  rises  sixty  or  seventy  feet 
above  the  surrounding  country,  and  is  the  highest  land  for 
many  miles  around;  the  topmost  point  is  bald,  and  gave 
the  rebels  a commanding  position  for  their  artillery;  but 
the  remainder  of  the  crest,  as  well  as  a precipitous  hill  to 
the  east  of  the  road,  is  covered  by  a dense  forest  and 
undergrowth,  and  scarred  with  deep  ravines,  through 
whose  entanglements  troops  could  pass  only  with  extreme 
difficulty.  To  the  north  the  timber  extends  a short  dis- 
tance down  the  hill,  and  then  opens  into  cultivated  fields 
on  a gentle  slope  toward  Bakers  Creek,  almost  a mile 
away.  The  rebel  line  ran  southward  along  the  crest,  its 
centre  covering  the  middle  road  from  Eaymond,  while  the 
extreme  right  was  on  the  direct  or  southern  road.  The 
whole  line  was  about  four  miles  long.  Midway  Hill,  so- 
called  because  midway  betwixt  Jackson  and  Vicksburg,  or 
Champion^s  Hill,  so-called  because  Champion  was  the 
name  of  the  principal  land  proprietor  of  the  neighborhood, 
on  the  rebel  left,  was  evidently  the  key  to  the  whole  posi- 
tion. * ❖ * 

Continuous  firing  had  been  kept  up  all  the  morning 
between  Hovey^s  skirmishers  and  tlie  rebel  advance;  and 
by  eleven  o’clock  this  grew  into  a battle.  At  this  time 
Hovey’s  division  was  deployed  to  move  westward  against 
the  hill,  the  two  brigades  of  Logan  supporting  him. 
Logan  was  formed  in  the  open  field,  facing  the  northern 
side  of  the  ridge,  and  only  about  four  hundred  yards  from 
the  enemy,  Logan’s  front  and  the  main  front  of  Hovey’s 
division  being  nearly  at  right  angles  with  each  other.  As 
Hovey  advanced,  his  line  conformed  to  the  shape  of  the 
hill,  and  became  crescent-like,  the  concave  toward  the 
hill.  McPherson  now  posted  two  batteries  on  his  extreme 
right,  and  well  in  advance.  These  poured  a destructive 
enfilading  fire  upon  the  enemy,  under  cover  of  which  the 
national  line  began  to  mount  the  hill.  The  enemy  at  once 


244 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAN. 


replied  with  a murderous  discharge  of  musketry,  and  the 
battle  soon  raged  hotly  all  along  the  line,  from  Hovey’s 
extreme  left  to  the  right  of  Logan;  but  Hovey  pushed 
steadily  on,  and  drove  the  rebels  back  six  hundred  yards, 
till  eleven  guns  and  three  hundred  prisoners  were  capt- 
ured, and  the  brow  of  the  height  was  gained.  The  road 
here  formed  a natural  fortification,  which  the  rebels  made 
haste  to  use.  It  was  cut  through  the  crest  of  the  ridge  at 
the  steepest  part,  the  bank  on  the  upper  side  commanding 
all  below;  so  that  even  where  the  national  troops  had 
apparently  gained  the  road  the  rebels  stood  behind  this 
novel  breastwork,  covered  from  every  fire,  and  masters 
still  of  the  whole  declivity.  These  were  the  only  fortifica- 
tions at  Champion^s  Hill,  but  they  answered  the  rebels 
well.  * * *'* 

For  awhile  Hovey  bore  the  whole  brunt  of  the  battle, 
and,  after  a desperate  resistance,  v/as  compelled  to  fall 
back,  though  slowly  and  stubbornly,  losing  several  of  the 
guns  he  had  taken  an  hour  before.  But  Grant  * * * 

sent  in  a brigade  of  Crocker’s  division,  which  had  just 
arrived.  These  fresh  troops  gave  Hovey  confidence,  and 
the  height,  that  had  been  gained  with  fearful  loss,  was 
still  retained.  * * * 

Meanwhile,  the  rebels  had  made  a desperate  attempt, 
on  their  left,  to  capture  the  battery  in  McPhersoiFs  corps 
which  was  doing  them  so  much -damage.  They  were,  how- 
ever, promptly  repelled  by  Smith’s  brigade  of  Logan’s 
division,  which  drove  them  back  with  great  slaughter, 
capturing  many  prisoners.  Discovering  now  that  his  own 
left  was  nearly  turned,  the  enemy  made  a determined  effort 
to  turn  the  left  of  Hovey,  precipitating  on  that  commander 
all  his  available  force;  and,  while  Logan  Avas  carrying 
everything  before  him,  the  closely-pressed  and  nearly 
exhausted  troops  of  Hovey  were  again  compelled  to  retire. 
They  had  been  fighting  nearly  three  hours,  and  were 
fatigued  and  out  of  ammunition,  but  fell  back  doggedly. 


LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIER. 


245 


and  not  far.  The  tide  of  battle  at  this  point  seemed 
turning  against  the  national  forces,  and  Hovey  sent  back 
repeatedly  for  support.  Grant,  however,  was  momentarily 
expecting  the  advance  of  McClernand^s  four  divisions,  and 
never  doubted  the  result.  * * * That  commander, 

however,  did  not  arrive;  and  Grant,  seeing  the  critical 
condition  of  affairs,  now  directed  McPherson  to  move 
what  troops  he  could,  by  a left  flank,  around  to  the 
enemy^s  right  front,  on  the  crest  of  the  ridge.  The  pro- 
longation of  Logan  to  the  right  had  left  a gap  between 
him  and  Hovey,  and  into  this  the  two  remaining  brigades 
of  Crocker  were  thrown.  The  movement  was  promptly 
executed;  Boomer’s  brigade  went  at  once  into  the  fight, 
and  checked  the  rebel  advance  till  Holmes’  brigade  came 
up,  when  a dashing  charge  was  made,  and  Hovey  and 
Crocker  were  hotly  engaged  for  forty  minutes,  Hovey 
recapturing  five  of  the  guns  he  had  already  taken  and  lost. 
But  the  enemy  had  massed  his  forces  on  this  point,  and 
the  irregularity  of  the  ground  prevented  the  use  of  artil- 
lery in  enfilading  him.  Though  baffled  and  enraged,  he 
still  fought  with  courage  and  obstinacy,  and  it  was  appar- 
ent that  the  national  line  was  in  dire  need  of  assistance; 
in  fact,  the  position  was  in  danger. 

At  this  crisis,  Stevenson’s  brigade  of  Logan’s  division 
was  moved  forward  at  a double-quick  into  a piece  of  wood 
on  the  extreme  right  of  the  command;  the  brigade  moved 
parallel  with  Logan’s  general  line  of  battle,  charged  across 
the  ravines,  up  the  hill,  and  through  an  open  field,  driving 
the  enemy  from  an  important  position,  where  he  was  about 
to  establish  his*  batteries,  capturing  seven  guns  and  several 
hundred  prisoners.  The  main  Vicksburg  road,  after  fol- 
lowing the  ridge  in  a southerly  direction  for  about  a mile, 
to  the  point  of  intersection  with  the  middle  Raymond 
road,  turns  almost  to  the  west  again,  running  down  the 
hill  and  across  the  valley  where  Logan  was  now  operating, 
in  the  rear  of  the  enemy.  Unconscious  of  this  immense 


246 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGA^. 


advantage,  Logan  swept  directly  across  the  road,  and  abso- 
lutely cut  off  the  rebel  line  of  retreat  to  Edward’s  Station 
without  being  aware  of  it.  At  this  very  Juncture,  Grant, 
finding  that  there  was  no  prospect  of  McOlernand  reaching 
the  field,  and  that  the  scales  were  still  balanced  at  the 
critical  point,  thought  himself  obliged,  in  order  to  still 
further  re-enforce  Hovey  and  Crocker  in  front,  to  recall 
Logan  from  the  rights  where  he  was  overlapping  and  out- 
flanking the  rebel  left.  Had  the  national  commander 
been  acquainted  with  the  country,  he  would,  of  course, 
have  ordered  Logan  to  push  on  in  the  rear  of  the  enemy, 
and  thus  secured  the  capture  or  annihilation  of  the  whole 
rebel  army.  But  the  entire  region  was  new  to  the  national 
troops,  and  this  great  opportunity  unknown.  As  it  was, 
however,  the  moment  Logan  left  the  road,  the  enemy, 
alarmed  for  his  line  of  retreat,  finding  it,  indeed,  not  only 
threatened,  but  almost  gone,  at  once  abandoned  his  posi- 
tion in  front.  At  this  crisis,  a national  battery  opened 
from  the  right,  proving  a well-directed  fire,  and  the  victo- 
rious troops  of  Hovey  and  Crocker  pressing  on,  the  enemy 
once  more  gave  way;  the  rebel  line  was  rolled  back  for  the 
third  time,  and  the  battle  decided. 

Before  the  result  of  the  final  charge  was  known, 
Logan  rode  eagerly  up  to  Grant,  declaring  that  if  one 
more  dash  could  be  made  in  front,  he  would  advance  in 
the  rear,  and  complete  the  capture  of  the  rebel  army. 
Grant  at  once  rode  forward  in  person,  and  found  the 
troops  that  had  been  so  gallantly  engaged  for  hours  with- 
drawn from  their  most  advanced  position,  and  re-filling 
their  cartridge-boxes.  Explaining  the  position  of  Logan’s 
force,  he  directed  them  to  use  all  dispatch  and  push  for- 
ward as  rapidly  as  possible.  He  proceeded  himself  in 
haste  to  what  had  been  Pemberton’s  line,  expecting  every 
moment  to  come  uj)  with  the  enemy,  but  found  the  rebels 
had  already  broken  and  fled  from  the  field.  Logan’s 


LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIER. 


247 


attack  had  precipitated  the  rout,  and  the  battle  of  Cham- 
pion^s  Hill  was  won. 

^^The  rout  of  the  rebels  was  complete. 

The  enemy^s  loss  at  Champion^s  Hill  was  between  three 
thousand  and  four  thousand  in  killed  and  wounded,  and 
nearly  three  thousand  prisoners  were  captured  on  the  field 
or  in  the  pursuit.  Logan  alone  captured  eleven  guns  and 
one  thousand  three  hundred  prisoners.  Some  thirty  can- 
non, numerous  stands  of  colors,  and  large  quantities  of 
small  arms  and  ammunition  were  among  the  spoils  of  this 
victory.  And  besides  routing  the  enemy,  one  of  his  divis- 
ions (Loring’s)  was  entirely  cut  off  from  Pemberton^s 
army  and  never  again  rejoined  it.  The  pursuit  was  kept 
up  until  night  by  the  seventeenth  corps — Logan^'s  division 
reaching  a point  within  three  miles  of  Black  Kiver  bridge, 
before  going  into  bivouac.  The  preceding  extract  from 
Badeau^s  work  has  been  given  partly  because  of  its  descrip- 
tive interest  of  a sanguinary  victory  in  which  General 
Logan  was  hotly  engaged,  but  mainly  to  show  that  he  and 
his  command  deserve  the  credit  of  it.  For  brilliant 
charges  and  deeds  of  desperate  daring  no  battle  of  the  war 
excelled  it.  But  it  was  by  Logan’s  movement  on  the  right 
that  the  battle  of  Champion’s  Hill  was  won,  and  the  enemy, 
with  Pemberton  at  the  head,  so  completely  routed  and 
demoralized  that  he  hardly  stopped  in  his  retreat  until  he 
had  reached  the  protecting  walls  of  his  stronghold  in  Vicks- 
burg. It  was  a terribly  bloody  battle.  AVhen  our  troops 
halted  along  the  slopes  of  Champion’s  Hill,”  says  the 
Comte  de  Paris  in  his  History  of  the  Civil  War  in  Amer- 
ica, ^^the  dead  and  wounded  were  piled  together  in  such 
vast  numbers  that  these  soldiers,  although  tried  on  many  a 
battle-field,  called  the  place  ^the  Hill  of  Death.’”  The 
same  eminent  and  impartial  authority  says:  ^‘^The  battle 

of  Champion’s  Hill,  considering  the  number  of  troops 
engaged,  could  not  compare  with  the  great  conflicts  we 
have  already  mentioned,  but  it  produced  results  far  more 


248 


LIFE  OF  JOHII  A.  LOGAX. 


important  than  most  of  those  great  hecatombs,  like 
Shiloh,  Fair  Oaks,  Murfreesboro^,  Fredericksburg,  and 
Chancellorsville,  which  left  the  two  adversaries^  fronting 
eacli  other,  both  unable  to  resume  the  fight.  It  loas  the 
most  complete  defeat  the  Confederates  had  sustained  since 
the  commencement  of  the  tear.  They  left  on  the  field  of 
battle  from  three  to  four  thousand  killed  and  wounded, 
three  thousand  able-bodied  prisoners,  and  thirty  pieces  of 
artillery.  But  these  figures  can  convey  no  idea  of  the 
magnitude  of  the  check  experienced  by  Pemberton,  from 
which  he  could  not  again  recover.  . * * * This  battle 

loas  the  croivning  loorh  of  the  operations  conducted  by 
Grant  with  equal  audacity  and  skill  since  his  landing  at 
Bruinsburg.  In  outfianking  Pemberton^s  left  along  the 
slopes  of  Champion^s  Hill  he  had  completely  cut  ofE  the 
latter  from  all  retreat  north.  Notwithstanding  the  very 
excusable  error  he  had  committed  in  stopping  LogaiPs 
movement  for  a short  time,  the  latter  had,  through  this 
manoeuvre,  secured  victory  to  the  Federal  army. 

General  Grant,  in  his  report  of  this  battle,  uses  the  fol- 
lowing language:  Logan  rode  up  at  this  time,  and  told 

me  that  if  Hovey  could  make  another  dash  at  the  enemy, 
he  could  come  up  from  where  he  then  teas  and  capture  the 
greater  part  of  their  force;  which  suggestions  were  acted 
upon  and  fully  realized, 

Thus,  as  we  have  seen,  the  enemy  was  driven  in  confu- 
sion and  rout  from  Champion^s  Hill  and  across  the  Big 
Black  river  until  he  found  a brief  respite  within  his 
entrenchments  around  the  city  of  Vicksburg,  with  the 
besieging  lines  of  the  Union  army  around  him. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


THE  SIEGE  OF  VICKSBURG  — THE  GIBRALTER  OF  THE 
SOUTH  — LOGAK  AT  THE  CENTER — BOMBARDMENT  BY 
LAND  AND  WATER — THE  TWO  DESPERATE  AND  BLOODY 
ASSAULTS — THE  REGULAR  SIEGE  WORKS — LOGAN  BLOWS 
UP  FORT  HILL,  THE  ^-MELAKOFF^"  OF  VICKSBURG — THE 
FIGHT  OF  LOGAN^S  MEN  IN  THE  CRATER — LOGAN^S  CLOSE 
APPROACHES  TO  THE  ENEMY^S  WORKS — HE  ADVISES  A 
FINAL  ASSAULT,  ORDERS  FOR  WHICH  ARE  ISSUED — THE 
ARMISTICE  AND  SURRENDER — LOGAN’S  COLUMN  LEADS 
THE  ENTRY  — HE  IS  MADE  MILITARY  GOVERNOR  OF 
VICKSBURG,  AND  RECEIVES  A MEDAL. 

WHEN  we  consider  the  wonderful  natural  strength  of 
that  position,  truly  one  of  nature’s  fastnesses,  for- 
tified by  a horse-shoe-like  line  of  hills,  the  points  of  the  shoe 
touching  the  Mississippi  river  above  and  below  the  city, 
and  remember  that  every  available  means  at  the  command 
of  the  confederacy  had  been  brought  to  bear  to  make  it  in- 
vulnerable, that  their  most  powerful  cannon  bristled  from 
every  hill-top,  that  the  frowning  bluffs  were  studded  with 
batteries  and  seamed  with  rifle  pits,”  that  their  best 
soldiery  manned  the  guns:  and  wlien  we  remember  further, 
that  the  country  immediately  outside  and  for  miles  around 
was  one  vast  swamp  heavily  forested  with  trees,  interwoven 
with  semi-tropical  vines  and  rank  parasitic  vegetation,  not 
unlike  the  tropical  growth  along  the  Amazon  and  other 
South  American  rivers;  we  are  amazed  at  the  result  of 
this  famous  siege,  and  feel  that  our  soldiers  must  have 
been  aided  by  some  supernatural  power. 

^^On  the  morning  of  the  18th,”  says  the  Comte  de 
Paris,  in  his  history,  Pemberton,  with  all  his  troops, 
shut  himself  up  inside  of  the  vast  fortifications  constructed 

249 


250 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAil. 


around  Vicksburg.  His  forces,  including  the  sick  and  a 
very  small  number  of  wounded,  for  those  of  Champion^s 
Hill  had  all  remained  on  the  battle-field,  amounted  to 
thirty-three  thousand  men.  ^ ^ ^ Qn  the  morning  of 

the  19th  the  investment  of  Vicksburg  was  complete.  Mc- 
Clernand  on  the  left,  McPherson  on  the  center,  and  Sher- 
man on  the  right,  surrounded  the  place  from  the  Missis- 
sippi on  the  south  to  the  Yazoo  at  the  north.  Pemberton 
had  abandoned  all  the  outer  works  without  a fight.  * * * 
Grant^s  army,  reduced  by  fighting  and  rapid  machinery, 
did  not  reach  forty  thousand  men.^^ 

Says  Badeau:  ^^The  ground  on  which  the  city  of 

Vicksburg  stands  is  supposed  by  some  to  have  been  origi- 
nally a plateau,  four  or  five  miles  long  and  about  two  miles 
wide,  and  two  or  three  hundred  feet  above  the  Mississippi 
river.  This  plateau  has  been  gradually  washed  away  by 
rains  and  storms,  until  it  is  transformed  into  a labyrinth 
of  sharp  edges  and  deep  irregular  ravines.  The  soil  is 
fine,  and  when  cut  vertically  by  the  action  of  the  water 
remains  in  a perpendicular  position  for  years;  and  the 
smaller  and  newer  ravines  are  often  so  deep  that  their  ascent 
is  difficult  to  a footman,  unless  he  aids  himself  with  his 
hands.  The  sides  of  the  declivities  are  thickly  wooded, 
and  the  bottoms  of  the  ravines  nearly  level,  except  when 
the  streams  that  formed  them  have  been  unusually 
large.  * * * 

The  whole  line  was  between  seven  and  eight  miles 
long,  exclusive  of  the  four  miles  of  rifie-trench  and  heavy 
batteries  on  the  water  front.  It  consisted  of  a series  of 
detached  works,  on  prominent  and  commanding  points, 
connected  by  a continuous  line  of  trench  or  rifie  pits.  The 
works  were  necessarily  irregular,  from  the  shape  of  the 
ridges  on  which  they  were  situated,  and  in  only  one  instance' 
closed  at  the  gorge.  They  were  placed  at  distances  of 
from  seventy-five  to  five  hundred  yards  from  each  other. 
The  connecting  rifie  pit  was  simple,  and  generally  about 


LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIER. 


251 


breast-high.  The  ravines  were  the  only  ditches,  except  in 
front  of  the  detached  works,  but  as  no  others  were  needed, 
trees  being  felled  in  front  of  the  whole  line,  and  forming 
in  many  places,  entanglements,  which  under  fire,  were 
absolutely  impassable.  * * * The  whole  aspect  of  the 

rugged  fastness,  bristling  with  bayonets,  and  crowned  with 
artillery  that  swept  the  narrow  defiles  in  every  direction, 
was  calculated  to  inspire  new  courage  in  those  who  came 
thronging  into  its  recesses  and  behind  its  bulwarks,  from 
their  succession  of  disasters  in  the  open  field. 

It  was  on  the  morning  of  the  nineteenth,  as  has  been 
seen,  that  Grant^s  forces,  in  the  order  named,  completed 
the  investment  of  Vicksburg,  forming  his  line  across  these 
wooded  cliffs  and  rugged  chasms, and  it  was  at  two 
o'clock  p.m.  of  that  day  that  a concerted  and  simultaneous 
assault  along  the  whole  line  was  made  upon  the  enemy's 
fortifications.  In  the  meantime,  however,  the  enemy  had 
recovered  his  spirits  and  met  the  assault  with  such 
spirit  and  energy  at  all  points,  that  our  troops  failed  to 
get  a footing  within  his  works.  It  enabled  the  Union 
forces,  however,  to  take  and  hold  advanced  positions, 
unveiled  the  tremendous  difficulties  that  opposed  them, 
developed  the  enemy's  plan  of  defense,  and  at  the  expense 
of  Federal  losses  amounting  to  four  or  five  hundred  men, 
demonstrated  that  it  was  a serious  matter  to  storm  works 
so  well  defended  at  all  points.  However,  both  moral  and 
military  reasons  impelled  General  Grant  to  order  another 
general  assault  along  the  whole  line  to  take  place  on  the 
twenty-second  at  ten  o'clock  a.m.,  to  be  supported  by  the 
concentrated  fire  of  all  the  land  batteries,  and  of  Porter's 
mortar  boats  and  iron-clads  on  the  river  side  of  Vicks- 
burg. At  three  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty- 
second,"  says  Badeau,  ^^the  cannonade  began  from  the 
land  side;  every  available  gun  was  brought  to  bear  on  the 
works;  sharpshooters  at  the  same  time  began  their  part  of 
tlie  action,  and  nothing  could  be  heal’d  but  the  continued 


252 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAK. 


shrieking  of  shells,  the  heavy  booming  of  cannon,  and  the 
sharp  whiz  of  the  minnie  balls  as  they  sped  with  fatal 
accuracy  toward  the  devoted  town.  Vicksburg  was  encir- 
cled by  a girdle  of  fire;  on  river  and  shore,  a line  of  mighty 
cannon  poured  destruction  from  their  fiery  throats,  while 
the  mortars  played  incessantly,  and  made  the  heavens 
themselves  seem  to  drop  down  malignant  meteors  on  the 
rebellious  stronghold.  The  bombardment  was  the  most 
terrible  during  the  siege,  and  continued,  without  inter- 
mission, until  nearly  eleven  o^clock,  while  the  sharpshoot- 
ers kept  up  such  a rapid  and  galling  fire  that  the  rebel 
cannoneers  could  seldom  rise  to  load  their  pieces;  the 
enemy  was  thus  able  to  make  only  ineifectual  replies,  and 
the  formation  of  the  columns  of  attack  was  undisturbed.'’^ 
At  the  appointed  time  to  the  minute,  the  assault  was 
made — at  the  cost  of  three  thousand  Union  soldiers  killed 
or  wounded — and  failed  completely,  despite  the  heroism 
of  all  who  took  part  in  it.  Says  Badeau:  This  assault 

was,  in  some  respects,  unparalleled  in  the  wars  of  modern 
times.  No  attack  on  fortifications  of  such  strength  had 
ever  been  undertaken  by  the  great  European  captains, 
unless  the  assaulting  party  outnumbered  the  defenders  by 
at  least  three  to  one.'’'’ 

The  assaults  having  failed,  re-enforcements  were  sent 
for,  and  the  Union  army  in  the  order  previously  named, 
sat  down  to  a regular  siege — the  details  of  which  would  be 
too  tedious  for  the  purposes  of  this  sketch.  Suffice  it  to 
say,  that  General  Logan  was  very  conspicuous  during  this 
memorable  time.  He  commanded  McPherson^s  centre 
opposite  Fort  Hill — the  Malakolf  of  Vicksburg.  It  was  his 
command  that  tapped  and  mined  this  key  to  the  Confed- 
erate Sebastopol.  It  was  his  command  that,  after  the 
successful  explosion,  stormed  the  gaping  breach  and  fought 
the  hand-to-hand  fight  in  the  bloody  crate.  So  greatly  did 
he  distinguish  himself,  that  a powerful  battery  was  named 
after  him,  Battery  Logan,'’^  and  Grant  was  often  with 


LOGAlSr,  THE  SOLDIER. 


253 

him  at  his  quarters  for  observation  and  consultation.  He 
was  one  of  the  two  generals^  out  of  the  council  of  thirteen 
who — when  the  approaches  at  ten  different  points  had 
reached  so  near  to  the  enemy’s  works  that  the  men  of  the 
two  armies  conversed  across  the  lines — on  the  1st  of  July 
advised  General  Grant  to  again  assault  the  enemy’s  works, 
whereupon  Grant  determined  to  niake  the  final  assault  on 
the  6th  of  July.  But  in  the  meantime,  July  3,  Pemberton 
proposed  an  armistice  with  a view  to  arranging  terms  for 
the  capitulation  of  the  great  fortress.  It  was  in  front  of 
Logan’s  headquarters  that  the  famous  interview  between 
Pemberton  and  Grant  was  had  at  three  o’clock  that  same 
afternoon — at  which  Logan  was  joresent.  It  was  Logan’s 
column  also  that  on  the  4th  of  July,  1863,  was  the  first  to 
enter  the  vast  conquered  stronghold.  Says  the  Comte  de 
Paris  in  his  interesting  history  of  this  terrible  and  bloody 
siege:  Logan’s  division  was  the  first  to  enter  Vicksburg,” 

and,  he  adds:  ^Ht  had  fully  deserved  thislionor.  Grant  rode 
at  the  head.”  Says  Badeau : Logan’s  division  was  one  of 

those  which  had  approached  nearest  the  rebel  works,  and 
now  was  the  first  to  enter  the  town.  It  had  been  heavily 
engaged  in  both  assaults,  and  was  fairly  entitled  to  this 
honor.  The  Forty-fifth  Illinois  Infantry  marched  at  the 
head  of  the  column,  and  placed  its  battle-torn  flag  on  the 
court-house  of  Vicksburg.  Grant  rode  into  the  town,  with 
his  staff,  at  the  head  of  Logan’s  division.  ” 

But  no  history,  yet  written,  has  done  full  justice  to 
Logan’s  great  services  during  this  remarkable  siege,  the 
result  of  which  was  the  surrender  to  the  Union  arms  of 
31,600  men,  including  2,153  ofiicers  of  whom  15  were 
generals,  and  172  cannon — the  largest  capture  of  men  and 
material  ever  made  in  war — the  immediate  fall  of  Port 
Hudson,  and  the  opening  of  the  Mississippi  from  Cairo  to 
the  Gulf.  Grant,  however,  recognized  that  to  him  was  due 
the  command  of  the  fallen  city,  and  Logan  was  made  its 
military  governor.  His  valor  was  fitly  recognized  in  the 


254 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 


presentation^  made  to  him  by  the  Board  of  Honor  of  the 
Seventeenth  Army  Corps,  of  a gold  medal  inscribed  with 
the  names  of  the  nine  battles  in  which  he  had  been  most 
distinguished  for  heroism  and  generalship. 


CHAPTEE  XX. 


A MILITARY  INTERLUDE  — LOGAN  TAKES  THE  STUMP  IN 
SUPPORT  OP  THE  LINCOLN  ADMINISTRATION — HE  AT- 
TACKS '^THE  ENEMY  IN  THE  REAR"' — HIS  ELOQUENT 
APPEALS  TO  THE  PATRIOTISM  OF  THE  NORTH  TO  STAND 
BY  THE  GOVERNMENT  AND  IT^  ARMIES  — THE  GOOD 
THEY  DID  TO  ^^THE  CAUSE." 

Having  inaugurated  and  perfected  the  administration 
of  affairs  at  Vicksburg,  General  Logan,  at  the  sug- 
gestion of  his  superiors,  took  a short  leave  of  absence  for  a 
visit  to  the  North,  where  he  frequently  addressed  large  as- 
semblies of  his  fellow-citizens  in  speeches  of  fiery  eloquence 
and  burning  zeal  and  devotion  to  the  cause  of  the  Union. 
That  year  (1863)  was  one  of  great  importance  to  the  future 
of  the  Government  in  a civil  as  well  as  a military  point  of 
view.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  issued  his  proclamation  of  eman- 
cipation— a measure  which  the  Northern  sympathizers  with 
the  South  were  slow  to  indorse.  Hence  it  was  that  it  was 
thought  desirable  to  have  Logan  spend  a short  time  in 
the  canvass  prior  to  the  elections  of  that  year.  He  ac- 
cordingly took  the  stump  in  Illinois  and  advocated  the 
election  of  the  Eepublican  ticket  and  the  carrying  out  of 
the  emancipation  of  every  slave  in  the  Union.  While  thus 
engaged  in  fighting  Copperheads  in  the  rear,  it  was,  that  in 
his  Carbondale  speech  of  July  31,  1863,  when  accused  by  a 
set  of  men  who  once  claimed  to  be  his  friends,  with  having 
forgotten  his  party,  he  turned  upon  them  in  all  the  fierce- 
ness of  patriotic  anger,  exclaiming:  I am  not  a politician 

to-day,  and  I thank  God  for  it ! I am  not  like  those  who 
cling  to  party  as  their  only  hope."  In  his  Chicago  speech 
of  August  10,  1863,  alluding  to  the  taunt  that  he  was  an 
^^abolitionist"  he  said:  ^^If  every  man  in  this  country  is 

255 


256 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 


called  an  abolitionist^  that  is  willing  to  fight  for  and  sustain 
his  government^  let  him  be  called  so.  If^  belonging  to  the 
United  States  and  being  true  and  valiant  soldiers^  meeting 
the  steel  of  Southern  revolutionists^  marching  to  the 
music  of  this  Union,  loving  the  flag  of  our  country  and 
standing  by  it  in  its  severest  struggles — if  that  makes  us 
abolitionists,  let  all  of  us  be  abolitionists.  If  it  makes  a 
man  an  abolitionist  to  love  his  country,  then  I love  my 
country,  am  willing  to  live  for  it,  and  willing  to  die  for  it. 
If  it  makes  a man  an  abolitionist  to  love  and  revere  that 
flag,  then  I say,  be  it  so.  If  it  makes  a man  an  abolitionist  to 
love  to  hear  ‘The  Star-Spangled  Banner^  sung,  and  be  proud 
to  hear  that  such  words  were  ever  penned,  or  could  ever  be 
sung  upon  the  battle-field  by  our  soldiers,  then  I am  proud 
to  be  an  abolitionist,  and  I wish  to  high  heaven  that  we 
had  a million  more:  then,  aur  rebellion  would  be  at  an  end, 
and  peace  would  again  fold  her  gentle  wings  over  a united 
people,  and  the  old  Union  and  the  old  friendship  again  make 
happy  the  land  where  now  the  rebel  flag  flaunts  dismally 
in  the  sultry  Southern  air."^^ 

Alluding  in  the  same  great  speech  to  Northern  Cop- 
perheads, he  said:  ‘‘Now,  I want  to  ask  you,  how  is  it 

possible  for  any  man  in  a country  like  this,  to  be  dis- 
loyal to  his  government?  How  is  it  possible  that  any  man 
in  this  country  can  conceive  the  thought  or  idea  of  sym- 
pathizing with  rebellion  against  such  a government  as 
this?  ^ Where  is  the  cause  for  it?  Where  is  the 
reason  of  it?  Where  the  justification?  There  is  none  to  be 
found,  not  one;  and  if  any  man  becomes  disloyal,  it  is 
because  there  are  devilish  designs  and  corruptions  at  his 
heart. 

“ My  countrymen,  let  us  look  back  for  a few  years  and 
view  the  prosperity  and  happiness  that  blessed  all  our  land; 
and  then  cast  your  eyes  around  and  see  the  condition  of 
our  country  now.  Do  not  ask  yourselv^es  who  is  President, 
or  what  may  be  his  politics;  but  ask,  have  we  not  hitherto 


LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIER. 


%o7 


had  a good  and  beneficent  government?  And,  if  so,  have 
we  not  the  same  government  yet?  Your  answer  must  be 
in  the  affirmative;  and,  my  friends,  if  we  are  but  true  to 
ourselves,  true  to  our  cause,  true  to  the  principles  we  have 
been  educated  in  from  our  earliest  infancy,  we  shall  have 
that  government  still. 

Turn,  if  you  please,  your  thoughts  to  the  many  san- 
guinary battles  of  the  Eevolution.  See  what  it  cost  our 
sires  to  establish  this  government!  Did  they  not  pour  out 
their  blood  freely  as  water  to  accomplish  this,  to  give  us 
this  priceless  heritage  of  national  liberty  and  independ- 
ence, under  a form  of  government  that  should  exist  for- 
ever? Consider  these  sacred  remembrances  of  those 
illustrious  men,  and  then  tell  me  whether  it  is  worth  ^;re- 
serving;  tell  me  whether  this  rebellion,  begun  in  infamy, 
perjury  and  crime,  carried  on  by  blood,  pillage  and  treason, 
and  to  end,  if  successful,  in  destroying  forever  the  last 
hope  of  mankind,  tell  me  if  this  shall  succeed?  [Cries  of 
No,  never!] 

In  all  these  facts  we  may  realize  a lesson  clearly 
pointing  out  our  duty.  It  is  to  lay  fast  hold  of  that  old 
flag,  keep  step  to  the  music  of  the  Union,  unfurl  its  ample 
folds,  and  with  a heart  of  courage,  a will  that  knows  no 
faltering  or  dismay,  let  it  flutter  over  every  burg,  and  wave 
over  every  town  and  hamlet,  until  all  traitors,  like  the 
wicked  prince  of  Babylon,  shall  smite  their  knees  in 
terror  and  dismay,  as  if  the  handwriting  was  upon  the 
wall.  Let  them  know  that  they  must  bow  before  it  or  kiss 
its  untarnished  folds,  and  swear  by  all  that  is  great  and 
good  never  to  violate  its  sanctity  or  infringe  a right  it 
represents — let  this  be  done  and  all  will  be  well.  And  I 
appeal  to  and  entreat  you  all,  my  countrymen,  by  all  that 
you  hold  sacred;  by  the  glorious  memories  of  the  past, 
the  once  bright  hopes  of  the  future;  by  the  memory  of  the 
gallant  ones  who  have  fallen  on  the  gory  fields  of  the 
South;  by  the  wounded  and  suffering  who  still  languish  in 

17 


258 


LIFE  OF  JOHlSr  A.  LOGAK. 


our  midst;  by  the  sorrow  and  mourning  that  this  wicked 
rebellion  has  brought  upon  our  once  happy  and  favored 
land,  to  be  faithful,  vigilant,  untiring,  unswerving,  deter- 
mined, come  what  may,  dare  to  be  men  and  do  what  is 
right.  Stand  by  your  country  in  all  her  trials,  at  every 
hazard  or  at  any  cost. 

Let  it  not  be  said  that  those  glorious  boys  who  now 
sleep  beneath  the  red  clay  of  the  South,  or  the  green  sod 
of  our  own  loved  State,  have  died  in  vain.  Let  those  who 
are  traducing  the  soldiers  of  the  government  know  the 
enormity*  of  their  crime  and  their  error — try  to  reclaim 
them  and  bring  them  back  to  duty  and  to  honor.  If  they 
heed  not  your  appeals — if  they  still  persist  in  their  error 
and  heresies — if  they  will  not  aid  in  maintaining  the  gov- 
ernment and  laws  that  protect  them,  and  continue  in  their 
wicked  aid  and  encouragement  to  this  rebellion — send 
them  to  the  other  side  where  they  belong,  for  the  man 
who  can  live  in  this  peaceful,  happy  and  prosperous  land 
and  not  be  loyal  and  true  to  it,  ought,  like  Cain,  to  be 
branded  by  an  indelible  mark  and  banished  forever  from 
his  native  paradise.  No  traitor,  no  sympathizer,  no  man 
who  can  lisp  a word  in  favor  of  this  rebellion,  or  impair 
the  chances  of  the  Union  cause,  is  fit  for  any  other  ruler 
than  Jeff.  Davis.  He  should  be  put  in  front  of  the  Union 
army,  where  he  will  get  justice.  [Applause.] 

The  man  that  can  to-day  raise  his  voice  against  the 
Constitution,  the  laws  of  the  government,  with  the  design 
of  injuring,  or  in  any  way  obstructing  their  operation, 
should,  if  I could  pass  sentence  upon  him,  be  hung  fifty 
cubits  higher  than  Hamto,  until  his  body  blackened  in  the 
sun  and  his  bones  rattled  in  the  wind. 

In  bidding  you  good-night,  I trust  I do  so  to  loyal, 
good,  true-hearted  citizens  and  patriots,  who  love  the 
country,  in  the  hope  that  you  all  may  refiect  upon  the 
duties  of  all  men  to  their  country  in  the  hour  of  peril,  and 
determine  with  renewed  zeal  and  fervor  to  give  such  aid 


259 


LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIEx“l. 

and  assistance  to  the  government  and  army  of  the  United 
States,  in  the  prosecution  of  this  war,  as  will  cause  that 
banner  again  to  float  in*  triumph  upon  every  hill  and 
mountain-top  and  in  every  vale,  from  the  north  to  the 
south,  from  the  east  to  the  west/^ 

The  cogent  effect  of  his  many  eloquent  and  telling 
speeches — some  of  which  were  reported  in  full  and  largely 
quoted  from  by  papers  all  over  the  country — was  to  cause 
many  deserters,  who  had  abandoned  the  army  on  account 
of  the  proclamation  of  emancipation,  to  return  to  their 
regiments;  despondent  people  took  fresh  courage;  faith  in 
the  final  triumph  of  our  arms  seemed  to  take  possession 
of  every  one;  Copperheads  were  dismayed  and  abashed; 
and  the  returns  of  the  November  elections  removed  all 
fears  of  want  of  support  by  the  people  of  President  Lin- 
coln's policy. 


CHAPTEE  XXL 


LOGAN  IN  COMMAND  OF  THE  FIFTEENTH  AKMY  COEPS — 
HE  OKDERS  AS  ITS  COEPS  BADGE  A CAETEIDGE-BOX 
AND  ^^FOETY  EOUNDS^^ — THE  ADVANCE  ON  ATLANTA— 
THE  STUBBOEN  BATTLE  OF  EESACA — LOGAN'S  VICTO- 
EIOUS  ATTACK  ON  THE  ENEMY^S  FLANK — THE  BATTLE 
OF  DALLAS — LOGAN’S  COEPS  BEILLIANTLY  EEPULSES 
EEPEATED  CHAEGES  OF  HAEDEE'S  VETEEAN  COEPS  — 
LOGAN’S  GALLANT  BEAEING  AT  A CEITICAL  MOMENT — 
HE  IS  AGAIN  WOUNDED. 

IN  November,  1863,  General  Logan  succeeded  General 
Sherman  in  the  command  of  the  fifteenth  army  corps — 
the  corps  which  Grant  himself  had  commanded;  the  corps 
which  subsequently,  by  Logan’s  order,  adopted  as  its  corps 
badge  a cartridge-box,  v/ith  the  significant  legend,  Forty 
Pounds” — and  spent  the  ensuing  winter  at  Huntsville, 
Alabama,  preparing  for  the  campaign  before  Atlanta. 

Who  can  picture,  in  their  true  colors,  the  scenes, 
marches,  trials,  battles  and  sufferings  endured  in  the 
march  to,  and  during  the  siege  of  and  movements  around, 
that  rock-rooted  stronghold!  Every  approach  to  it  had 
been  defended,  and  on  its  rugged  mountain-walls — to  scale 
which  were  like  climbing  a precipice  under  a torrent  of 
leaden  hail — frowned  numberless  guns. 

Early  in  May,  1864,  General  Logan  with  his  army 
corps  joined  the  advancing  columns  of  the  Grand  Military 
Division  of  the  Mississippi,  which,  under  General  Sherman, 
was  commencing  the  camj)aign.  It  must  be  understood  at 
the  outset  that  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  under  McPher- 
son— comprising  the  fifteenth,  sixteenth,  and  seventeenth 
corps,  respectively  commanded  by  Generals  Logan,  Dodge, 
and  Blair— was,  during  this  entire  campaign,  employed,  in 

260 


LOGAK^  THE  SOLDIER. 


261 


the  language  of  General  Sherman,  as  '^the  snapper  of  the 
whip  with  which  he  proposed  to  punish  the  enemy;  and 
its  movements  to  the  right  and  left  of  the  other  armies, 
constantly  reaching  and  occupying  the  most  dijfficult  and 
perilous  positions,  entailed  upon  its  several  commanding 
officers,  the  most  exhaustive,  delicate,  and  arduous  duties. 

While  the  main  army,  under  the  immediate  supervision 
of  General  Sherman,  was  confronting  the  enemy  at  Dalton 
and  Buzzards  Boost,  the  first  fiank  movement  of  the  series 
made  by  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  was  to  the  right, 
through  Snake  Creek  Gap.  This  attempt  to  break  the 
railroad  at  Eesaca,  and  thus  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the 
enemy,  failed,  because  the  place  was  found  so  completely 
fortified  that  it  required  finally  the  best  efforts  of  Sher- 
maffis  whole  army  to  dislodge  him  from  that  position. 

This  combined  movement  against  Eesaca  was  made  on 
May  13,  1864,  General  Logan’s  corps  leading  the  advance 
of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  The  scene  and  movement 
is  thus  described  by  an  officer  of  McPherson’s  staff:  Lo- 

gan moved  first  and  drew  the  first  fire.  In  front  of  his 
second  division  was  an  open  field,  in  which  were  the 
enemy’s  skirmishers  — across  in  the  woods  his  line  of 
battle.  At  the  bugle,  the  division  fell  into  line  of  battle, 
deployed  skirmishers  and  swept  across  the  field,  driving 
the  enemy  in  splendid  style.  General  Logan  accompanied 
the  line.  At  the  same  time,  Harrow,  who  had  fallen  back 
of  the  main  road  to  allow  Morgan  L.  Smith  to  move  to 
the  right,  moved  on  the  double-quick  to  the  left  of  Oster- 
haus,  the  two  divisions  pushing  into  the  thick  wood  on  the 
left  of  the  second.  Dodge  moved  his  corps  from  the  ferry 
road  down  through  the  forest  to  fill  up  the  space  between 
the  fifteenth  corps  and  the  Oostanawla  river,  his  fourth 
division,  under  Veatch,  having  the  advance.  After  cross- 
ing the  field,  General  M.  L.  Smith  entered  the  wood,  and 
pushed  rapidly  for  the  hills  in  his  front,  and  the  whole 
fifteenth  corps  then  suddenly  moved  forward,  driving 


2Q2 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAK. 


the  enemy  for  a mile  and  a half,  until  the  corps  were  in 
possession  of  the  hills,  which  they  had  been  ordered  to 
take.  The  remainder  of  the  afternoon  was  occupied  in 
entrenching  the  line,  putting  batteries  in  position,  with 
skirmishers  and  pickets  constantly  exchanging  shots  in 
the  meantime. 

^^The  next  day  about  noon.  General  Logan  received 
orders  to  make  an  assault  upon  the  rebel  lines  in  his  front. 
He  directed  the  assault  to  be  made  by  one  brigade  from 
each  of  the  first  and  second  divisions.  General  Charles  R. 
Wood’s  brigade  of  the  first,  and  General  Giles  A.  Smith’s 
of  the  second.  The  remainder  of  the  command  were 
placed  in  position  to  give  such  immediate  support  to  the 
charging  party  as  circumstances  might  require.  General 
Logan  was  in  front,  busy  along  the  line.  It  being  very 
difficult  to  cross  the  creek  which  ran  between  the  attack- 
ing column  and  the  enemy,  the  troops  were  carried  to  the 
opposite  bank  on  logs,  and  any  way  they  best  could,  under 
cover  of  a heavy  fire  from  the  batteries.  It  was  six  o’clock 
when  the  skirmishers  were  advanced  to  the  foot  of  the 
hill,  and  commenced  driving  the  enemy.  At  the  order  of 
General  Logan,  the  brigade  sprang  up  from  the  bank 
under  which  they  were  covered,  deployed  and  marched 
forward,  double-quick.  Very  soon,  strong  Confederate 
forces,  displaying  seven  regimental  colors  were  discovered 
moving  in  column  by  regiments.  The  whole  force  of  the 
tyio  brigades  of  General  Logan  was  deployed  in  front. 
The  Confederate  column  would  strike  it  in  a few  minutes. 
If  it  broke  our  lines,  the  position  was  gone,  and  the  bri- 
gades lost.  At  this  moment  Logan  hurried  along  the  front. 
His  command  reserved  its  fire  until  the  enemy  was  within 
sixty  yards.  Then  it  fired.  The-  enemy’s  column  stag- 
gered, fell  back,  reformed  and  renewed  the  assault.  Again 
he  was  repulsed,  but  again  reformed  and  made  a last 
attempt  to  turn  Logan’s  flank.  He  was  again  driven 
back  with  great  loss,  and,  under  cover  of  the  night — for 


LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIER. 


263 


it  was  then  dark — left  the  field  in  possession  of  General 
Logan^s  troops,  who  advanced  and  placed  the  flag  of  the 
Fifty-seventh  Ohio  on  the  abandoned  redoubt.  At  two 
o’clock  in  the  morning,  the  enemy  had  abandoned  Resaca. 
The  loss  of  the  fifteenth  corps  was  something  over  three 
hundred  men,  while  the  enemy  admitted  casualties  of  over 
two  thousand  five  hundred.  Thus  ended  the  first  fight  of 
any  moment  in  the  Atlanta  campaign.’^ 

Another  and  perhaps  more  graphic  account  of  this 
fight,  by  a participant  in  it,  is  as  follows:  ‘^General 

Logan  advanced  against  the  main  works  of  the  enemy 
covering  Resaca  and  the  bridges  across  the  Oostanawla. 
The  first  day  of  the  engagement.  May  13th,  Logan  came 
up  with  the  enemy,  in  considerable  force,  about  two  miles 
from  Resaca.  He  steadily  drove  the  enemy  before  him, 
carrying  Camp  Creek  Hills,  a strong  position  overlooking 
the  town  of  Resaca,  the  railroad,  and  bridges  over  the 
river.  The  main  body  of  the  enemy  fell  back  to  a low 
range  of  fortified  hills,  about  one  half  mile  distant,  over 
a marshy  bottom,  nearly  clear  of  standing  timber,  but  full 
of  fallen  tree-trunks  and  thickets,  and  intersected  with 
miry  sloughs.  The  next  day.  May  14th,  sharp  skirmish- 
ing and  heavy  artillery  practice  were  kept  up  from  both 
sides.  About  six  o^clock  p.m.  the  advance  was  sounded, 
and  Logan’s  gallant  men  waded  Camp  Creek  with  their 
arms  and  equipments  held  above  their  heads,  and  started 
at  a double-quick  over  the  difficult  ground,  followed  by 
the  cheers  of  their  fellow-soldiers  on  the  Camp  Creek 
Hills.  The  rebel  infantry  poured  in  from  the  hills  in 
front  a destructive  and  well-directed  fire,  and  the  artillery 
from  their  forts  opened  in  one  continuous  roar.  But 
neither  thicket  nor  slough,  nor  shot  nor  shell,  diverted 
for  a moment  the  attention  of  the  brave  stormers  from 
their  objective  point.  Without  slackening  their  speed,  or 
firing  a shot,  they  pressed  resistlessly  forward  until  they 
planted  their  colors  on  the  conquered  hills.  As  this  posi- 


264 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOOAK. 


tion  commanded  the  enemy’s  works,  and  the  bridges  over 
the  Oostanawla,  a determined  effort  was  made  to  retake  it. 
Heavy  columns,  with^fixed  bayonets,  advanced  up  to  the 
very  crest  of  the  hills;  but  they  were  met  by  a ffre  which 
swept  them  entirely  from  that  front,  defeated  and  dis- 
heartened. The  fighting  did  not  end  until  ten  p.m.  Gen- 
eral Logan  was  wounded  in  the  arm,  and  received  a severe 
bruise  on  the  shoulder  from  a glancing  ball.  He  lost  one 
hundred  and  two  killed,  five  hundred  and  twelve  wounded 
and  fourteen  missing.  The  enemy  sustained  a loss  in 
killed  and  wounded,  estimated  at  one  thousand  five  hun- 
dred, and  ninety-two  taken  prisoners.  During  the  entire 
day  of  the  15th,  skirmishing  and  artillery  firing  was  kept 
up  with  more  or  less  vigor.  Logan  disposed  his  artillery 
so  as  to  command  the  railroad  bridge  and  town  of  Eesaca, 
and  thus  held  the  enemy  entirely  at  his  mercy.  During 
the  night  of  the  15th  of  May,  the  enemy  evacuated  his 
entire  line,  retreating  southward.  Logan  entered  the 
town  of  Eesaca  at  daylight  on  the  morning  of  the  16th, 
pressing  the  enemy’s  rear-guard  so  closely  that  he  did  not 
succeed  in  burning  but  one  of  the  bridges  over  the  Oos- 
tanawla  behind  him.  During  the  three  days  and  nights 
in  front  of  Eesaca,  General  Logan  never  left  his  men  for 
a moment,  either  to  eat  or  to  sleep.” 

This  instance  of  his  untiring  vigilance  is  but  a fair 
example  of  his  whole  military  career,  and  may  be  regarded 
as  one  of  the  principal  reasons  of  his  great  and  unvarying 
success  as  a military  leader. 

Still  moving  on  the  right  at  Dallas,  May  27,  Logan 
came  up  with  the  enemy  in  force,  and  at  4 o’clock  p.m.  he 
went  into  position  beyond  the  town,  with  the  whole  rebel 
army  confronting  him.  No  time  was  lost  in  closing  up 
his  line  and  preparing  for  any  attack  that  might  be  made, 
as  the  enemy  was  all  the  time  endeavoring  to  feel  his  line, 
and  not  a moment  passed  without  shots  between  the 
skirmishers. 


LOaA^^■,  THE  SOLDIER. 


2G5 


On  the  28th  of  May  Hardee^s  corps^  twenty-three  thou- 
sand strong,  moved  upon  Logan^s  front,  and  then  ensued 
one  of  the  severest  struggles  of  the  campaign.  Never  did 
men  fight  more  desperately  than  did  the  enemy  on  this 
occasion  to  drive  Logan  from  his  position,  as  the  field  of 
battle  after  the  contest  plainly  showed.  At  its  close  General 
Logan  found  five  color  bearers  dead  in  their  places.  In 
this  battle  Logan  had  no  time  to  get  up  his  artillery,  and 
in  this  most  brilliant  repulse  of  the  repeated  attacks  of 
the  enemy,  relied  almost  entirely  upon  his  musketry.  The 
report  states  that  he  was  himself  on  that  day  a host,  rid- 
ing along  the  entire  line  with  an  electric  word  for  each 
brave  regiment,  swinging  his  hat  and  cheering  when  the 
bullets  rained  thickest,  his  strong  voice  rising  high  above 
the  roar  of  the  fight.  The  splendid  enthusiasm  of  the 
leader  inspired  the  troops  with  a like  temper,  if  such 
inspiration  were  needed,  and  insured  their  invincibility 
had  it  been  for  a moment  doubtful.  There  are  more 
than  we,^^  said  the  General,  but  we  can  whip  them  every 
time — every  fifteen  minutes  a day."^^ 

One  who  witnessed  this  battle  says  of  it:  General 

Hardee^s  veteran  corps  made  five  or  six  assaults  in  column 
of  regiments,  which  were  bravely  met  by  the  fifteenth 
corps.  Once  the  enemy  broke  our  line  and  surrounded 
two  pieces  of  artillery,  but  was  not  suffered  to  lay  hands 
on  the  coveted  guns.  No  soldier  who  witnessed  the  battle 
of  Dallas  will  ever  forget  how  grandly  Logan  looked  as, 
with  uncovered  head,  he  dashed  down  the  line  on  his  black 
war-horse,  amid  the  thickest  of  the  fight.  One  exultant 
cheer  went  up  from  the  soldiers  at  this  daring  act  of  their 
chief,  and  fired  with  the  inspiration  of  the  moment  they 
retook  the  guns  and  drove  the  enemy  from  the  field.  The 
enemy’s  loss  must  have  been  heavy,  as  over  three  hundred 
of  his  dead  were  left  on  the  field.  General  Logan  received 
a wound  in  the  arm.” 

The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  unusually  heavy.  Three 


266 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 


times  he  attacked  and  was  as  often  repulsed.  Logan^s 
loss  was  two  hundred  and  thirty-eight,  and  he  took  one 
hundred  and  fifty  prisoners. 

At  Dallas  also  occurred  a night  attack  which  was  yery 
brilliant  and  beautiful  to  behold — a streaming  line  of  fire 
along  the  whole  front,  which,  belching  from  musketry 
and  artillery,  lit  up  with  a lurid  glare  the  whole  sky, 
but  accomplished  nothing  save  loss  of  sleep  to  the  tired 
soldiers. 

The  Dallas  fight  was  the  third  of  three  successive 
attacks  of  the  enemy  since  the  opening  of  the  campaign, 
south  of  the  Etowah  up  to  the  evening  of  the  twenty- 
eighth  of  May.  On  the  tw^enty-fifth.  Hooker  was  engaged 
in  the  center;  on  the  twenty-seventh.  Wood  on  the  left 
flank;  but  the  only  real  punishment  the  enemy  received 
was' on  the  twenty-eighth,  from  General  Logan.  On  the 
thirtieth,  while  pointing  out  to  Generals  Sherman  and 
McPherson  the  position  of  the  enemy,  Logan  was  again 
wounded  by  a shot  through  the  left  arm,  but  with  his  arm 
in  a sling  continued  in  the  field,  the  same  bullet  afterward 
striking  Colonel  Taylor  in  the  breast,  disabling  him. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  BIG  KEHESAW  MOUNTAIK — THE  DESPERATE 
ASSAULT  UPOK  THE  IMPREGNABLE  FACE  OF  LITTLE 
KENESAW  MOUNTAIN — WONDERFUL  DISCIPLINE  OF  OUR 
BRAVE  SOLDIERS  OF  THE  WEST — UNPARALLELED  HERO- 
ISM OF  LOGAN  AND  HIS  MEN — ON,  THROUGH  MARIETTA 
AND  DECATUR,  TO  THE  FRONT  OF  ATLANTA. 

IX  the  forward  movement  of  our  army,  which  followed 
the  battle  of  Dallas,  the  consequent  evacuation  of  his 
works  by,  and  the  retreat  of,  the  enemy,  Logan  advanced 
on  the  main  Marietta  road,  coming  up  with  the  enemy 
in  full  force  between  Big  Shanty  and  Kenesaw  Mountain. 
Sharp  skirmishing  and  artillery  practice  ensued,  and  was 
kept  up  night  and  day,  almost  without  interruption,  for 
three  weeks,  the  enemy  falling  back  from  one  line  of 
works  to  another,  until  his  line,  in  LogaiPs  front,  rested 
on  the  crest  of  Big  Kenesaw  Mountain.  During  this 
time,  the  only  engagement  worthy  of  note  took  place  on 
the  fifteenth  of  June,  when  Logan  cliarged  against  the 
enemy^s  right  fiank,  driving  him,  amid  blood  and  sweat 
and  slaughter,  from  his  position,  killing  and  wounding 
many,  and  taking  three  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners, 
twenty-two  of  whom  were  commissioned  oflScers.  On  the 
twenty-sixth  of  June  Logan  moved  out  from  his  position 
and  relieved  the  fourteenth  corps  in  front  of  Little 
Kenesaw  Mountain. 

On  the  27th  of  June  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  gave 
the  strongest  proof  exhibited  during  the  campaign  of  the 
thorough  discipline  and  complete  and  unqualified  obedience 
to  orders  which  characterized  its  commanders  and  soldiers. 
Ordered  by  General  Sherman  to  carry  the  almost  impreg- 
nable position  of  the  enemy  at  Little  Kenesav/  mountain, 

267 


268 


LIFE  OF  JOHIiT  A.  LOGAK. 


Logan  here  made  one  of  the  most  daring,  desperate,  and 
heroic  charges  of  the  war.  Promptly  at  eight  o^clock  in 
the  morning  General  Logan  moved  to  the  attack,  and  after 
an  hour  and  a quarter  had  cleared  two  lines  of  the  most 
obstinate  abattis,  carried  a line  of  earthworks  at  a charge, 
followed  the  route  of  the  enemy  up  his  rugged  strongholds 
through  a murderous  cross-fire  of  artillery  and  a perfect 
storm  of  bullets,  conquered  every  obstacle,  planted  the 
fiag  at  the  foot  of  an  insurmountable  array  of  cliffs,  threw 
up  defences  of  logs  and  stones,  and  held  the  line  despite 
the  stubborn  efforts  of  the  enemy  to  dislodge  him.  The 
average  perpendicular  height  of  the  precipice  against 
which  the  charge  was  made  was  thirty  feet.  Along  the 
verge  of  this  the  enemy  had  drawn  his  line  of  battle,  and 
his  troops,  as  ours  approached,  hurled  down  rocks,  clubs, 
and  every  conceivable  sort  of  missile  that  could  do  our 
men  injury.  As  Logan  and  his  brave  followers  attempted 
to  scale  the  heights  of  this  grim  mountain,  under  the 
broiling  sun,  every  step  was  like  walking  into  the  yawning 
pits  of  Dante^s  Inferno.  Line  after  line  of  his  men  were 
swept  away  by  the  fiery  blast  above  them,  till  it  seemed 
that  all  who  dared  ascend  must  be  mowed  down.  When 
he  reached  this  perpendicular  rocky  barrier  and  saw  his 
bravest  and  best,  bleeding  and  dying,  and  realized  the 
utter  impossibility  of  dislodging  the  enemy  from  his  rocky 
fastness,  the  great  tears  rolled  down  brave  Logan^s  face. 
Nearly  every  regimental  commander  of  his  storming  column 
was  either  killed  or  wounded. 

Logan’s  escape  untouched  on  this  occasion  was  little 
short  of  miraculous.  His  loss  in  this  terrible  assault  was 
sixty  officers  and  four  hundred  men  killed  and  wounded. 
It  was  not,  however,  barren  of  results.  During  the  night 
of  July  3 the  enemy  evacuated  his  entire  line,  and  Logan 
entered  Marietta  early  on  the  morning  of  the  4th,  captur- 
ing several  hundred  prisoners.  The  same  day  Logan 
moved  his  command  to  Nicks-jack  creek,  on  the  right  of 


LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIEK. 


269 


the  army,  where  the  day  was  celebrated  by  an  artillery 
fight  with  Johnson^s  rear  guard  while  that  General  was 
safely  and  quietly  moving  across  the  Chattahoochee  toward 
Atlanta.  After  several  days  skirmishing  with  the  enemy, 
Logan  moved  to  the  extreme  left,  crossing  the  Chatta- 
hoochee by  the  bridge  at  Eoswell,  built  by  Dodge,  and 
proceeding  thence  to  the  Augusta  railroad,  near  Stone 
Mountain,  a distance  of  fifty  miles.  After  effectually 
destroying  the  railroad  at  this  point,  Logan  moved  his 
command  by  way  of  Decatur  to  the  immediate  front  of 
the  enemy^s  stronghold,  Atlanta,  where,  after  a severe 
fight,  contesting  with  the  enemy  the  range  of  hills  over- 
looking it,  he  arrived  and  went  into  position  July  21, 
throwing  the  first  Union  shells  into  that  city. 

General  Logan  occupied,  on  the  night  of  the  21st,  an 
entrenched  position,  his  right  being  the  Army  of  the 
Ohio  under  General  Schofield,  and  on  his  left  the  seven- 
teenth corps  under  Blair.  The  left  fiank  was  to  have 
been  occupied  by  General  Dodge,  commanding  the  six- 
teenth corps,  who  had  been  left  out  on  the  march  of  the 
preceding  day  by  the  connection  of  the  fifteenth  and 
seventeenth  corps  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  The 
cavalry  command  which  was  covering  the  flanks  of  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee,  reporting  to  General  McPherson, 
had  been,  by  Sherman’s  orders,  sent  off  to  destroy  a bridge 
near  Covington,  thus  leaving  the  left  flank  ^^in  air.”  The 
trains  were  stopped  at  Decatur,  guarded  by  Sprague,  of 
Ohio,  with  a brigade. 

The  severe  fighting  for  the  position  which  the  Army  of 
the  Tennessee  occupied,  and  which  it  did  not  secure  until 
dark  on  the  21st,  led  the  commanding  officers  of  that 
army  to  believe  that  the  enemy  was  in  force  in  their  imme- 
diate front,  and  Generals  Logan  and  Blair  made  disposi- 
tion of  their  troops,  under  directions  of  General  McPherson, 
accordingly. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 


THE  GREAT  BATTLE  OF  ATLANTA — THE  DEATH  OF  THE 
GALLANT  MCPHERSON — THE  HEROIC  LOGAN  SUCCEEDS 
HIM  — TAKING  COMMAND  OF  AN  ARMY  FLANKED  IN 
FRONT  AND  REAR,  WITH  ITS  IDOLIZED  COMMANDER 
KILLED,  AND  PANIC  IMPENDING,  LOGAN  CONVERTS 
THREATENED  DISASTER  INTO  VICTORY — ^^THE  BLOOD- 
IEST BATTLE  OF  THE  WEST^^  — LOGAN^S  PERSONAL 
PROWESS  — ONE  OF  THE  FINEST  BATTLE  PICTURES  OF 
THE  WAR. 

Then  came  the  battle  of  Atlanta,  the  bloodiest  fought 
in  the  West,  and  one  of  the  decisive  battles  of  the  war. 
The  old  soldiers  who  were  there  will  never  forget  it,  nor 
Logan,  their  triumphant  chieftain — that  heroic  soul: 

''Who  firmly  stood  where  waves  of  blood 
Swept  over  square  and  column, 

And  traeed  his  name  with  bayonet  flame 
In  Glory's  crimson  volume! 

On  battle-field  our  Nation’s  shield, 

His  voice  was  Freedom’s  Slogan! 

And  Victory  leapt  wild,  for  she 
Had  lent  her  sword  to  Logan! ” 

It  was  the  22d  of  July,  1864.  Hood  had  succeeded 
Johnston,  and  McPherson,  finding  himself  fianked,  was 
riding  to  the  left,  when  he  met  his  death.  The  command 
of  the  fianked  Army  of  the  Tennessee  at  once  devolved 
on  Logan.  Surgeon  Welch,  of  the  Fifty-third  Illinois, 
describes  the  panic  which  seized  the  seventeenth  army 
corps,  and  continues:  General  Logan,  who  then  took 

command,  on  that  famous  black  stallion  of  his,  became  a 
flame  of  fire  and  fury,  yet  keeping  wondrous  method  in 
his  inspired  madness.  He  was  everywhere;  his  horse  cov- 
ered with  foam,  and  himself  hatless  and  begrimed  with 
dirt;  perfectly  comprehending  the  position;  giving  sharp 

270 


LOGAISr,  THE  SOLDIER. 


271 


orders  to  officers  as  he  met  them^  and  planting  himself 
firmly  in  front  of  fleeing  columns,  with  revolver  in  hand, 
threatening,  in  tones  not  to  be  mistaken,  to  fire  into  the 
advance  did  they  not  instantly  halt  and  form  in  order  of 
battle.  ^He  spake,  and  it  was  done.^  * ❖ 

battle  was  resumed  in  order  and  with  fury — a tempest  of 
thunder  and  fire;  a hailstorm  of  shot  and  shell.  And 
when  night  closed  down  the  battle  was  ended,  and  we 
were  masters  of  the  field. Some  of  the  regiments  that 
went  into  that  sanguinary  confiict  strong,  came  out  with 
but  thirty  men,  and  another  which  went  in  in  the  morn- 
ing with  two  hundred,  came  out  with  but  fifteen.  But 
thousands  of  the  enemy  bit  the  dust  that  day,  and  though 
compelled  to  fight  in  front  and  rear,  our  arms  were  crowned 
with  victory. 

Such,  in  brief,  was  the  battle  of  Atlanta.  But  its 
details  are  of  such  consuming  interest  that  it  demands  a 
more  extended  description:  Very  early  on  the  morning 

of  the  22d,  Lieutenant  Willard  Warner,  of  General  Sher- 
man^s  staff,  reached  the  headquarters  of  General  McPher- 
son and  said  to  the  latter:  General  Sherman  believes 

that  the  enemy  has  evacuated  Atlanta,  and  desires  you  to 
move  rapidly  forward  beyond  the  city  toward  East  Point, 
leaving  General  Dodge  of  the  sixteenth  corps  upon  the 
railroad  to  destroy  it  effectually.’^  This  communication 
was  received  by  McPherson  with  a great  deal  of  surprise, 
and  he  expressed,  without  reserve,  his  doubts  as  to  the 
correctness  of  General  Sherman’s  information.  However, 
the  order  was  issued  by  him  to  General  Logan  to  carry  out 
the  instructions  received  from  Sherman,  in  the  following 
words: 

Three  and  a half  miles  east  of  iVtlanta,  ) 
Georgia,  July  22,  1864.  f 

Major  General  John  A.  Logan,  commanding  Fifteenth  Army  Corps: 

The  enemy  having  evacuated  their  works  in  front  of  our  lines,  the 
supposition  of  Major  General  Sherman  is  that  they  have  given  up 
Atlanta  and  are  retreating  in  the  direction  of  East  Point. 


272 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 


You  will  immediately  put  your  command  in  pursuit  to  the  south 
and  east  of  Atlanta  without  entering  the  town.  You  will  take  a 
route  to  the  left  of  that  taken  by  the  enemy,  and  try  to  cut  off  a por- 
tion of  them  while  they  are  pressed  in  the  rear  and  on  otir  right  by 
Generals  Schofield  and  Thomas. 

Major  General  Sherman  desires  and  expects  a vigorous  pursuit. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

(Signed)  James  B.  McPherson,  Major-General. 

To  satisfy  himself^  McPherson  immediately  ordered  his 
horse,  and,  with  his  staff,  rode  down  to  the  headquarters 
of  General  Logan,  and  talked  over  the  instructions  he  had 
already  sent  him  in  writing.  Before  he  reached  Logan^s 
headquarters,  however,  there  was  firing  exchanged  between 
the  pickets  of  our  forces  and  the  enemy.  In  a moment 
General  McPherson  was  convinced  that  General  Sherman 
was  mistaken  in  the  supposition  that  the  enemy  had  evac- 
uated Atlanta.  He  therefore  instructed  General  Logan, 
who  had  already  prepared  his  troops  for  march,  to  go  into 
position  for  battle,  regardless  of  the  order  earlier  issued, 
which  later  instructions  General  Logan  immediately  com- 
menced to  carry  out,  his  command  going  into  line  under 
fire.  The  order  was  also  handed  to  General  Blair,  and 
General  Dodge  was  directed  to  leave  the  railroad,  and  with 
all  dispatch  possible  take  up  his  position  on  the  left  of  the 
seventeenth  corps  in  order  to  protect  that  fiank,  which 
was  even  then  being  turned  by  the  enemy.  So  completely 
had  the  enemy  taken  Sherman  by  surprise,  that  in  the 
absence  of  the  cavalry  under  Harrow  upon  McPherson^s 
fiank,  it  became  necessary  for  the  orderlies  and  clerks  at 
headquarters  to  take  guns  and  form  themselves  into  a 
picket-guard  to  keep  off  the  enemy’s  skirmishers  until  the 
headquarters  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  could  be 
removed  to  a place  of  safety  in  the  front. 

In  the  meantime  McPherson  had  ridden  over  to  Sherman’s 
headquarters  and  reported  to  him  the  disposition  that  he  had 
made  of  his  troops  in  violation  of  Sherman’s  orders  in  the 
morning;  secured  the  assent  of  Sherman  to  his  course,  and 


LOGAISr,  THE  SOLDIER. 


273 


then  rode  back  to  see  that  his  own  orders  to  Logan,  Blair 
and  Dodge  were  being  promptly  and  correctly  carried  out. 
The  exposed  position  of  the  seventeenth  corps,  before 
referred  to,  had  not  been  covered  when  McPherson,  about 
one  o^clock  (the  firing  along  the  line  having  become  gen- 
eral) rode  out  almost  alone,  his  staff  all  being  occupied  in 
executing  his  previous  orders.  In  passing  through  a nar- 
row bridle-path  McPherson  came  upon  a body  of  the  enemy’s 
troops — a stray  company  from  Pat  Claiborne^s  division  of 
Hardee’s  corps — lying  down  in  the  woods,  who,  upon  seeing 
him  approach,  rose  up,  the  captain  (as  he  said)  command- 
ing to  halt  three  times.  McPherson,  at  once  supposing  it 
to  be  some  of  his  own  troops,  with  his  usual  courteous 
manner,  lifted  his  hat,  but,  perceiving  that  he  was  in  the 
presence  of  the  enemy,  wheeled  his  horse,  was  fired  upon 
and  killed.  The  company  was  captured  afterward  and  the 
facts  as  here  stated  were  given  by  its  officers. 

Colonel  Clark,  McPherson’s  chief  of  staff,  hearing  the 
volley  and  seeing  McPherson’s  horse  come  out  riderless, 
being  sure  that  McPherson  was  either  killed  or  a prisoner, 
gave  orders  for  the  recovery  of  his  body,  rode  to  report  the 
facts  to  General  Sherman,  and  was  directed  by  him  to 
place  General  Logan  in  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Ten- 
nessee, he  being  the  ranking  officer  present.  Before  leav- 
ing Sherman,  Colonel  Clark  secured  a division  of  the 
Army  of  the  Ohio  commanded  by  General  J.  D.  Cox,  who 
under  direction  of  Major  Willard  Warner,  marched  to  a 
position  where  he  could  support  the  Army  of  the  Ten- 
nessee in  case  of  emergency. 

General  Logan  assumed  command  just  as  the  engage- 
ment of  that  day  became  general,  and  in  person  gave  the 
orders,  and  made  disposition  of  the  troops  that  won  the 
greatest  victory  in  the  hardest  fought  battle  of  the  Atlanta 
campaign.  In  person  he  recovered  the  position  lost  by  the 
right  of  his  corps,  and  recaptured  the  twenty-pound  Par- 
rott battery  of  Captain  Grees.  In  person  he  directed  the 
18 


274 


LIFE  OF  JOm^  A.  LOGAK. 


movement  of  tlie  troops  which  repelled  the  seven  succes- 
sive charges  of  the  enemy  upon  his  line,  and  not  until 
twelve  o^clock  at  night,  when  his  v/eary  but  victorious 
soldiers  were  at  rest,  did  he  leave  his  command  to  go  and 
report  to  General  Sherman  the  successes  of  the  day.  He 
was  received  at  General  Sherman^'s  headquarters  with 
enthusiasm  and,  for  his  noble  conduct  in  all  the  critical 
hours  of  that  day,  complimented  in  the  highest  terms  by 
General  Sherman  and  was  assured  of  the  permanent  com- 
mand of  that  Army  which  he  had  on  that  day  shown  him- 
self entitled  to  lead. 

General  Sherman,  referring  to  this  battle,  says: 
rode  over  it  (meaning  the  line)  the  next  day,  and  it  bore 
the  marks  of  a bloody  conflict.  The  enemy  had  retired 
during  that  night  inside  of  Atlanta,  and  we  remained 
masters  of  the  situation  outside. 

On  the  next  day,  the  twenty-third,  by  the  direction  of 
General  Logan,  Colonel  Clark,  his  chief  of  staff,  received 
a flag  of  truce  from  General  Hood,  requesting  permission 
to  bury  the  enemy^s  dead. 

General  Logan^s  summary  report  of  the  battle  of  At- 
lanta is  in  these  modest  words: 

Keadquakters  Department  of  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  ) 
Before  Atlanta,  Georgia,  July  24,  1864.  ) 

Oeneral:  I have  the  honor  to  report  the  following  summary  of  the 
result  of  the  battle  of  the  22d  inst. : Total  loss  in  killed,  wounded  and 
missing,  three  thousand  five  hundred  and  twenty-one  (3,521),  and  ten 
pieces  (10)  of  artillery.  We  have  buried  and  delivered  to  the  enemy, 
under  a flag  of  truce  sent  in  by  them,  in  front  of  the  seventeenth 
corps,  one  thousand  (1,000)  of  their  killed;  the  number  of  their  dead 
in  front  of  the  fourth  division  of  the  same  corps,  including  those  on 
ground  not  now  occupied  by  our  troops.  General  Blair  reports  will 
swell  the  number  of  their  dead  on  his  front  to  two  thousand  (2,000). 
The  number  of  dead  buried  in  front  of  the  fifteenth  corps  up  to  this 
hour  is  three  hundred  and  sixty  (360),  and  the  commanding  officer 
reports  at  least  as  many  more  are  unburied.  The  number  of  dead, 
buried  in  front  of  the  sixteenth  corps,  was  four  hundred  and  twenty- 
two  (422). 


LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIER. 


275 


We  have  over  one  thousand  (1,000)  of  their  wounded  in  our 
hands,  a larger  number  of  wounded  having  been  carried  off  by  them 
during  tlie  night  after  the  engagement. 

We  captured  eighteen  (18)  stands  of  colors,  and  have  them  now; 
also  captured  five  thousand  (5,000)  stands  of  arms. 

The  attack  was  made  on  our  line  seven  times,  and  was  seven 
times  repulsed;  Hood’s,  Hardee's,  and  Wheeler’s  cavalry  engaged  us. 
We  have  sent  to  the  rear  one  thousand  (1,000)  prisoners,  including 
thirty-seven  (37)  commissioned  officers  of  high  rank.  We  still  oc- 
cupy the  field,  and  the  troops  are  in  fine  spirits. 

Our  total  loss  is  three  thousand  five  hundred  and  twenty-one 
(3,521);  the  enemy’s  dead  thus  far  reported  buried  or  delivered  to 
them  is  three  thousand  two  hundred  and  twenty  (3,220);  total  pris- 
oners sent  north,  one  thousand  and  seventeen  (1,017);  total  prisoners 
wounded  in  our  hands,  one  thousand  (1,000);  estimated  loss  of  the 
enemy  over  ten  thousand  (10,000). 

Yery  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

John  A.  Logan,  Major-General. 

Major-General  W.  T.  Sherman,  commanding  Military  Division 
of  the  Mississippi. 

After  describing  the  manner  in  which  the  lamented 
General  McPherson  fell.  Surgeon  John  M.  Woodworth 
writes:  ^‘^Thus  fell  the  noble  McPherson,  just  at  the  first 
flush  of  the  battle,  leaving  the  command  of  the  army  to 
the  no  less  brave  and  gallant  General  Logan.  By  1 o^clock 
p.m.  the  contest  had  become  general,  and  the  roll  of  mus- 
ketry and  roar  of  artillery  continued  without  interruption 
until  darkness  closed  the  mad  conflict.  The  battle 
throughout  the  day  was  most  desperate,  our  men  often 
fighting  the  enemy  in  front,  then  changing  fronts  and 
from  the  reverse  of  their  works  engaging  the  swarming 
rebels  in  the  rear.  Time  after  time  they  charged  directly 
up  to  our  entrenchments  where  the  conflict  became  fierce 
and  deadly.  Eegimental  commanders  with  their  colors, 
and  such  brave  men  as  would  follow  them,  not  infre- 
quently occupied  one  side  of  the  works  and  our  own  men 
the  other;  the  flags  of  opposing  regiments  met  on  opposite 
sides  of  the  same  embankment,  and  were  flaunted  by  their 
respective  bearers  into  eacli  other^s  faces;  men  were  bayo- 


276 


LIFE  OF  JOB.^  A.  LOGAK. 


neted  across  the  works,  and  officers  with  their  swords 
fought  hand  to  hand  with  men  with  bayonets.  One  rebel 
colonel  (Forty-fifth  Alabama)  was  pulled  by  his  coat-collar 
over  the  works  and  made  prisoner.  At  one  time  the 
enemy  broke  through  the  line  of  the  fifteenth  corps,  which 
had  been  much  weakened  by  the  withdrawal  of  troops  to 
re-enforce  other  portions  of  the  line,  and  captured  two  bat- 
teries of  artillery.  At  the  moment  when  this  occurred 
General  Logan  was  at  the  extreme  left,  but  hearing  of  the 
disaster  he  hastened  to  his  old  corps,  and  calling  upon  the 
men  who  had  never  failed  him  in  the  hour  of  danger,  they 
soon  rallied  and  retook  the  guns  and  their  lost  position. 
With  the  darkness  terminated  the  battle  of  the  22d  of 
July,  which  cost  us  three  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
twenty-two  patriotic  soldiers.  With  men  less  brave  or  a 
less  determined  and  skillful  leader  than  Logan  proved 
himself  to  be,  the  unexampled  record  of  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee  had  closed  its  history  with  a defeat  but  little 
short  of  annihilation.  Late  that  night,  while  the  writer 
was  seated  alone  with  General  Logan  under  his  teut-fly, 
recounting  the  incidents  of  the  day,  Logan  made  use  of 
the  following  emphatic  language:  / made  up  my  mind  to 

luin  the  fight,  or  never  come  out  alive,  for,^^  said  he,  ^^had 
our  army  suffered  defeat,  the  people  at  home  never  would 
realize  how  desperate  the  struggle  against  such  great  odds, 
but  would  say,  had  McPherson  lived,  the  result  would 
have  been  different. The  enemy’s  dead  were  computed 
by  General  Logan  at  three  thousand  two  hundred  and 
forty. 

General  Sherman  in  his  official  report  says:  enter- 

tain no  doubt  that  in  the  battle  of  July  22  the  enemy  sus- 
tained an  aggregate  loss  of  full  eight  thousand  men.’^ 

General  Sherman  also  in  his  report  alluding  to  the 
death  of  McPherson  said:  General  Logan  succeeded  him 

and  commanded  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  through  this 
desperate  battle  with  the  same  success  and  ability  that 


LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIER. 


2?7 


had  characterized  him  in  the  command  of  a corps  or  a 
division/^ 

In  a ktter  of  August  16,  addressed  to  General  Halleck, 
General  Sherman  also  said:  General  Logan  fought  that 

battle  out  as  required,  unaided,  save  by  a small  brigade 
sent  by  my  orders/^ 

General  Grant  also  in  his  official  report  of  the  battle  of 
Atlanta  says:  About  1 o^clock  p.m.  of  this  day  (July  22) 

the  brave  and  accomplished,  and  noble-hearted  McPherson 
was  killed.  General  Logan  succeeded  him,  and  com- 
manded the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  through  this  desperate 
battle  and  until  he  was  superseded  by  Major  General  Hoto- 
ard  on  the  27th,  with  the  same  success  and  ability  that 
had  characterized  him  in  the  command  of  a corps  or 
division.'’^ 

Another  writer,  glancing  at  this  terrible  battle,  says: 
Logan,  fighting  at  one  moment  on  one  side  of  his  works, 
and  the  next  on  the  other,  was  informed  of  the  death,  in 
another  part  of  the  field,  of  the  beloved  McPherson. 
Assuming  the  temporary  command,  Logan  dashed  impet- 
uously from  one  end  to  the  other  of  his  hardly-pressed 
lines,  shouting  ‘McPherson  and  revenge!^  His  emotion 
communicated  itself  to  the  troops  with  the  rapidity  of 
electricity,  and  eight  thousand  rebel  dead  and  wounded 
left  upon  the  field  at  nightfall  bore  mute  witness  to  their 
love  for  the  fallen  chief  and  the  bravery  of  his  successor. 

In  the  course  of  an  interesting  address  at  Carbondale, 
Illinois,  July  22,  1869,  to  the  surviving  members  of  his 
old  Thirty-first  Illinois  Eegiment,  General  Logan  himself 
briefly  referred  to  this  sanguinary  battle  in  the  following 
words: 

^^The  22d  day  of  July  is  the  day  you  have  selected 
for  your  annual  meeting,  and  there  is  an  appropriateness 
in  the  selection,  for  it  is  a day  you  will  never  forget.  I 
well  remember  it,  and  so  do  you.  We  were  in  the  heart 
of  the  enemy^s  country,  and  he  strongly  entrenched. 


m 


LIFE  OF  JOHH  A.  LOGAl^. 


Early  in  the  morning,  the  fifteenth,  sixteenth  and  seven- 
teenth corps  were  ordered  to  move  forward.  I was  in 
command  of  the  fifteenth,  and  you  belonged  to  the  sev- 
enteenth— General  Leggett^s.  When  the  advance  was 
ordered,  your  regiment  was  put  in  line  of  battle,  and 
when  the  attack  was  made,  a part  of  my  own  command 
and  a part  of  the  division  you  were  in  was  driven  back, 
and  there  McPherson  fell — as  brave  and  gallant  a man  as 
ever  breathed  the  breath  of  life.  Being  the  second  in 
command,  and  the  next  senior  officer,  I took  his  place, 
and  there,  from  early  morn  till  late  at  night,  raged  the 
bloodiest  battle  in  the  West.  During  that  day  I often 
passed  the  line  commanded  by  General  Leggett,  and  wit- 
nessed the  gallant  stand  your  regiment  made.  You  were 
engaged  in  the  very  hottest  of  the  fight,  and  many  of 
your  officers  and  men  fell,  covered  with  glory.  And  when 
the  light  of  heaven  began  to  fade,  I rode  along  the  shat- 
tered lines.  Some  regiments  that  went  into  the  battle 
strong  came  out  with  thirty  men.  I well  rem*ember  the 
Twentieth  Illinois.  Two  hundred  men  v/ent  in  in  the 
morning,  and  fifteen  stacked  their  arms  at  night.  I do 
not  remember  how  many  of  your  regiment  fell,  but  I do 
remember  that  it  was  a terrible  battle.  We  lost  in  killed, 
wounded  and  prisoners  some  four  thousand  gallant  men, 
and  the  enemy  over  eight  thousand;  but  it  was  one  of  the 
decisive  battles  of  the  war,  and  more  men  were  killed  than 
in  any  other  battle  in  the  West  during  the  whole  war. 
You  have  selected  that  day,  the  22d  of  July,  which  com- 
memorates the  battle  of  Atlanta,  as  the  day  for  your  annual 
reunion,  and  I think  it  well,  for  on  that  day  your  regiment 
suffered  heavily. 

But  probably  the  most  vivid  description  both  of  Mc- 
Pherson^s  death  and  of  the  scenes  which  followed  it,  was 
that  which  fell  from  his  own  impassioned  lips  in  his  oration 
at  the  unveiling  of  the  McPherson  statue  at  Washington, 
D.  C.  On  that  occasion  General  Logan  stated  that  on  the 


LOGAK,  THE  SOLDIER. 


m 


morning  of  the  22d  of  July,  1864,  Hood,  having  relieved 
Johnston  on  the  19th,  and  with  a heavy  force  had  con- 
tested in  vain  the  occupation,  by  McPherson,  of  Decatur, 
during  the  21st,  McPherson  received  orders  from  Sherman 
to  push  forward  at  once,  as  the  enemy  had  abandoned 
Atlanta;  that,  after  giving  orders  to  advance,  McPherson, 
accompanied  by  Logan,  rode  to  the  front,  found  that 
Atlanta  had  not  been  evacuated,  and,  countermanding  the 
order  for  the  forward  movement,  ordered  Dodge  to  the 
left,  and  rode  to  Sherman^s  headquarters  to  explain  to 
him  the  real  situation. 

General  Logan  continued  in  these  words:  While  doing' 

so,  firing  was  heard  to  the  left  and  in  the  direction  of 
Decatur.  The  enemy  had  turned  our  flank.  Hastening 
at  once  to  the  left,  sending  his  staff  in  every  direction  to 
bring  up  all  the  available  forces  to  strengthen  his  lines,  he, 
with  a single  orderly,  rode  into  a blind  path  leading  to 
General  Giles  A.  Smith’s  division.  Here  ho  was  met  by  a 
stray  detachment  of  Pat  Claiborne’s  command,  who  hailed 
him  and  then  delivered  a volley,  killing  him.  This  w^as 
a little  after  twelve  o’clock.  A staff  officer  immediately 
notifled  General  Sherman  of  his  death,  and  I was  placed 
in  command.  At  once  General  McPherson’s  staff  reported 
to  me,  and  aided  me  with  the  ability,  promptness,  and 
courage  which  made  them  so  valuable  in  their  services 
to  him. 

Right  and  left,  left  and  right,  like  a weaver’s  shuttle, 
went  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  athwart  the  serried  ways, 
amid  heat  and  dust,  shot  and  shell,  blood  and  tears,  weav- 
ing the  crimson  net-work  of  revenge,  till  the  fleld  was  in 
the  bloody  toils  and  fairly  won.  * * * 

^^The  news  of  his  death  spread  with  lightning  speed 
along  the  lines,  sending  a pang  of  deepest  sorrow  to  every 
heart  as  it  reached  the  ear;  but  especially  terrible  was  the 
effect  on  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  It  seemed  as  though 
a burning  fiery  dart  had  pierced  every  breast,  tearing 


280 


LIFE  OF  JOHE  A.  LOGAK. 


asunder  the  flood-gates  of  grief,  but  at  the  same  time 
heaying  to  their  very  depths  the  fountains  of  revenge. 
The  clinched  hands  seemed  to  sink  into  the  weapons  they 
held,  and  from  the  eyes  gleamed  forth  flashes  terrible  as 
lightning.  The  cry,  ^ McPherson ! McPherson ! ""  rose  above 
the  din  of  battle,  and,  as  it  rang  along  the  line,  swelled  in 
power  until  the  roll  of  musketry  and  booming  of  cannon 
seemed  drowned  by  its  echoes. 

McPherson  again  seemed  to  lead  his  troops  — and 
where  McPherson  leads,  victory  is  sure.  Each  officer  and 
soldier,  from  the  succeeding  commander  to  the  lowest 
private,  beheld,  as  it  were,  the  form  of  their  bleeding 
chief  leading  them  onward  to  battle.  ^ McPherson ! ^ and 
^Onward  to  victory!^  were  their  only  thoughts;  bitter, 
terrible  revenge,  their  only  aim.  There  was  no  such 
thought  that  day  as  stopping  short  of  victory  or  death. 
The  Arm,  spontaneous  resolve  was  to  win  the  day  or  perish 
with  their  slain  leader  on  the  bloody  fleld.  Fearfully  was 
his  death  avenged  that  day.  His  army,  maddened  by  his 
death,  and  utterly  reckless  of  life,  rushed  v/ith  savage 
delight  into  the  fiercest  onslaughts,  and  fearlessly  plunged 
into  the  very  jaws  of  death.  As  wave  after  wave  of  Hood^s 
daring  troops  dashed  with  terrible  fury  upon  our  lines, 
they  were  hurled  back  with  a fearful  shock,  breaking  their 
columns  into  fragments  as  the  granite  headland  breaks 
into  foam  the  ocean  billows.  Across  the  narrow  line  of 
works  raged  the  fierce  storm  of  battle,  the  hissing  shot  and 
bursting  shell  raining  death  on  every  hand. 

Over  dead  and  dying  friends  and  foes  rushed  the 
swaying  hosts,  the  shout  of  rebels  confident  of  victory  only 
drowned  by  the  battle-cry,  ^ McPherson!^  which  went  up 
from  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  Twenty  thousand  gal- 
lant men  bit  the  dust  ere  the  night  closed  in,  and  the 
defeated  and  baffled  enemy,  after  failing  in  his  repeated 
and  desperate  assaults  upon  our  lines,  was  compelled  to 


LOGAK,  THE  SOLDIEK. 


281 


give  up  the  hopeless  contest.  Though  compelled  to  fight 
in  front  and  rear,  victory  crowned  our  arms. 

^^The  foe,  angry  and  sullen,  moved  slowly  and  stub- 
bornly from  the  well-contested  field,  where  his  high  hopes 
of  victory  had  been  so  sadly  disappointed.  Following  up 
the  advantage  gained — and  many  minor  contests  ensued 
during  our  stay  in  front  of  Atlanta — the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee  moved  on  to  Jonesboro,  where  it  met  the  enemy 
on  the  31st  of  August,  and  routed  him  completely,  effect- 
ually demoralizing  his  forces.  It  was  then  that  the  roar 
of  our  victorious  guns,  mingling  with  deafening  peals, 
announced  that  the  rebel  general,  conquered  and  dis- 
mayed, had  blown  up  his  magazines  and  evacuated  Atlanta, 
and  that  the  last  stronghold  of  the  West  was  ours.^^ 

It  will  be  observed  that  on  rare  occasions  when  General 
Logan  has  been  induced  to  allude  to  or  describe  battle- 
scenes  in  which  he  was  the  hero,  he  barely,  and  in  the 
most  casual  manner  alludes  to  himself.  With  the  charac--. 
teristic  modesty  of  a chivalric  nature  he  loves  to  dwell 
upon  the  services  of  his  subordinate  officers,  and  the  daunt- 
less valor  of  his  troops.  We  have  heard,  however,  what 
‘Surgeon  Welch  and  other  officers  say  of  the  inspired  hero 
of*  Atlanta.  Let  us  now  hear  the  brief  and  vivid  tribute 
(through  another)  of  one  of  the  private  soldiers  who  fought 
in  the  ranks  of  the  Union  Army  on  that  gory  field. 

One  of  Logan^s  boys  then  carrying  a musket,  but 
now  handling  another  kind  of  shooting-stick,^^  said  to 
the  writer:  Never  shall  I forget — never  will  one  of  us 

who  survived  that  desperate  fight,  forget  to  our  dying  day 
— the  grand  spectacle  presented  by  Logan  as  he  rode  up 
and  down  in  front  of  the  line,  his  black  eyes  flashing  fire, 
his  long  black  hair  streaming  in  the  wind,  bareheaded,  and 
his  service-worn  slouch  hat  swinging  in  his  bridle  hand  and 
his  sword  flashing  in  the  other,  crying  out  in  stentorian 
tones,  ^Boys!  McPherson  and  revenge!^  Why,^^  said 
he,  *^it  made  my  blood  run  both  hot  and  cold,  and  moved 


282 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAH. 


every  man  of  us  to  follow  to  the  death  the  brave  and 
magnificent  hero-ideal  of  a soldier  who  made  this  resistless 
appeal  to  all  that  is  brave  and  gallant  in  a soldier^s  heart; 
and  this^  too,  when  the  very  air  was  alive  with  whistling 
bullets  and  howling  shell ! And  if  he  could  only  have  been 
painted  as  he  swept  up  and  down  the  line  on  a steed  as  full 
of  fire  as  his  glorious  rider,  it  would  to-day  be  one  of  the 
finest  battle  pictures  of  the  war/^ 

Called  to  the  temporary  command  as  we  have  seen,  of 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  at  that  supremely  critical 
moment  when,  flanked,  and  with  its  idolized  leader  slain, 
a panic  had  set  in  which  threatened  the  whole  army,  and 
disaster  and  utter  rout  impended,  one  would  naturally 
suppose  that  he  who,  by  the  magic  of  his  presence  and 
bearing,  and  almost  superhuman  skill  and  exertion  and 
intrepidity,  had  not  only  saved  the  army,  but  snatched 
victory  from  the  very  jaws  of  defeat,  would  have  received 
at  once  the  permanent  command  of  it.  It  strikes  one 
therefore  with  a sense  of  injustice  to  learn  that,  after  this 
glorious  victory:  ^‘^By  order  of  the  President,  General 
Ploward  assumed  command.  This  was  upon  the  recom- 
mendation of  General  Sherman,  who  admitted  that  General 
Logan  was  entitled  to  the  position,  ^^but  was  not  an 
academy  man.^^ 

Still,  Logan — who  must  have  felt  this  injustice — neither 
sulked  nor  murmured,  but,  resuming  the  immediate  com- 
mand of  his  corps,  marched  on  to  gather  other  laurels. 


CHAPTEE  XXIV. 


ANOTHER  ELAKK  MOVEMENT  I]S[  A PITCH-DARK  HIGHT, 
WITH  LOGAK  ALL  NIGHT  IK  THE  SADDLE — LOGAK^'S 
MILITARY  SKILL  DISPLAYED — HOWARD'S  APPOINTMENT 
TO  COMMAND  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  TENNESSEE — WITHOUT 
A WORD  LOGAN  RETURNS  TO  HIS  BRAVE  CORPS — THE 
DESPERATE  BATTLE  OF  EZRA  CHAPEL — LOGAN’S  CORPS 
DEFEATS  THE  ENEMY'S  ARMY,  REPULSING  SIX  GALLANT 
CHARGES. 

The  Army  of  the  Tennessee  never  recovered  from  a 
severe  battle  with  more  confidence  in  their  leader,  nor 
was  the  esprit  de  corps  more  manifest  at  any  time  than  in  the 
days  succeeding  the  battle  of  Atlanta  while  Logan  remained 
in  command.  He  was  received  everywhere  among  them 
with  the  greatest  enthusiasm  and  with  the  heartiest  con- 
gratulations that  he  was  in  future  to  be  their  leader. 

The  time  was  occupied  until  the  evening  of  the  twenty- 
sixth  of  July,  in  reorganizing  the  various  commands,  per- 
forming the  last  offices  to  the  gallant  dead,  and  preparing  for 
the  next  movement,  which  was  as  usual,  by  the  flank,  but  this 
time  to  the  right.  It  is  but  fair  to  say  that  a more  difficult 
and  delicate  movement  of  an  army  than  this  was  not  under- 
taken during  the  war.  The  enemy  was  entrenched  closely 
in  Logan's  front,  almost  within  speaking  distance  on  many 
parts  of  the  line,  when  the  order  came  from  General  Sher- 
man to  withdraw  under  cover  of  night  from  that  position 
and  move  the  three  corps  seven  miles  to  the  right.  It  was 
necessary  to  deceive  the  enemy  entirely  as  to  this  move- 
ment, and  the  wheels  of  the  gun-carriages  and  caissons 
were  bound  with  wisps  of  hay  and  straw,  in  order  that  the 
utmost  silence  might  prevail  as  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee 
moved  out  from  its  position.  General  Logan  was  in  his 

283 


284 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOG  AH. 


saddle  all  niglit  long  and^  with  his  staff,  personally  super- 
intended the  movements  of  every  corps.  They  moved  with- 
out the  slightest  confusion.  By  daylight  of  the  twenty- 
seventh  the  corps  of  the  entire  Army  of  the  Tennessee  were 
safely  upon  their  respective  roads,  prepared  to  go  into  their 
new  position,  and  this  without  any  casualty,  leaving  the 
enemy  in  complete  ignorance  of  the  withdrawal.  The 
military  talent  displayed  by  Logan  on  this  occasion  w^as 
remarkable  when  it  is  considered  that  the  darkness  of  the 
night  was  such  that  the  entire  command  was  obliged 
almost  to  feel  its  way— it  being  impracticable  to  use  any 
light,  even  that  of  a torch,  with  which  to  guide  the 
troops. 

Overcome  with  fatigue  and  anxiety  resulting  from  the 
sudden  responsibility  of  the  command  of  this  army  in  the 
battle  of  the  twenty-second,  and  this  delicate  movement  in 
the  face  of  the  enemy.  General  Logan,  on  the  morning  of 
the  twenty-seventh,  at  the  White  House,  where  General 
Sherman  was  quartered,  was  informed  that  General  0.  0. 
Howard  had  been  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee.  Without  a word,  however.  General 
Logan  resumed  command  of  his  old  corps,  the  fifteenth, 
and  during  the  twenty-seventh  went  into  position  on  the 
right  of  the  line.  General  Blair  of  the  seventeenth  corps 
on  his  left,  and  General  Dodge  of  the  sixteenth,  upon  the 
left  flank. 

The  rain  poured  in  torrents  as  the  army  took  up  its 
position  on  that  day,  and  it  was  late  in  the  evening  before 
the  troops  were  all  deployed.  Again  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee  was,  by  its  right  flank,  ^^in  air.-’^  The  enemy 
was  discovered  late  in  the  day  again  upon  that  flank,  and, 
as  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  could  not  reach  so  as  to 
secure  a position  not  easily  turned.  General  Sherman 
ordered  General  Jeff.  C.  Davis,  with  his  division,  to  move 
at  once  and  support  the  right  flank. 

The  morning  of  the  28th  found  the  Army  of  the  Ten- 


LOOA^,  THE  SOLDIER. 


285 


nessee  confronting  again  the  enemy.  Hardly  had  the 
fifteenth  corps,  under  Logan,  thrown  up  their  earthworks, 
with  logs  and  rails  covering  in  their  front,  when  Hood  came 
at  him  again.  By  11  o’clock  a.m.,  the  fighting  became 
general  along  his  entire  line,  and  then  occurred  another 
most  desperate  battle  in  which  General  Logan  with  his 
corps  was  exclusively  engaged  on  our  side.  Six  times  did 
the  enemy  deploy  from  the  woods  in  Logan’s  front,  and 
six  times,  with  words  of  encouragement  and  threats  from 
their  commanding  officers  they  marched  up  to  receive  the 
deadly  fire  of  Logan’s  troops — and  six  times  were  they 
repulsed  with  slaughter.  Perhaps  in  the  history  of  the 
war  was  never  such  persistent  and  desperate  gallantry  dis- 
played on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  but  their  defeat  was 
complete,  and  the  reports  of  this  battle  of  Ezra  Chai)el 
show  that  to  Logan  and  his  brave  corps  alone  was  due  the 
credit  of  the  victory. 

General  Sherman,  in  his  report  of  this  battle  says : 
General  Logan,  on  this  occasion,  was  conspicuous  as 
on  the  22d,  his  corps  being  chiefly  engaged,  but  General 
Howard  had  drawn  from  the  other  corps,  the  sixteenth  and 
seventeenth,  certain  reserves,  which  were  near  at  hand, 
but  not  iised/^ 

Again,  Sherman,  speaking  of  Logan,  his  corps  and  this 
battle,  says  : ^^He  commanded  in  person,  and  that  corps, 

as  heretofore  reported,  repulsed  the  rebel  army  completely,'^’ 

Another  writer  thus  describes  this  battle  of  Ezra  Chapel : 

^^The  enemy  had  come  out  from  Atlanta  by  the  burned 
Ferry  road  and  formed  his  men  in  an  open  field  behind  a 
swell  of  ground,  and  after  the  artillery  firing  I have  des- 
cribed, advanced  in  parallel  lines  directly  against  the  fif- 
teenth corps  expecting  to  catch  that  flank  ^in  air.'’  His 
advance  was  impulsive,  but  founded  in  an  error  that  cost  him 
sadly,  for  our  men  coolly  and  deliberately  cut  down  his  men 
and,  despite  the  efforts  of  the  rebel  officers,  his  ranks  broke 
and  fled,  But  they  were  rallied  again  and  again,  as  often  as 


286 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 


six  times,  at  the  same  point,  and  a few  of  the  rebel  officers 
and  men  reached  our  lines  of  rail-piles  only  to  be  killed  or 
hauled  oyer  as  prisoners.  These  assaults  occurred  from  noon 
until  about  4 o^clock  p.m.,  when  the  enemy  disappeared, 
leaving  his  dead  and  wounded  in  our  hands.  As  many  as 
642  dead  were  counted  and  buried,  and  still  others  are 
known  to  have  been  buried  that  were  not  counted  by  the 
regular  detail  of  burial  parties/^ 

Another  account  of  this  battle  written  by  a participant 
runs  thus:  With  hardly  time  for  the  overtaxed  soldiers 

to  recover  their  exhausted  energies,  the  Army  of  the  Ten- 
nessee was  moved  again  around  to  the  right  of  the  Union 
line,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-eighth  of  July, 
General  Logan,  having  been  relieved  from  the  temporary 
command  of  the  army  by  the  appointment  of  General 
Hov/ard,  assumed  command  of  his  old  corps,  and,  while 
moving  it  into  position,  in  line  of  battle,  on  the  extreme 
right  of  our  army,  just  as  he  had  gained  a commanding 
ridge  upon  which  was  situated  Ezra  Chapel,  the  whole 
corps  became  suddenly  and  furiously  engaged  with  the 
enemy.  Our  troops  had  not  had  a moment  to  construct 
even  the  rudest  defense,  but  they  had  held  their  position, 
and,  after  about  one  hour  of  terrific  fighting,  the  enemy 
retired.  He,  however,  soon  reformed,  and  again  made  a 
desperate  assault,  v/hich  was  subsequently  repeated  four 
successive  times,  with  like  results.  The  temporary  lulls 
in  the  fighting  did  not  at  any  time  exceed  five  minutes. 
It  was  an  open  field-fight,  in  which  the  enemy,  consisting 
of  Hardee^s  and  Lee^s  corps,  greatly  exceeded  us  in  nu- 
merical strength,  but  we  exceeded  h.m  in  spirit  and 
determination.  The  engagement  lasted  from  11:30  a.m. 
until  darkness  compelled  a cessation.  Logan  captured  five 
battle-flags,  about  two  thousand  muskets,  and  one  hundred 
and  six  prisoners,  not  including  seventy-three  wounded 
left  on  the  field.  Over  six  huna  ed  of  the  enemy^s  dead 
were  buried  in  our  front;  a large  number  were  probably 


LOGAN,  IIIE  SOLDIER. 


287 


carried  off  during  the  night,  as  the  enemy  did  not  leave 
the  field  until  near  daylight.  Their  loss  was  not  less  than 
five  thousand.  Logan^s  only  reached  five  hundred  and 
sixty-two.'’^ 

Following  is  General  Logan^s  official  report  of  this 
obstinately  fought  battle: 

Headquarters  Fifteenth  Army  Corps  before  ) 
Atlanta,  Georgia,  July  29,  1864.  f 

Colonel:  I have  the  honor  to  report  that  in  pursuance  of  orders 
I moved  my  command  in  position  on  the  right  of  the  seventeenth 
army  corps,  which  was  the  extreme  right  of  the  army  in  the  field, 
on  the  night  and  morning  of  the  27th  and  28th  instants,  and,  during 
my  advance  to  a more  desirable  position,  we  were  met  by  the  rebel 
infantry  from  Hood’s  and  Lee’s  corps,  who  made  a desperate  and 
determined  attack  at  half-past  eleven  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the 
twenty-eighth. 

My  lines  were  protected  only  by  logs  and  rails  hastily  thrown  in 
front  of  them.  The  first  onset  was  received  and  checked,  and  the 
battle  commenced,  lasting  until  about  three  oclock  in  the  afternoon 
During  that  time  six  successive  charges  were  made,  which  were  six 
times  gallantly  repulsed,  each  time  with  fearful  loss  to  the  enemy. 
Later  in  the  evening,  my  lines  were  several  times  assaulted  vigor- 
ously, but  terminated  with  like  result  The  most  of  the  fighting 
occurred  on  Generals  Harrow’s  and  Smith’s  fronts,  which  formed  the 
centre  and  right  of  the  line.  The  troops  could  not  have  displayed 
more  courage,  nor  greater  determination  not  to  yield  Had  they 
shown  less,  they  would  have  been  driven  from  their  position.  Briga- 
dier Generals  Wood’s,  Harrow’s,  and  Smith’s  division  commands  are 
entitled  to  great  credit  for  gallant  conduct  and  skill  in  repelling  the 
assaults.  My  thanks  are  due  to  Major  Generals  Blair  and  Dodge  for 
sending  me  re-enforcements  at  a time  when  they  were  much  needed. 

My  losses  are  fifty  killed,  four  hundred  and  thirty-nine  wounded, 
and  eighty- three  missing;  aggregate,  five  hundred  and  seventy- two. 

The  division  of  General  Harrow  captured  five  battle-flags.  There 
were  about  fifteen  hundred  or  two  thousand  muskets  captured.  One 
hundred  and  six  prisoners  were  captured,  exclusive  of  seventy-three 
wounded,  who  have  been  removed  to  hospitals,  and  are  being  taken 
care  of  by  our  surgeons;  five  hundred  and  sixty-five  rebels  up  to  this 
time  have  been  buried,  and  about  two  liundred  supposed  to  be  yet 
unburied.  Large  numbers  were  undoubtedly  carried  away  during 
the  night,  as  the  enemy  did  not  withdraw  until  nearly  daylight.  The 


288 


LIFE  OF  JOniq-  A.  LOGAK. 


enemy’s  loss  could  not  have  been,  in  my  judgment,  less  than  six  or 
seven  thousand. 

I am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

John  a.  Logan,  Major  General, 

Commanding  fifteenth  army  corps. 
Lieutenant  Colonel  W.  T.  Clark,  Assistant  Adjutant  General. 

The  endorsement  upon  the  above  report  is  as  follows: 

Headquarters  Department  of  the  Army  of  the  Ten-  } 
NESSEE  BEFORE  ATLANTA,  GEORGIA,  July  29,  1864.  ) 

In  forwarding  the  within  report  I wish  to  express  my  high  gratili- 
cation  with  the  conduct  of  the  troops  engaged.  I never  saw  better 
conduct  in  battle. 

The  general  commanding  the  fifteenth  army  corps,  though  ill  and 
much  worn  out,  was  indefatigable,  and  the  success  of  the  day  is  as 
much  attributable  to  him  as  to  any  one  man.  His  officers,  and  in 
fact  all  the  officers  of  his  army  that  commanded  my  observation, 
co-operated  promptly  and  heartily  with  him. 

O.  O.  Howard,  Major  General. 


CHAPTEE  XXV. 


LOGAK  AGAIJIT  WHIPS  LEE^S  AJSTD  HAKDEE’S  CORPS  BADLY 
AT  THE  BATTLE  OP  JONESBORO — CONSEQUENT  EVACUA- 
TION OP  ATLANTA — LOGAN^S  PATHETIC  ADDRESS  TO  HIS 
GALLANT  CORPS. 

FEOM  the  29th  of  July  to  the  26th  of  August^  Logan 
continued  to  push  forward  his  lines,  keeping  up  the 
usual  skirmish  and  artillery  practice  night  and  day,  almost 
without  interruj)tion.  On  the  3d  and  11th  of  August  he 
carried  the  entire  entrenched  skirmish-lines  of  the  enemy 
in  his  front,  capturing  several  hundred  prisoners.  In  one 
engagement  he  lost  sixty  men,  and  in  the  other  the  killed 
and  wounded  numbered  ninety-eight. 

Sherman  having  determined  to  raise  the  siege  of 
Atlanta  and  take  the  field  with  his  whole  force  and  use 
it  against  the  communications  instead  of  against  the 
entrenchments  of  the  city,  on  the  night  of  the  26th  of 
August  Logan  withdrew  his  corps  from  its  position  in 
front  of  Atlanta  and,  moving  on  the  right  of  the  army  to 
the  West  Point  railroad,  he  destroyed  the  road  for  some 
distance,  and  marching  to  Jonesboro^  drove  the  enemy 
before  him  from  Pond  Creek,  a distance  of  ten  miles, 
lie  arrived  in  front  of  Jonesboro^  on  the  evening  of 
August  30th,  and,  though  it  was  past  midnight  before  his 
troops  had  all  crossed  Flint  Eiver,  yet  at  daylight  on  the 
morning  of  the  31st,  and  without  the  knowledge  of  either 
Sherman  or  Howard,  a strong  entrenched  line  was  com- 
pleted and  his  corps  was  in  position  for  defense.  Logan, 
appreciating  his  situation  of  isolation  from  the  main  army, 
greatly  exposed  and  liable  at  any  moment  to  attack,  caused 
his  position  to  be  entrenched  with  great  care.  The  morn- 
ing was  thus  spent  in  strengthening  his  lines  and  placing 
19  289 


390 


LIFE  OF  JOHFT  A.  LOGAK. 


his  artillery  in  the  most  commanding  positions.  He  gave 
to  this  work^  so  important  at  this  time,  his  personal  super- 
vision^ and  was  on  the  ground  when,  at  three  o^clock  in 
the  afternoon,  the  enemy  (Lee^s  and  Hardee^s  corps)  made 
a sudden  and  desperate  assault  on  all  points  of  his  front. 
Every  soldier  of  the  fifteenth  corps  was  in  the  trenches, 
and  ready  for  the  fray.  On  the  enemy  came,  pushing  his 
lines  to  within  thirty  to  fifty  paces  from  Logan^s  works, 
but  the  resistance  he  met  was  so  well  directed  that  he  was, 
in  little  over  an  hour  of  hard  fighting,  compelled  to  retire 
discomfited  and  in  confusion.  Many  daring  acts  were  per- 
formed by  the  enemy^s  officers  and  men.  One  of  his 
Generals  (Major  General  Patten  Anderson),  with  his  staff, 
rode  fearlessly  along  his  lines,  doing  all  that  a commander 
could  do  to  make  the  assault  a success.  But  four  of  those 
who  rode  with  him  in  that  perilous  performance  of  duty, 
returned  from  the  field — himself,  with  many  of  his  staff, 
being  shot  down.  General  Logan,  in  his  official  report, 
said  of  this  General:  could  not  help  admiring  his  gal- 

lantry, though  an  enemy. The  enemy  made  two  subse- 
quent assaults,  but  with  less  spirit  and  determination  than 
the  first.  They  were  easily  repulsed,  though  not  without 
terrible  loss  to  him.  The  enemy^s  loss  in  this  battle  was 
greater  than  in  any  former  engagement,  except  at  Ezra 
Chapel  on  the  28th  of  July.  Logan  captured  241  prison- 
ers and  two  stand  of  colors.  There  were  left  on  the  field 
by  the  enemy  329  dead  and  139  wounded.  The  total  Con- 
federate loss  was  admitted  to  be  over  2,500.  Owing,  how- 
ever, to  the  protection  of  good  entrenchments,  Logan^s  loss 
was  only  154.  This  battle  virtually  decided  the  fate  of 
Atlanta.  The  next  day  Sherman  ordered  the  whole  army 
to  close  down  on  Jonesboro^  but  during  the  night  of 
September  1st,  before  this  order  was  executed,  the  enemy 
evacuated  his  position,  and  at  day-dawn  on  the  2d  Logan 
occupied  Jonesboro\  The  same  night  Hood,  after  blow- 
ing up  his  magazines,  evacuated  Atlanta. 


LOGAK^  THE  SOLDIEE. 


291 


General  Sherman  in  his  report  of  this  battle  says: 

Hearing  the  sounds  of  battle  at  JonesboiV  about  noon, 
orders  were  renewed  to  push  with  the  other  movements  on 
the  left  and  center,  and  about  four  p.m.  the  report  arrived 
that  General  Howard  had  thoroughly  repulsed  the  enemy 
at  Jonesboro\'^^ 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  Logan  and  his  corps  fought 
the  battle  of  Jonesboro’ — which  led  to  the  evacuation  of 
the  great  stronghold  of  Atlanta — without  the  knowledge 
of  Sherman,  except  so  far  as  he  could  hear  the  booming  of 
Logan^s  victorious  guns. 

, The  troops  of  the  other  commands  of  Sherman’s  army 
failed  to  come  to  time,  otherwise  the  entire  army  of  Hood 
might  have  been  captured  on  the  thirty-first  of  August 
(thus  making  it  unnecessary  to  fight  the  subsequent  battles 
of  Franklin  and  Nashville),  and  with  the  fall  of  Atlanta 
the  enemy’s  entire  army  of  the  West  would  have  been 
destroyed. 

The  importance,  however,  of  the  capture  of  Atlanta, 
even  without  capturing  the  enemy’s  army,  was  sufficiently 
great  to  cause  unbounded  rejoicing  in  the  North  and  of 
course  corresponding  depression  in  the  South. 

Among  other  dispatches  received  by  Sherman,  was  the 
following  from  President  Lincoln: 

Executive  Mansion,  ) 

Washington,  D.  C.,  September  3,  1864.  ( 

The  National  thanks  are  tendered  by  the  President  to  Major 
General  W.  T.  Sherman  and  the  gallant  officers  and  soldiers  of  his 
command  before  Atlanta,  for  the  distinguished  ability  and  persever- 
ance displayed  in  the  campaign  in  Georgia,  which,  under  Divine 
favor,  has  resulted  in  the  capture  of  Atlanta.  The  marches,  battles, 
sieges,  and  other  military  operations  that  have  signalized  the  cam- 
paign, must  render  it  famous  in  the  annals  of  war,  and  have  entitled 
those  who  have  participated  therein  to  the  applause  and  thanks  of  the 
nation.  Abraham  Lincoln, 

President  of  the  United  States. 


292 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAH. 


Another^  from  General  Granl,  was  in  the  following 
words : 

City  Point,  Virginia,  September  4,  1864 — 9 p.m. 

Major  General  Sherman:  I have  just  received  your  dispatch 

announcing  the  capture  of  Atlanta.  In  honor  of  your  great  victory, 
I have  ordered  a salute  to  be  fired  with  shotted  guns  from  every  bat- 
tery bearing  upon  the  enemy.  The  salute  will  be  fired  within  an 
hour,  amid  great  rejoicing.  U.  S.  Grant, 

Lieutenant  General. 

From  Jonesboro',  Logan  pursued  the  flying  enemy  to 
Lovejoy^s  where  he  made  another  stand.  Logan  again 
had  him  in  flank,  and  desired  again  to  attack  him  and 
accomplish  what  the  army  had  failed  to  do  on  the  thirty- 
flrst  of  August  by  reason  of  the  want  of  co-operation  of 
the  other  troops  of  General  Sherman^s  command,  but  in 
the  meantime  Atlanta  had  fallen,  and  Sherman,  satisfled 
with  the  glory  he  had  achieved  in  its  capture — although, 
as  he  says  in  his  Memoirs, neither  Atlanta,  nor 
Augusta,  nor  Savannah,  was  the  objective,  but  the  army 
of  Jos.  Johnston  (now  however  under  Hood^s  command), 
go  lohere  it  might  — decided,  as  he  says,  not  to  attempt 
at  that  time  a further  pursuit  of  Hood's  army,  but  slowly 
and  deliberately  to  move  back,  occupy  Atlanta,  enjoy  a 
short  period  of  rest,  and  to  think  well  over  the  next  step 
required  in  the  progress  of  events. Accordingly  early  in 
September,  in  obedience  to  orders  the  Army  of  the  Ten- 
nessee found  itself  in  camp  at  East  Point,  Georgia,  and  a 
few  days  later  General  Logan  issued  the  following  stirring 
and  patriotic  address  to  his  victorious  command: 

Headquarters  Fifteenth  Army  Corps,  East  Point,  ) 
Georgia,  September  11.  1864.  ) 

Officers  and  Soldiers  of  the  Fifteenth  Army  Cordis:  You  have  borne 
your  part  in  the  accomplishment  of  the  object  of  this  campaign,  a 
part  well  and  faithfully  done. 

On  the  first  day  of  May,  1864,  from  Huntsville,  Ala.,  and  its 
vicinity,  you  commenced  the  march.  The  marches  and  labors  per- 
formed by  you  during  this  campaign  will  hardly  find  a parallel  in 


LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIER. 


293 


the  history  of  war.  The  proud  name  heretofore  acquired  by  the 
fifteenth  corps  for  soldierly  bearing  and  daring  deeds  remains  untar- 
nished, its  lustre  undimmed.  During  the  campaign  you  constituted 
the  main  portion  of  the  flanking  column  of  the  whole  army.  Your 
first  move  against  the  enemy  was  around  the  right  of  the  army  at 
Kesaca,  where,  by  your  gallantry,  the  enemy  were  driven  from  the 
hills  and  his  works  on  the  main  road  from  Vilanow  to  Resaca.  On 
the  retreat  of  the  enemy,  you  moved  on  the  right  flank  of  the  army 
by  a circuitous  route  to  Adairsville,  in  the  same  manner  from  there 
to  Kingston  and  Dallas,  where,  on  the  twenty-eighth  day  of  May, 
you  met  the  veteran  corps  of  Hardee,  and  in  a severe  and  bloody 
contest  you  hurled  him  back,  killing  and  wounding  over  two  thou- 
sand, besides  capturing  a large  number  of  prisoners.  You  then 
moved  around  to  the  left  of  the  army,  by  way  of  Acworth,  to  Kene- 
saw  Mountain,  where  again  you  met  the  enemy,  driving  him  from 
three  lines  of  works,  capturing  over  three  hundred  prisoners. 
During  your  stay  in  front  of  Kenesaw  Mountain,  on  the  twenty- 
seventh  of  June,  you  made  one  of  the  most  daring,  bold  and  heroic 
charges  of  the  war,  against  the  almost  impregnable  position  of  the 
enemy  on  Little  Kenesaw.  You  were  then  moved,  by  way  of 
Marietta,  to  Nickajack  Creek,  on  the  right  of  the  army;  thence  back 
to  the  extreme  left,  by  way  of  Marietta  and  Roswell,  to  the  Augusta 
railroad,  near  Stone  Mountain,  a distance  of  fifty  miles,  and,  after 
effectually  destroying  the  railroad  at  this  point,  you  moved  by  way 
of  Decatur  to  the  immediate  front  of  the  rebel  stronghold,  Atlanta. 

Here,  on  the  22d  day  of  July,  you  again  performed  your  duty 
nobly  ‘‘  as  patriots  and  soldiers’’  in  one  of  the  most  severe  and  sangui- 
nary conflicts  of  the  campaign.  With  hardly  time  to  recover  your 
almost  exhausted  energies,  you  were  moved  again  around  to  the  right 
of  the  army,  only  to  encounter  the  same  troops  against  whom  you 
had  so  recently  contended,  and  the  battle  of  the  28th  of  July,  at  Ezra 
Chapel,  will  long  be  remembered  by  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  this 
command.  On  that  day  it  was  the  fifteenth  corps,  almost  unaided 
and  alone,  for  four  hours  contested  the  field  against  the  corps  of  Har- 
dee and  Lee.  You  drove  them  discomfited  from  the  field,  causing 
them  to  leave  their  dead  and  many  of  their  wounded  in  your  hands. 
The  many  noble  and  gallant  deeds  performed  by  you  on  that  day  will 
be  remembered  among  the  proudest  acts  of  our  Nation’s  history. 
After  pressing  the  enemy  closely  for  several  days,  you  again  moved 
to  the  right  of  the  army,  to  the  West  Point  Railroad,  near  Fairburn; 
after  completely  destroying  the  road  for  some  distance  you  marched 
to  Jonesboro’,  driving  the  enemy  before  you  from  Pond  Creek,  a dis- 


294 


LIFE  OF  JOHFT  A.  LOGAK. 


tance  of  ten  miles.  At  this  point  you  again  met  the  enemy,  composed 
of  Lee’s  and  Hardee’s  corps,  on  the  31st  of  August,  and  punished 
them  severely,  driving  them  in  confusion  from  the  field,  with  their 
dead  and  many  wounded  and  prisoners  left  in  your  hands.  Here, 
again,  by  your  skill  and  true  courage  you  kept  sacred  the  reputation 
you  have  so  long  maintained,  viz. : ‘ The  fifteenth  corps  never  meets 
the  enemy  but  to  strike  and  defeat  him.'  On  the  1st  of  September, 
the  fourteenth  corps  attacked  Hardee,  you  at  once  opened  fire  on 
him,  and  by  your  co-operation  his  defeat  became  a rout.  Hood, 
hearing  the  news,  blew  up  his  ammunition  trains,  retreated,  and 
Atlanta  was  ours. 

You  have  marched  during  the  campaign,  in  your  windings,  the 
distance  of  four  hundred  miles;  have  put  hors  du  corribat  more  of  the 
enemy  than  your  corps  numbers;  have  captured  twelve  stands  of 
colors,  two  thousand  four  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners  and  two  hun- 
dred and  ten  deserters. 

The  course  of  your  march  is  marked  by  the  graves  of  patriotic 
heroes  who  have  fallen  by  your  side;  but  at  the  same  time  it  is  more 
plainly  marked  by  the  blood  of  traitors  who  have  defied  the  Constitu- 
tion and  laws,  insulted  and  trampled  under  foot  the  glorious  fiag  of 
our  country. 

We  deeply  sympathize  with  the  friends  of  those  of  our  comrades- 
in-arms  who  have  fallen;  our  sorrows  are  only  appeased  by  the  knowl- 
edge that  they  fell  as  brave  men,  battling  for  the  preservation  and 
perpetuation  of  one  of  the  best  governments  on  earth.  Peace  be  to 
their  ashes.” 

You  now  rest  for  a short  time  from  your  labors.  During  the  respite 
prepare  for  future  action.  Let  your  country  see  at  all  times  by  your 
conduct  that  you  love  the  cause  you  have  espoused;  that  you  have  no 
sympathy  with  any  who  would  by  word  or  deed  assist  vile  traitors  in 
dismembering  our  mighty  republic  or  trailing  in  the  dust  the  emblem 
of  our  national  greatness  and  glory.  You  are  the  defenders  of  a gov- 
ernment that  has  blessed  you  heretofore  with  peace,  happiness  and 
prosperity.  Its  perpetuity  depends  upon  your  heroism,  faithfulness 
and  devotion. 

When  the  time  shall  come  to  go  forward  again,  let  us  go  with  the 
determination  to  save  our  nation  from  threatened  wreck  and  hopeless 
ruin,  not  forgetting  the  appeal  from  widows  and  orphans  that  is  borne 
to  us  upon  every  breeze  to  avenge  the  loss  of  their  loved  ones  who 
have  fallen  in  defense  of  their  country.  Be  patient,  obedient  and 
earnest,  and  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when  you  can  return  to  your 
homes  with  the  proud  consolation  that  you  have  assisted  in  causing 


LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIEE. 


295 


the  old  banner  to  again  wave  from  every  mountain's  top  and  over 
every  town  and  hamlet  of  our  once  happy  land,  and  hear  the  shouts 
of  triumph  ascend  from  a grateful  people,  proclaiming  that  once  more 
we  have  one  flag  and  one  country.  John  A.  Logan, 

Major  General  Commanding. 


CHAPTEE  XXVI. 


ANOTHER  INTERLUDE — LOGAN  ON  THE  STUMP  AGAIN, 
DEFENDING  THE  PARTY  OF  THE  UNION — ASSIGNED  TO 
THE  COMMAND  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND — 
LOGAN  PERFORMS  AN  ACT  OF  RARE  MAGNANIMITY — 
HE  ACCORDINGLY  REJOINS  HIS  OLD  CORPS  AT  SAVAN- 
NAH. 

After  the  termination  of  the  Atlanta  campaign — in 
which  he  had  borne  so  gallant  and  conspicuous  a part 
— Logan,  again  upon  the  suggestion  of  his  superiors,  took 
another  leave  of  absence  and  went  north,  to  stump  the 
Western  states  during  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1864. 
The  same  influence  which,  as  we  have  seen,  rallied  the 
Democrats  of  Egypt  to  the  flag  of  their  country  upon  the 
first  call  to  arms,  was  again  brought  to  bear  upon  them  to 
support  and  vote  for  the  Republican  ticket.  Logan  worked 
in  this  cause  like  a giant,  and,  with  his  rare  eloquence  of 
speech  and  manner  and  his  personal  magnetism,  succeeded 
in  winning  them  over;  they  hailed  him  again  as  their 
political  leader  and  followed  his  guidance;  but  he  persist- 
ently declined  all  offices  tendered  to  him,  declaring  as  he 
did  so  that  he  was  a soldier  and  would  not  leave  the  service 
nor  lay  down  his  sword,  so  long  as  there  remained  one 
rebel  in  arms  against  the  government.  Alluding  to  what 
General  Logan  did  at  this  time,  the  NeiD  Era  (Illinois) 
subsequently  said:  During  the  campaign  in  ^64,  he 

came  home  and  battled  for  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  Repub- 
lican party,  and  certainly  contributed  as  much  to  the  suc- 
cess of  the  party  in  this  State  and  Indiana  as  any  other 
man.  While  he  was  doing  this — fighting  rebels  in  the  fleld 
and  their  friends  at  home — many  men  who  have  always 
been  supported  by  the  party  were  lukewarm  in  the  cause 

396 


LOGAK,  THE  SOLDIER. 


297 


of  the  country  and  the  party.  General  Logan  took  bold 
and  decided  grounds  at  once,  and  advocated  using  any 
and  all  means  to  put  down  the  rebellion  and  sustain  Mr. 
Lincoln's  administration,  while  many  others  now  promi- 
nent in  the  Eepublican  ranks  were  grumbling  and  com- 
plaining at  many  things  done  to  suppress  opposition  to  the 
government.*' 

General  Logan^s  labor  for  the  government,  in  the  polit- 
ical arena  prevented  his  return  to  his  command  before 
communications  with  Atlanta  were  severed.  At  the  con- 
clusion of  the  political  campaign,  however,  he  was  called 
to  Washington  and  ordered  to  proceed  to  Nashville  to 
assume  command  of  the  army  of  the  Cumberland,  then 
under  General  Thomas.  With  the  order  of  supercedure 
in  his  pocket  he  reached  Louisville,  Kentucky,  and  there, 
learning  that  General  Thomas  had  attacked  the  enemy  in 
front  of  Nashville,  and  believing  in  that  GeneraTs  ability 
to  conduct  the  engagement  to  a successful  issue,  not  only 
kept  the  document  in  his  pocket  without  presenting  it  to 
Thomas,  but  immediately  telegraphed  to  General  Grant, 
suggesting  that  Thomas  should  not  be  superceded. 


CHAPTER  XXVIL 


HE  ESTABLISHES  THE  EIFTEEHTH  CORPS  IH  COMFORTA- 
BLE QUARTERS — RETURNS  TO  ILLIi^OIS  AMID  GREAT 
REJOICING  OF  HER  PEOPLE — MASS  MEETING  AT  CAR- 
BONDALE — HIS  ELOQUENT  AND  IMPASSIONED  SPEECHES 
— HIS  RETURN  TO  THE  FIELD  AND  HIS  PROMOTION — 
ASSUMES  COMMAND  OF  THREE  ARMY  CORPS  — STRONG 
SENSE  OF  DUTY  — RESUMES  COMMAND  OF  THE  FIF- 
TEENTH CORPS  — MID-WINTER  CAMPAIGN  — AS  A VOL- 
UNTEER FIREMAN — GENERAL  LOGAN  AS  HE  APPEARED 
AT  THE  FINAL  GRAND  REVIEW  OF  TROOPS  AT  WASH- 
INGTON. 

After  the  fail  of  Atlanta,  early  in  September,  1864, 
the  army  was  placed  in  encampments  near  the  city 
with  the  intention  of  giving  it  a rest  so  much  needed  after 
the  fatigues  of  the  marches  and  battles  of  the  preceding 
four  months.  When  he  had  properly  established  the  fif- 
teenth corps  in  comfortable  quarters  and  properly  pro- 
vided for  its  wants.  General  Logan  obtained  a leave  of 
absence  to  visit  his  family  at  Oarbondale,  Illinois.  It  was 
his  intention  to  remain  but  a short  time  at  home,  his  wish 
being  to  accompany  his  command,  and  participate  in  all 
future  movements  of  the  army  in  which  he  had  served  so 
long.  His  return  to  Illinois  created  great  rejoicing  among 
his  old  friends.  The  Presidential  campaign  between  Mr. 
Lincoln  and  General  McClellan  was  at  the  height  of  its 
interest  and  excitement.  When  General  Logan  reached 
home  he  was  at  once  invited  to  address  the  people  upon 
the  all-absorbing  political  topics  of  the  day,  and  he  con- 
sented to  do  so.  A large  mass  of  people  assembled  at 
Carbondale  on  the  day  appointed,  and  General  Logan 
delivered  one  of  the  most  eloquent  and  impassioned 

223 


LOGAN,  THE  SOLDIER. 


299 


speeches  that  ever  fell  from  his  lips.  He  insisted  that  the 
great  issue  between  the  parties  was,  whether  the  war  should 
be  prosecuted  to  the  final  overthrow  of  the  rebellion,  and 
the  Union  thus  saved,  or  whether  the  war  should  be 
declared  a failure  as  announced  by  the  Democratic  party. 
He  urged  his  old  friends  to  stand  by  the  constituted 
authorities  of  the  country  and  vote  for  Mr.  Lincoln. 

This  speech  had  a powerful  effect;  it  was  published  and 
commented  upon  by  the  newspapers  in  various  parts  of  the 
State.  Logan  had,  as  a Democrat,  opposed  the  election  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  in  1860,  and  as  a candidate  for  Congress  had 
received  almost  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  people  of 
Southern  Illinois.  Now  he  urged  the  men  who  supported 
him  in  1860  as  a Democrat  to  support  the  Sepublican 
nominee  for  President  as  the  only  means  of  saving  the 
Union,  and  as  a patriotic  duty  they  owed  to  their  country. 

The  General  was  invited  to  make  a number  of  speeches, 
and  it  soon  became  obvious  that  his  efforts  in  this  direction 
would  be  of  groat  value  to  the  Union  cause.  Finally,  Pres- 
ident Lincoln  caused  it  to  be  communicated  to  General 
Logan  that  he  would  be  glad  to  have  him  continue  in  the 
political  campaign  until  the  election. 

And  so  it  came  to  pass  that  General  Logan,  for  the 
reasons  above  mentioned,  was  not  with  the  army  during 
the  movements  of  Hood  in  October  against  General  Sher- 
man^s  line  of  communication,  nor  did  he  accompany 
General  Sherman  on  the  famous  march  to  the  sea,  the 
troops  being  on  the  march  to  assemble  at  Atlanta  on  the 
day  of  election. 

The  natural  logic  of  General  Logan^s  line  of  conduct, 
from  the  battle  of  Bull  Eun  to  the  fall  of  Atlanta,  was 
that  he  should  support  Mr.  Lincoln  for  re-election,  but 
certain  things  had  but  recently  occurred,  which,  in  the 
estimation  of  many  who  considered  the  subject  at  the 
time,  would  have  justified  him  in  withholding  that  labo- 
rious and  earnest  support  which  he  gave  him. 


300 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAN. 


If  ever  a soldier  won  the  right  to  retain  a higher  com- 
mand, which  had  devolved  upon  him  by  the  casualties  of 
war,  General  Logan  won  it  on  the  bloody  field  of  July 
22,  1864,  after  the  fall  of  McPherson. 

He  had  during  the  preceding  three  years  been  directly 
engaged  in  the  great  events  of  the  war  in  the  West,  and 
had  successively  risen  from  the  rank  of  Colonel  to  that  of 
Major  General,  and  from  the  command  of  a regiment  to 
that  of  the  fifteenth  army  corps,  and  had  rendered  most 
valuable,  conspicuous,  and  gallant  service  in  every  posi- 
tion. At  last  in  the  midst  of  one  of  the  bloodiest  battles 
of  the  war  he  was  suddenly  compelled  to  assume  command 
in  the  field  of  three  army  corps,  and  he  handled  them 
with  such  skill  and  inspired  them  with  such  enthusiasm 
that  he  turned  what  at  one  time  seemed  inevitable  defeat 
into  a great  victory.  The  army  felt  that  Logan  had  hon- 
orably won  his  spurs  and  would  be  allowed  to  wear  them; 
but,  upon  the  recommendation  of  General  Sherman, 
within  a week.  President  Lincoln  assigned  General  0.  0. 
Howard  to  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee, 
and  General  Logan  was  sent  back  to  his  corps. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  action  was  a great  dis- 
appointment to  him,  and  was  justly  considered  by  him  as  a 
gross  injustice.  At  this  day  no  one  would  undertake  to 
impute  to  General  Sherman  or  President  Lincoln  any  im- 
proper motives  for  their  action  in  the  matter,  but  the  fact 
remains  that  when  General  Logan  returned  to  Illinois,  in 
the  fall  of  1864,  he  was  smarting  under  what  he  considered 
a grievous  injury.  Nevertheless,  we  find  that  his  sense  of 
duty  rose  above  the  feeling  of  personal  wrong,  and  he 
entered  into  the  campaign  in  support  of  Mr.  Lincoln  as 
arduously  and  as  enthusiastically  as  though  no  cause  of 
complaint  had  ever  arisen. 

After  General  Sherman  had  captured  Savannah,  Gen- 
eral Logan  went  to  that  place  by  sea  and  resumed  command 


LOGAK,  THE  SOLDIER. 


301 


of  the  fifteenth  army  corps^  and  made  ready  for  the  great 
campaign  through  the  Carolinas. 

About  the  15th  of  January,  1865,  this  movement  began 
by  assembling  the  army  at  Pocotalico  and  other  points  in 
South  Carolina.  The  march  began  on  February  1,  1865. 
The  object  of  the  campaign  was  of  course  to  whip  the 
enemy  wherever  found,  but  the  chief  end  in  view  was  to 
seize  all  the  great  railroad  centres  in  South  and  North 
Carolina  and  utterly  destroy  the  system  of  railroads  in  those 
States  so  as  to  etfectually  break  up  the  lines  of  communi- 
cation with  Lee^s  army  at  Richmond  and  Petersburg  and 
to  place  the  great  victorious  army  of  Georgia  in  a position 
to  co-operate  with  General  Grant  in  the  final  movements 
which  were  to  overthrow  the  military  power  of  the  confed- 
eracy. By  a series  of  well-directed  movements  which  in- 
duced the  rebel  Generals  to  believe  that  Sherman  intended 
to  attack  both  Augusta  and  Savannah,  and  thereby  pre- 
vented the  concentration  of  the  considerable  forces  which 
were  stationed  at  various  points  in  Georgia  and  South 
Carolina,  the  army  moved  forward  steadily,  driving  such 
forces  as  were  assembled  to  impede  its  way. 

This  campaign  was  undertaken  in  mid-winter;  the 
weather  from  the  start  was  unusually  inclement  and 
stormy;  the  rivers  and  smaller  streams  overflowed  their 
banks;  swamps  were  full  of  water,  and  the  roads  were 
almost  impassable.  The  enemy,  constantly  on  the  alert, 
destroyed  bridges,  obstructed  roads,  and  hung  upon  the 
flanks  of  the  army.  In  fifty  days  the  army  had  concluded 
^^one  of  the  longest  and  most  important  marches  ever 
made  by  an  organized  army  in  a civilized  country.  It 
had  marched  from  Savannah  to  Goldsboro,  a distance  of 
four  hundred  and  twenty-five  miles;  it  had  crossed  six 
navigable  rivers,  to  wit:  the  Savannah,  Edisto,  Broad, 
Catawba,  Pedee,  and  Cape  Fear;  it  had  fought  battles, 
captured  important  points  by  direct  movement,  and  had 


302 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAK. 


SO  demoralized  the  Confederate  generals  that  they  aban- 
doned Charleston,  Wilmington,  and  other  important 
points,  and,  in  sending  out  their  munitions  of  war,  for 
safety  placed  them  at  points  on  the  line  of  its  march, 
where  they  were  seized  and  either  used  or  destroyed. 
During  this  part  of  that  memorable  campaign.  General 
Logan  performed  his  duty  with  the  masterly  skill  which 
had  characterized  his  services  during  the  whole  of  the 
war. 

When  half  the  city  of  Columbia  was  wrapped  in  flames 
General  Logan  made  superhuman  efforts  to  extinguish  the 
Are,  working  all  night  long  with  his  officers  and  men  to 
control  the  fire  which  was  swept  from  house  to  house  by 
the  high  gale  which  prevailed  at  the  time. 

In  the  movements  from  Goldsboro  against  General  Joe 
Johnston^s  army  at  Ealeigh,  General  Logan  led  his  corps. 
When  the  negotiations  were  pending  for  the  surrender  of 
Johnston's  army.  General  Logan  advised  the  granting  of 
generous  terms  of  surrender,  so  as  to  end  the  bloody  strife 
and  prevent  the  dispersion  of  the  Confederate  Army  into 
bands,  the  capture  of  which  would  involve  enormous  time 
and  loss  of  life.  When  the  Confederate  Army  finally  laid 
down  its  arms.  General  Logan  led  his  impatient  corps 
northward  to  Washington  in  a march  made  memorable  by 
the  splendid  discipline  and  conduct  of  the  troops,  and  the 
rapidity  with  which  the  march  was  made. 

Upon  reaching  Washington  at  the  head  of  his  bronzed, 
scar- worn  veterans,  he  participated  in  the  grand  review  of 
Sherman^s  army  by  the  President.  The  city  was  full  of 
people,  the  streets  and  avenues  were  lined  with  an  eager 
throng  of  patriotic  and  happy  people,  who  were  rejoicing 
over  the  fact  that  the  war  was  over,  the  Union  was  saved, 
and  that  the  mighty  host  of  patriot  soldiers,  whose  martial 
tread  had  entered  and  shook  to  its  centre  nearly  every  one 
of  the  revolted  States,  was  about  to  return  to  their  homes 


LOGAK,  THE  SOLDIER. 


303 


and  loved  ones.  No  figure  was  more  conspicuous  on  that 
occasion  than  General  Logan.  Going  out  in  July,  1861,  as  a 
citizen  to  defend  the  National  Capital  in  the  first  bloody 
battle  of  the  war,  he  came  back  to  Washington  at  the  head 
of  his  victorious  corps  to  receive  the  plaudits  of  the 
people. 


CHAPTER  XXVIIL 


GEJq-ERAL  SUMMARY. 

IT  will  be  seen  from  what  has  gone  before,  that  General 
Logan  has  been  in  the  most  active  arena  of  civil,  mili- 
tary, and  political  life.  He  has  been  a conspicuous  charac- 
ter upon  every  field  of  endeavor  upon  which  he  has  entered. 
At  a very  early  period  in  his  career  and  when  he  was  quite 
a young  man,  he  was  accorded  that  leadership  which  is 
always  given  to  those  men  who  are  recognized  as  possessing 
accuracy  of  judgment,  promptitude  and  courage  in  grap- 
pling with  public  questions,  and  devotion  to  the  interests 
of  the  masses  of  the  people.  As  a Democrat,  he  fearlessly 
separated  himself  from  an  administration  which  as  an 
elector  he  assisted  in  bringing  into  power,  and  with  all  the 
energy  of  his  nature  entered  into  a contest  with  the  slave 
power  backed  up  by  a Democratic  administration,  for  the 
establishment  of  slavery  in  the  Territory  of  Kansas  by 
force  and  fraud ; and  while  he  was  equally  earnest  in  his 
opposition  to  the  Republican  idea  of  congressional  control 
of  the  subject  of  slavery  in  the  Territories,  he  stood  up 
manfully  for  what  he  conceived  to  be  the  true  doctrine  of 
the  Constitution,  that  is  to  say:  the  right  of  the  people 
of  the  Territories  when  organized  into  territorial  form  of 
government,  to  decide  for  themselves  without  the  interfer- 
ence of  congressional  legislation,  the  question  whether 
slavery  should  exist  within  their  limits  or  not.  To  him 
this  doctrine  seemed  the  one  ground  upon  which  the 
country  could  rest  in  peace  in  regard  to  the  question  of 
slavery. 

When,  after  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  the  Southern 
States  passed  ordinances  of  secession  and  sought  to  separate 
themselves  from  the  Union,  Mr.  Logan  hoped  and  believed 

304 


GENERAL  SUMMARY. 


305 


that  with  time  and  a sober  second  thought  there  would  be 
returning  reason  to  the  Southern  mind,  and  that  the 
excitement  of  the  hour  would  pass  away,  and  that  war  with 
all  its  attendant  horrors,  grief,  and  destruction,  would  be 
averted.  To  this  end  he  worked  diligently  as  long  as  there 
seemed  to  exist  a ray  of  hope,  giving  his  attention  to  such 
measures  in  Congress  as  seemed  calculated  to  allay  the 
excitement  in  the  public  mind  and  restore  peace  and  har- 
mony to  the  country.  It  is  a part  of  the  history  of  those 
times  that  with  the  complete  concurrence  of  their  constit- 
uency, the  great  majority  of  the  Eepublicans  in  both  houses 
of  Congress  voted  for  amendments  to  the  Constitution 
which  at  this  day  are  looked  upon  with  amazement,  and 
while  the  speeches  of  Eepublicans  and  Union  Democrats 
in  Congress  differed  materially  in  tone,  their  votes  indi- 
cated substantially  the  same  sentiment  in  regard  to  the 
importance  of  tendering  to  the  South  the  broadest  measures 
of  pacification,  and  few  men  Avere  willing  to  take  the 
responsibility  to  refrain  from  voting  for  any  measure  which 
was  believed  to  contain  elements  of  concord.  But  Avith 
the  expiration  of  the  Thirty-sixth  Congress  seemed  to  fade 
out  the  last  lingering  hope  of  the  settlement  of  the  diffi- 
culties Avhich  agitated  the  country,  through  the  instrumen- 
tality of  congressional  legislation.  When  the  Thirty-seventh 
Congress  met  in  special  session  in  July,  1861,  under  the 
proclamation  of  President  Lincoln,  all  men  realized  the 
fact  that  union  and  disunion  were  face  to  face  ready  to 
grapple  in  the  terrible  struggles  of  war,  and  that  by  the 
conflict  of  arms  was  to  be  decided  the  question  whether 
the  government  establislied  by  our  forefathers  should  be 
maintained  as  an  inheritance  for  after  generations,  and 
whether  this  mighty  nation  stretching  out  from  the  Atlan- 
tic to  the  Pacific,  and  from  the  Lakes  to  the  Gulf,  with  all 
its  mighty  resources  of  climate  and  soil,  of  A^ast  prairies 
and  mineral  lands,  its  mighty  rivers  and  lakes,  its  A^alleys 
and  its  mountains,  Avith  its  thirty-six  millions  of  people 
20 


306 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGAK. 


should  be  separated  into  warring  sections  and  probably  the 
liberties  of  the  people  go  down  in  the  mighty  struggle. 
With  such  a man  as  John  A.  Logan  there  could  be  but  one 
course  open  for  him  to  pursue,  and  that  was  to  stand  by 
the  Union  of  the  States,  and  support  the  lawful  adminis- 
tration of  the  government  in  its  efforts  to  preserve  the 
Union. 

Upon  the  first  bloody  field  of  the  war,  John  A.  Logan, 
musket  in  hand,  fought  in  the  ranks,  not  as  an  enlisted 
man,  but  as  a citizen,  who,  serving  in  Congress  felt  it  his 
duty  to  go  out  and  meet  the  enemies  of  his  country  in  their 
attempt  to  seize  the  national  capital.  It  has  been  seen  that 
by  the  10th  of  August,  1861,  Mr.  Logan  was  at  the  head  of 
the  Thirty-first  Illinois  Volunteers  as  its  Colonel,  and  that 
he  was  engaged  in  all  the  great  military  operations  for  the 
opening  of  the  Mississippi  river,  for  the  capture  of  Atlanta 
and  for  the  final  destruction  of  the  Confederate  army. 

Conspicuous  at  Belmont,  one  of  the  dashing  leaders  at 
Donelson  where  he  was  severely  wounded,  at  the  siege  of 
Corinth  during  the  spring  of  1862,  and  in  all  the  campaigns 
of  that  year  in  Tennessee  and  Mississippi;  advanced  to 
the  command  of  a brigade  and  afterward  to  the  command 
of  a division,  one  of  the  most  intrepid,  enterprising,  and 
bold  commanders  in  General  Grant^s  army  during  his 
operations  against  Vicksburg,  pushing  across  the  Missis- 
sippi river  in  the  night  time  to  re-enforce  and  strengthen 
the  column  led  by  McClernand  under  the  eye  of  Grant, 
and  pushing  forward  to  the  battle  of  Port  Gibson  to  the 
sound  of  the  enemy^s  cannon.  At  Kaymond  he  gained  a 
splendid  victory  from  the  enemy  with  his  own  division, 
advancing  with  the  rest  of  the  army  for  the  capture  of 
Jackson,  and  two  days  later  led  his  division  into  the  bloody 
battle  of  Champion^s  Hill,  and  with  splendid  military 
genius  detached  his  division  from  the  main  column  and 
moving  by  a detour,  struck  the  enemy  upon  his  left  fiank, 
routed  him  with  great  slaughter  and  thus  signally  aided 


GENERAL  SUMMARY. 


m 


ill  securing  a great  victory.  Tliree  days  later  v/e  find  him 
in  front  of  Fort  Hill  the  great  salient  angle  of  the  rebel 
fortifications  at  Vicksburg.  Here  from  the  19th  of  May 
until  the  4th  of  July  he  displayed  a degree  of  enterprise, 
zeal  and  courage  in  prosecuting  the  siege  by  saps  and  mines 
and  assaults,  as  will  be  found  in  the  annals  of  war. 

Next  we  find  him  at  the  head  of  the  fifteenth  army  corps 
in  the  great  campaign  against  Atlanta  which  was  almost  a 
continuous  daily  battle  from  the  1st  of  May  until  the 
middle  of  August.  At  Kesaca,  at  Dallas,  at  Kenesaw  on 
the  22d  and  28th  days  of  July,  and  during  the  great  flank 
movement  which  finally  drove  Hood  from  Atlanta,  no  man 
performed  more  arduous  labors,  and  no  man  appeared  to 
better  advantage  in  the  field  by  the  display  of  those  higii 
soldierly  qualities  of  coolness  and  courage,  of  resources  for 
attack  and  defense  than  he.  The  battle  of  the  22d  day  of 
July,  1864,  must  stand  out  in  the  history  of  the  war  more 
and  more  conspicuously  as  the  facts  connected  with  it 
become  more  fully  known.  The  battle  of  the  19th  of  July 
had  been  fought  and  won  by  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland 
to  gain  the  important  position  into  which  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee  was  placed. 

On  the  night  of  the  twenty-first  of  July,  with  an 
audacity  and  courage  rarely  equaled.  Hood  withdrew  the 
major  part  of  his  army  from  the  fortifications  of  Atlanta, 
and  passing  through  the  left  and  rear  of  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee,  burst  upon  it  the  next  day  like  a tornado,  pen- 
etrating its  lines,  slaying  its  commander,  and  for  a time 
seemed  upon  the  ve^’ge  of  putting  tlie  fifteenth,  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  army  corps  to  flight.  At  this  critical 
juncture,  the  command,  by  the  death  of  McPherson, 
devolved  upon  Logan.  He  saw  the  peril  of  the  situation, 
at  once  re-enforced  the  weak  points,  and  by  his  personal 
heroic  example  in  riding  along  the  line  of  men  in  the 
midst  of  the  battle,  and  informing  them  of  the  death  of 
McPherson  and  urging  them  to  hold  their  position  to  the 


308 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 


last  extremity  aroused  the  whole  army  to  such  enthusiastic 
devotion  to  duty^  such  a determination  to  hold  their 
ground  and  win  the  day,  that  although  portions  of  the 
command  were  attacked  first  in  front  and  then  in  the  rear, 
and  were  compelled  from  time  to  time  to  change  front  to 
engage  the  wily  foe,  they  stubbornly  held  their  ground  and  at 
last  drove  Hood^s  army  with  dreadful  slaughter.  The  loss 
of  the  Confederates  was  more  than  three  thousand  two 
hundred  in  killed  alone.  It  must  be  remembered  that  this 
battle  was  fought  at  such  a distance  from  General  Sher- 
man that  he  was  unable  to  give  any  personal  commands  in 
regard  to  its  conduct.  History  has  already  accorded  to 
General  Logan  the  honor  of  winning  this  battle. 

After  the  Atlanta  campaign  we  next  find  General  Logan 
in  his  military  capacity  with  Sherman  in  the  great  march 
from  Savannah  through  the  Carolinas,  where  he  again 
maintained  and  increased  his  reputation  as  a commander, 
participating  in  all  the  great  marches  and  battles  of  the 
campaign.  At  last  we  see  him  when  the  Confederate 
forces  have  all  surrendered,  marching  upon  the  capital  of 
the  country  and  participating  in  the  great  review  when  the 
plaudits  of  the  nation  resounded  the  praises  of  the  men 
who  had  preserved  the  country  and  saved  the  Union,  and 
finally  at  the  close  of  his  military  career  when  he  volun- 
tarily resigned  his  commission  as  a Major  General,  he  was 
in  command  of  the  department  and  Army  of  the  Ten- 
nessee. He  entered  that  army  in  xiugust,  1861,  as  a Col- 
onel and  left  it  in  1865  as  a Major  General. 

We  next  see  General  Logan  as  a candidate  for  Con- 
gressman-at-large  of  the  Eepublicans  in  Illinois  in  1866  and 
again  in  1868.  In  these  campaigns,  and  in  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States  to  which  he  was  elected,  during  both 
of  these  years  he  took  a leading  part  before  the  people 
and  in  Congress  in  the  discussion  of  the  questions  growing 
out  of  the  war,  advocating  the  adoption  of  the  Fourteenth 
and  Fifteenth  Amendments,  the  reconstruction  measures, 


GENERAL  SUMJMARY. 


309 


and  the  policy  and  duty  of  protecting  loyal  citizens  of 
the  Southern  States,  and  always  insisting  upon  the  doc- 
trine that  the  men  who  fought  for  the  preservation  of  the 
Union  had,  by  the  arbitrament  of  war,  won  the  right  to 
prescribe  the  terms  upon  which  the  people  of  the  South- 
ern States,  who  took  up  arms  to  overthrow  the  govern- 
ment, were  to  be  restored  to  their  former  rights  and 
relations  to  the  Union  and  government.  During  this 
period.  General  Logan  delivered  some  of  the  most  able 
and  exhaustive  speeches  upon  these  topics.  They  were 
listened  to  by  hundreds  of  thousands  of  people  in  the 
various  States  where  he  spoke,  and  exerted  a strong  influ- 
ence in  maintaining  a sound  public  opinion  upon  the 
questions  discussed.  Later  on  we  find  him  in  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States,  where  he  has  taken  occasion  to 
express  himself  upon  almost  every  important  topic  of 
debate.  Upon  the  question  of  revenue,  taxation,  and 
currency,  the  public  debt,  the  granting  of  pensions  to  the 
soldiers  and  sailors,  and  their  wives,  widows  and  orphans; 
upon  all  these  he  has  frankly  and  fully  expressed  his 
opinions.  For  a time,  with  Senator  Morton  and  other 
leaders,  he  entertained  the  view,  that  the  depressed  condi- 
tion of  the  country,  resulting  from  the  panic  of  1873, 
would  be  relieved  by  the  extension  of  the  paper  currency. 
He,  however,  at  all  times,  earnestly  opposed  the  proposi- 
tion of  Mr.  Pendleton  and  others  to  pay  off  the  national 
debt  in  the  new  issue  of  greenbacks.  In  1874,  he  met 
his  Eepublican  fellow-citizens  in  State  Convention  at 
Springfield,  and  there,  after  due  consideration,  resolu- 
tions were  passed  in  favor  of  the  resumption  of  specie 
payment,  and  of  making  the  national  banking  system 
free.  General  Logan  fully  indorsed  these  doctrines  in  an 
able  speech  before  the  convention,  and  at  the  next  session 
of  Congress  voted  for  the  resumption  act,  and  the  act 
(first  suggested  by  the  Illinois  State  Convention)  for 
removing  the  limit  to  the  issue  of  national  bank  notes — in 


310 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAiq-. 


the  nomenclature  of  the  period,  making  the  national 
hanking  system  free. 

More  recently  General  Logan  took  the  lead  in  the 
Senate  in  opposition  to  the  measure  for  the  relief  of 
Major  General  Fitz  John  Porter.  In  the  debates  upon 
this  question,  he  has  shown  his  capacity  for  handling  a 
subject  involving  details  of  fact  and  law,  of  massing  every 
important  point,  and  being  fully  armed  at  every  point,  so 
that  in  a long  and  sometimes  acrimonious  debate  he  was 
able  to  meet  every  argument  that  was  brought  forward  by 
his  opponents.  If  any  one  had  ever  doubted  General 
Logan^s  ability  to  hold  his  own  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate 
with  its  oldest  and  most  prominent  membefs  in  debate, 
that  doubt  was  removed  by  the  debate  on  the  Fitz  John 
Porter  Case.  From  the  time  General  Logan  prominently 
entered  public  life  to  the  present  time,  he  has  discussed 
on  the  stump  and  in  Congress  every  leading  question  that 
has  come  before  the  American  people,  and  upon  most  of 
them  he  has  been  called  upon  to  act  in  his  capacity  as 
legislator.  He  has  probably  addressed  more  people  than 
any  other  man  in  the  United  States,  and  it  may  be  safely 
stated  that  he  has  constantly  exerted  his  influence  to 
enlarge  and  more  fully  secure  the  rights  of  the  people,  to 
maintain  the  public  credit,  to  reduce  taxation  and  pay  off 
the  national  debt,  to  preserve  a sound  and  safe  currency, 
and  pursue  a generous  course  toward  the  soldiers  of  the 
war,  and  their  wives,  widows  and  orphans,  in  the  interest 
of  an  honest  administration  of  the  public  service,  and  of 
its  improvement,  and  he  has  labored  zealously  at  all  times 
for  the  success  and  harmony  of  the  Eepublican  party. 
He  has  lived  in  an  unostentatious  way,  always  within  his 
means,  and  has  been  accessible  to  the  most  humble  citizen 
of  the  Eepublic.  As  a man,  he  has  shown  himself  capable 
of  filling  every  position  to  which  he  has  been  called,  in  a 
most  able  and  satisfactory  manner.  Efforts  have  been 
made  from  time  to  time  to  disparage  his  abilities,  and  to 


GENERAL  SUMMARY. 


311 


decry  him  as  a person  unfit  to  fill  important  public  sta- 
tions for  want  of  cultivation  and  proper  literary  attain- 
ments, when  in  fact  it  is  clear  to  the  comprehension  of  all 
who  come  in  contact  with  him,  that  he  has  great  intel- 
lectual endowments,  and  that  he  has  explored  almost  every 
field  of  thought,  and  that  he  now  possesses  a storehouse 
of  accurate  knowledge  upon  every  question  connected  with 
the  affairs  of  this  country,  as  well  as  being  up  in  liter- 
ature, the  arts,  and  the  sciences. 

In  making  a study  of  the  services  of  a public  man,  it 
seems  desirable  to  make  an  analysis  of  his  characteristics 
and  a biography  of  General  Logan,  intended  to  convey  a 
proper  knowledge  of  the  man,  would  be  wanting  in  one  of 
its  most  important  parts  if  this  was  not  done. 

General  Logan  is  a man  of  most  excellent  judgment ; 
he  is  thoroughly  self-reliant.  In  addition  to  his  well-known 
personal  courage,  he  has  the  moral  courage  to  stand  by  his 
convictions.  He  always  seeks  to  be  right  and  is  never 
troubled  with  an  anxiety  to  appear  consistent  in  all  his 
actions  in  regard  to  a particular  question,  if  upon  a more 
careful  examination  of  the  subject,  he  finds  that  he  has 
fallen  into  error.  While  he  rarely  ever  makes  a mistake, 
he  is  always  anxious  to  correct  one  when  made.  He  is  a 
most  industrious  man  ; with  a correspondence,  the  volume 
of  which  would  appall  most  men,  he  keeps  the  run  of  every- 
thing and  is  careful  to  know  that  every  proper  request  re- 
ceives attention.  He  gives  close  attention  to  all  questions 
before  Congress  and  is  never  unprepared  to  take  part  in  the 
discussion  of  them.  His  familiarity  with  all  matters  con- 
nected with  the  government,  and  of  the  sources  of  infor- 
mation in  relation  to  them,  and  the  rapidity  with  which  he 
examines  and  comprehends  a question,  enables  him  to  mas- 
ter a question  with  ease  and  dispatch.  General  Logan  is 
a man  of  excellent  social  qualities  and  is  always  an  agree- 
able addition  to  any  company.  He  is  a great  lover  of  his 
home  and  of  his  family,  and  when  not  occupied  with  busi- 


312 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 


ness  can  almost  always  be  found  in  their  company.  Quick 
to  resent  a meditated  affront  or  injury,  he  will  never  take 
offense  when  it  is  not  intended.  Never  unduly  elated  by 
political  or  other  success,  he  meets  disappointment  or  mis- 
fortune with  philosophy  and  fortitude.  Possessing  in  great 
degree  the  power  of  influencing  other  men,  he  has  highly 
developed  the  faculty  of  controlling  himself.  He  has  been 
devoted  to  his  country,  to  the  interests  of  the  people  of 
his  State,  to  the  Kepublican  party,  to  his  friends  and  to  his 
family. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 


UKIOl^  SPEECH  OF  GEi^^ERAL  LOGAK,  AT  CHICAGO, 
AUGUST  10,  1863. 

EXERAL  LOGAN,  after  being  introduced  by  Gen-^ 
vZT'  eral  McArthur  to  the  citizens  of  Chicago,  said: 

Citizens  of  Chicago:  Although  a native  of  Illinois,  and  for  the 
whole  of  my  lifetime  a resident  within  her  limits,  I have,  at  no  time 
in  the  past,  had  the  pleasure  of  addressing  an  audience  within  the 
city  of  Chicago.  Kecently,  however,  I have  been  invited  by  a num- 
ber of  your  citizens  to  come  into  your  midst  and  interchange  views 
upon  the  absorbing  questions  that  now  agitate  the  public  mind.  In 
doing  so,  I do  not  propose  to  discuss  party  politics  or  questions  with 
a view  to  the  advancement  of  any  party  organizations,  but  desire  only 
to  speak  to  you  with  reference  to  the  troubles  that  now  environ  the 
country  and  threaten  the  perpetuity  of  the  government.  In  times 
past,  in  the  happy  days  when  peace  and  quiet  smiled  upon  our  now 
distracted  country,  we  were  wont  to  assemble  together  and  discuss 
party  politics,  encourage  party  organizations,  and  stimulate  the  minds 
of  the  people  upon  issues  then  dividing  them.  In  those  days  it  was 
meet  and  proper  to  speak  of  party  issues  in  such  a manner  as  was  best 
calculated  to  advance  party  interests;  but  in  times  like  these  now  sur- 
rounding us,  when  our  country  is  in  the  midst  of  a desolating  civil 
war,  whilst  it  is  passing  through  the  severest  trial,  the  greatest  ordeal, 
that  ever  afflicted  a once  happy  and  united  people,  it  is  but  just  to 
ourselves  and  our  country,  that  when  we  assemble  together  as  we  have 
here  to-night,  we  should  have  in  view  one  end,  object  and  aim,  to 
stimulate  every  patriotic  heart  in  the  land,  and  should  speak  and  act 
in  such  a manner  as  will  be  the  least  calculated  to  create  excitement 
or  disturbance,  and  best  promote  unity  of  action,  and  reconcile  diver- 
sity of  opinion,  so  that  we  may  all  be  unanimous  in  the  support  of  the 
constitution  and -the  government,  and  the  best  interests  of  the  country. 
[Applause]. 

My  countrymen,  we  live  under  a government  and  a constitution, 
whose  laws,  created  by,  and  reflecting  the  voice  of  the  people,  if 
obeyed  and  adhered  to,  would  secure  to  us  through  all  time,  peace 
and  prosperity  alike  in  all  parts  of  our  vast  dominions.  If  all  portions 

313 


314 


LIFE  OF  A.  LOGAH. 


of  the  people  had  maintained  a proper  reverence  for  the  Constitution  of 
the  country  and  the  laws  of  the  land,  we  would  to-day  he  the  happiest 
people,  blest  by  one  of  the  most  benign  governments  on  the  face  of 
the  earth.  Remarkable,  however,  as  it  will  appear  upon  the  pages  of 
history,  peace,  unity  and  harmony  are  no  longer  known  in  our  land, 
and  to-day  in  different  parts  of  our  country,  we  see  the  Constitution 
disregarded,  the  rights  of  her  citizens  trampled  under  foot  and  repu- 
diated, the  powers  of  the  government  disowned  and  defied  by  a por- 
tion of  its  people,  thus  bringing  trouble  from  one  end  of  our  land  to 
the  other,  and  plunging  the  country  into  a relentless  war,  by  which 
many  of  our  best  and  bravest  have  been  made  to  sleep  the  sleep  that 
knows  no  waking. 

Under  circumstances  of  this  character,  and  surrounded  by  the 
perils  that  have  heretofore  been  strangers  to  us,  it  behooves  every  citi- 
zen to  pause  and  reflect;  to  divest  himself  of  all  manner  of  prejudice, 
and  to  ask  himself  without  regard  to  former  party  associations,  what 
duty  he  owes  to  himself,  to  his  country  and  to  future  generations.  It 
makes  no  difference  that  you  may  have  been  a Democrat,  a Repub- 
lican, or  an  Abolitionist,  this  government  was  established  by  your 
fathers  for  you;  it  is  a sacred  trust  committed  to  you;  the  laws  have 
been  enacted  by  the  people  for  themselves  and  their  protection,  and 
no  one  can  escape  the  duty  he  owes  to  the  government  to  reverence 
its  Constitution  and  yield  obedience  to  its  laws.  Every  citizen  of  the 
land  owes  his  first  allegiance  to  the  government,  and  our  freedom, 
our  future  interests,  the  welfare  of  the  whole  people,  the  sanctity  of 
our  household  ties  and  domestic  associations,  are  all  bound  up  in  the 
preservation  of  its  perpetuity.  And  whilst  it  is  our  duty  to  yield  our 
obedience  to  the  government  and  the  laws,  it  is  equally  the  duty  of 
the  government  of  the  United  States  to  see  that  the  laws  are  faithfully 
executed  alike  in  all  the  States  of  this  Union;  and  peace  and  good 
order  preserved  all  over  our  common  country.  We  should  bow  in 
respectful  obedience  to  the  expressed  ^will  of  the  people  and  yield 
willing  subjection  to  the  laws  and  the  Constitution,  and  a cheerful 
and  prompt  support  to  the  constituted  authorities  of  the  country' 
who  are  the  agents  of  the  entire  Republic  in  the  execution  of  its  laws 
and  the  enforcement  of  its  mandates,  [applause]  and  thus  secure  for 
ourselves  peace  and  good  order  through  all  portions  of  society. 

I need  not  tell  you  that  I was  not  a supporter  of  Mr.  Lincoln  for 
the  presidency;  yet  he  was  constitutionally  elected  by  a majority  of 
the  whole  people;  he  was  elected  by  all  the  forms  required  by  the 
laws  of  the  land.  Having  been  so  elected,  I have  always  been  taught 
that  it  is  the  duty  of  each  and  every  citizen  of  the  United  States  to 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAiq-. 


315 


bow  in  respectful  submission  to  the  voice  of  the  Nation.  [Applause]. 
It  was  your  duty,  and  my  duty,  and  the  duty  of  every  citizen 
throughout  this  great  Republic,  whether  situated  in  Massachusetts, 
South  Carolina  or  Illinois,  to  recognize  in  him,  not  the  private  citizen 
Abraham  Lincoln,  nor  the  political  partizan  struggling  for  success 
before  the  people,  but  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  Nation,  into 
whose  hands  for  the  time  being,  was  deposited  the  Constitution  of 
the  country,  and  who  as  the  chief  executive,  was  bound  in  the  most 
solemn  manner  to  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  it”  against  every 
assailant  whatsoever,  foreign  or  domestic.  [Loud  applause.] 

Does  any  man  controvert  this  proposition?  Does  any  man  deny 
that  when  the  voice  of  the  Nation  has  been  heard,  and  the  verdict  of 
the  great  American  people  has  been  pronounced,  when  all  the  consti- 
tutional prerequisites  have  been  complied  with,  and  the  fact  of  the 
election  of  the  President  has  been  announced  by  the  very  men — even 
officially  declared  by  the  very  men  then  and  now  bitterest  in  opposi- 
tion to  him,  when  no  question  has  been  or  can  be  made,  does  any 
man,  will  any  man  dare  deny,  that  whatever  duty  devolves  on  the 
citizen  under  the  laws  and  the  Constitution,  is  then  due  from  every 
citizen  to  the  chief  magistrate  thus  elected?  [Cries, ‘The  Chicago 
Times  does.”] 

It  so  happens  that  in  all  the  past  history  of  this  government,  it 
has  never  become  the  duty  of  one  candidate  for  the  presidency  to 
declare  under  his  official  oath  the  election  of  his  opponent.  And  yet 
in  this  extraordinary  crisis,  surrounded  by  a Senate,  many  of  whom 
were  then  steeped  in  treason,  the  Yice-President  himself  an  aspirant 
for  the  high  office,  whilst  then  engaged  with  his  co-conspirators  in 
their  foul  plotting  to  destroy  this  government,  overturn  its  Constitu- 
tion, defy  its  power,  and  trample  its  laws  under  foot;  John  C.  Breck- 
enridge,  a name  forever  infamous  in  American  history,  and  rendered 
doubly  infamous  by  the  high  honors  a generous  and  confiding  peoi)le 
had  bestowed  upon  him;  a man  now  in  arms  against  the  very  Govern- 
ment that  once  honored  him — for  his  foul  deeds  an  outcast  from  home, 
hated  and  despised  by  every  man  of  every  creed  in  the  land,  he  him- 
self announced  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  as  the  mouth -piece 
of  the  Constitution,  that  Abraham  Lincoln  had  been  duly  elected  Pres- 
ident of  these  United  States.  [Applause.] 

And  yet,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  when  all  this  has  occurred,  it 
has  been  objected  to  by  a portion  of  the  people  of  the  United  States 
who  have  ever  claimed  to  be  par-excellence,  constitution -loving  and 
law  abiding  people;  who  claim  that  they  look  to  AYashington,  Jeffer- 
son, and  Jackson  as  their  guides,  who  claim  that  they  are  the  only 


316 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A LOGAN. 


true  expounders  of  the  laws  and  the  Constitution,  who  claim  that 
they  are  the  only  people  who  have  abided  by,  and  executed  the  laws 
of  the  country,  who  claim  that  the  people  of  other  states  have  always 
violated  laws  and  trampled  the  Constitution  under  foot,  these  people 
now  assert  that  they  owe  no  duties  to  the  chief  magistrate  thus 
elected,  that  they  are  under  no  obligations  to  obey  the  laws  that  they 
themselves  have  assisted  in  enacting,  that  they  owe  no  allegiance  to 
the  Government  under  which  they  were  born,  and  no  respect  to  the 
flag  that  has  been  their  shield  and  protection.  These  are  the  people, 
who,  after  getting  up  all  these  claims,  dissatisfled  with  the  blessings 
with  which  a free  government  could  bestow  upon  them,  who,  enjoy- 
ing all  the  wealth,  magniflcence  and  luxury  that  a country  formed 
with  unparalleled  fertility  and  productiveness  could  secure  to  them, 
assumed  to  themselves  the  right  to  establish  a government,  not  based 
upon  the  Constitution,  but  in  defiance  of  it.  No  excuse  could  be 
given  for  this  conduct  but  that  a President  of  the  United  States  had 
been  elected  having  views  not  in  accordance  with  their  own. 

Numerous  Presidents  had  been  elected  before  Mr.  Lincoln,  and 
in  no  instance  did  they  represent  the  whole  people,  and  yet  there  was 
no  cause  then  claimed  for  rebellion  against  the  government.  Will  it 
be  said  that  a difference  of  opinion  upon  questions  of  political  interest 
to  the  country  will  justify  or  excuse  any  portion  of  the  people  in  put- 
ting at  deflance  the  Federal  authority?  I suppose  not.  Will  it  be 
said  that  before  this  dissatisfled  portion  of  the  people  began  to  organ- 
ize their  new  government,  or  before  the  Southern  States  began  their 
attempted  secession  from  the  Union,  any  act  was  done,  any  deed 
committed,  by  the  Federal  Government  infringing  the  rights  of  those 
conspirators?  Was  it  because  they  had  been  denied  any  of  their 
rights  guaranteed  to  them  under  the  Constitution?  Had  South  Caro- 
lina, at  the  time  of  her  secession,,  been  denied  the  right  to  export  her 
produee?  Had  her  commerce  been  interfered  with?  Had  the  right 
to  regulate  her  domestic  institutions  been  attempted  to  be  controlled? 
Had  she  been  reduced  below  the  standard  of  a sovereign  State?  Had 
her  citizens  been  deprived  of  any  part  of  their  entire  and  perfect 
equality  as  citizens  of  the  United  States?  Had  she  been  burdened 
with  onerous  taxation?  Had  her  slaves  been  captured  and  freed? 
No!  Nothing  of  all  this  had  occurred;  the  government,  as  a govern- 
ment, had  done  them  no  wrong,  but  had  extended  the  same  protection 
to  them  as  to  every  other  part  of  the  United  States.  And  even  here, 
in  Chicago,  where  Abolitionism  was  said  to  have  been  rampant,  the 
United  States  Marshal,  under  the  direction  and  counsel  of  one  of  your 
distinguished  citizens,  who  presides  in  the  district  court  of  the  United. 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAN. 


317 


States,  in  the  execution  of  his  office  and  the  laws  of  the  land,  after 
the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  surrendered  fugitives  from  labor  to  their 
masters,  and  manifested  to  the  world  the  determination  of  the  Fed- 
eral Government  to  maintain  its  supremacy  and  execute  its  laws  alike 
all  over  the  Union.  It  makes  no  difference  that  individuals  in  one 
part  of  the  country  may  have  attempted  to  infringe  the  rights  of 
another;  the  strong  arm  of  the  government  has  ever  been  ready  to 
interpose  in  behalf  of  the  injured  party,  and  that  factions  existed  was 
no  fault  of  the  government.  Notwithstanding  all  these  things,  those 
conspirators  inflamed  the  passions  of  the  people,  caused  one  State 
after  another  to  secede  from  the  Union,  organized  an  army  to  destroy 
the  government,  oppose  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and  defy  the 
power  and  majesty  of  the  American  nation,  and  thus  inaugurated 
one  of  the  foulest,  most  wicked  and  damnable  rebellions  that  ever 
existed  on  earth.  [Immense  applause.]  When  all  this  was  done, 
there  was  then  a duty  to  be  performed  by  the  President  and  by  the 
people  of  the  United  States.  The  Constitution  of  the  country  makes 
it  the  imperative  duty  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  see 
that  the  laws  are  faithfully  executed.  In  this  the  President  has  no 
discretion:  he  could  not,  if  he  would,  avoid  the  responsibility.  Per- 
haps some  of  you  present  here  to-night,  remember  that  at  one  period 
of  our  history,  Andrew  Jackson  was  President  of  the  United  States. 
Then  it  was  that  John  C.  Calhoun  attempted  to  raise  the  foul  banner 
of  secession.  Do  you  remember  what  Jackson  said  then?  I will  tell 
you.  I quote  from  his  proclamation  issued  December  10,  1832: 

‘‘And  for  what,  mistaken  men,  for  what  do  you  throw  away  these 
inestimable  blessings?  For  what  would  you  exchange  your  share  in 
the  advantages  and  honor  of  the  Union  for  the  dream  of  separate 
independence — a dream  interrupted  by  bloody  conflicts  with  your 
neighbor,  and  a vile  dependence  on  a foreign  power?  If  your  leaders 
could  succeed  in  establishing  a separation,  what  would  be  your  sepa- 
ration? The  dictates  of  a high  duty  oblige  me  to  solemnly  announce 
that  you  cannot  succeed;  the  laws  of  the  United  States  must  be 
executed.  I have  no  discretionary  power  on  the  subject;  my  duty  is 
emphatically  pronounced  in  the  Constitution.  Those  who  told  you 
that  you  might  peaceably  prevent  their  execution  deceived  you;  they 
could  not  have  been  deceived  themselves;  they  know  that  a foreible 
opposition  could  alone  prevent  the  execution  of  the  laws.  The  gov- 
ernment cannot  accede  to  the  mad  proposition  of  disunion  of  which 
you  would  be  the  first  victims;  its  first  magistrate  cannot,  if  he 
would,  avoid  the  performance  of  his  duty.” 

This  is  what  Jackson,  the  old  hero  of  the  Hermitage  declared  in 


318 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 


1832.  [Apjjlause.]  Then  he  was  the  champion  of  the  Democratic 
party.  Then  it  was  democratic  to  denounce  disunion,  and  no  Demo- 
crat dared  avow  sympathy  with  those  conspirators.  Does  it  make 
any  difference,  my  countrymen,  that  because  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not 
elected  by  the  party  that  sustained  and  supported  General  Jackson, 
that  therefore  the  principles  he  then  maintained  have  become  wrong? 
Was  the  principle  that  was  then  regarded  as  good  Democratic  doctrine 
only  applicable  to  that  time  and  that  administration?  Were  secession, 
nullification,  and  disunion  to  be  condemned  then  by  Jackson  and  his 
Democratic  administration,  while  now  some  of  the  same  party,  pre- 
tending to  stand  upon  the  same  ground,  and  advocate  the  same 
doctrines,  maintain  the  same  principles  that  endeared  the  old  hero  to 
his  party  and  to  his  country,  and  how  become  the  apologists  if  not  the 
advocates  of  those  infernal  hell-begotten  conspirators,  now  threatening 
the  integrity  and  perpetuity  of  the  government? 

Is  it  right  to  insist  upon  the  application  of  that  principle  to  the 
government  when  Jackson  was  president,  and  refuse  to  apply  it  to 
the  same  government  when  Mr.  Lincoln  is  president?  I tell  you, 
my  countrymen,  that  is  not  the  kind  of  democracy  that  Jackson  and 
Douglas  taught,  and  it  is  not  my  kind.  [Great  applause.] 

I tell  you,  my  friends,  that  when  the  President  called  for  volun- 
teers to  aid  in  suppressing  the  insurrection,  it  was  his  duty  to  do  so, 
as  much  as  it  is  the  duty  of  a sheriff  of  your  county  to  call  for  men  to 
aid  him  in  suppressing  a riot  and  putting  down  a mob  in  your  midst; 
and  it  was  not  only  his  duty  to  call  for  men,  but  it  was  the  bounden 
duty  of  every  good  citizen  to  obey  the  call  and  respond  at  once — 
cheerfully,  willingly,  with  zeal  and  energy.  It  makes  no  difference 
that  you  had  disagreed  with  the  President  on  political  questions. 
The  very  existence  of  the  government  was  imperiled;  the  integrity  of 
the  Union  was  at  stake;  the  laws — your  laws — were  put  in  defiance, 
and  therefore  your  own  honor,  safety,  peace  and  welfare,  the 
honor,  safety,  peace  and  welfare  of  the  government,  and  your 
children’s  after  you,  all  demanded  that  you  should  lay  aside  all 
mere  political  opinion  and  rally  around  the  chief  magistrate  of  the 
people,  and  aid  him  to  save  the  country.^  One  State  after  another 
seceded  from  the  Union.  It  made  no  difference  whether  they  w^ere 
original  States  or  whether  they  were  States  purchased  and  paid 
for  by  the  people’s  money.  They  all  insisted  upon  the  right,  without 
consulting  the  Federal  Government,  to  walk  out  of  the  Federal  Union 
whenever  it  suited  their  convenience,  without  the  consent  of  the 
people.  The  great  State  of  Florida  [laughter],  immense,  so  far  as 
acres  are  concerned,  with  her  immense  population,  almost  as  numer- 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAK. 


319 


oils  as  the  city  of  Chicago,  a state  that  has  cost  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment millions  of  money,  a long  and  bloody  war — she  must  retire  with 
all  the  honors  of  an  independent  power,  and  bid  farewell  to  her 
mother  country.  It  mattered  not  that  citizens  of  Illinois  had  aided 
in  paying  for  the  very  soil  that  they  live  upon;  it  mattered  not  tliat 
we  had  expended  our  blood  in  giving  peace  to  her  borders;  it  mat- 
tered not  that  we  had  acquired  the  right  to  stand  upon  her  soil  and 
claim  to  be  within  the  limits  of  our  native  land,  under  the  protection 
of  the  flag  of  our  fathers.  All  these  things  were  ignored,  and  this 
great  State  assumed  all  the  functions  of  a sovereign  kingdom.  So 
with  Texas;  so  with  Louisiana.  We  purchased  and  paid  for  them 
with  the  people's  money — the  bones  of  our  soldiers,  now  bleached  upon 
the  sandy  plains  of  Mexico,  their  lives  a sacrifice  in  maintaining  the 
honor  of  the  American  name,  and  in  vindicating  the  integrity  and 
unity  of  the  American  territory.  Yet  these  States,  without  our  con- 
sent, declare  themselves  out  of  the  Union,  and  free,  independent 
sovereign  kingdoms.  The  truth  is,  my  fellow-citizens,  our  country, 
great  and  extensive  as  it  was  and  is,  is  not  large  enough  to  hold  three 
or  four  Presidents,  with  their  congresses,  cabinets  and  great  aristo- 
crats; and  so  they  could  not  wait. 

But  while  we  find  this  to  be  the  case,  while  we  find  these  men 
declaring  their  independence,  in  violation  of  the  Constitution,  and 
have  made  another  Constitution  of  their  own,  and  desire  a sepa- 
rate President,  cabinet  and  Congress,  a separate  government  and 
laws,  all  in  violation  of  our  Federal  Constitution — in  violation  of 
the  compact  entered  into  in  the  formation  of  the  government — 
in  violation  of  everything  and  every  principle  descended  to  us  from 
our  patriot  sires;  we  are  told  that  it  is  illegal  and  unconstitu- 
tional to  prevent  them  from  accomplishing  their  designs.  We  are 
told  by  some  that  the  President  has  no  power  to  prevent  it  or  to  carry 
on  a war  against  the  Southern  States.  I do  not  propose  to  argue  this 
question;  there  may  be  a difference  between  a war  and  an  insurrec- 
tion. Every  war  may  not  be  an  insurrection,  but  I am  sure  that  no 
rel)ellion  can  become  so  great  as  to  become  a war  and  cease  to  be  an 
insurrection.  A million  of  insurgent  citizens  in  arms  defying  the 
Federal  Government  and  laws  is  but  an  insurrection,  and  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  confers  ample  power  upon  the  government 
to  suppress  insurrection.”  If  you  will  examine  the  Constitution  of 
the  country,  my  friends,  you  will  find  that  Congress  has  ample  power 
to  call  out  all  the  militia  to  suppress  insurrection.  It  is  so  clear  that 
no  demagogue  can  deceive  the  people  about  it,  and  Congress  has  dis- 
charged its  duty  in  doing  so.  From  time  to  time  laws  have  been 


320 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOOAH. 


passed  for  this  purpose,  and  when  the  forces  of  the  country  have 
been  called  out,  who,  I ask,  is  to  command  them?  Is  it  not  the 
President  of  the  United  States?  Is  he  not  the  Commander-in-chief 
of  all  our  armies?  Now,  what  does  the  Constitution  mean  when  it 
says  he  shall  be  the  Commander-in-chief?  Does  it  not  mean  that  his 
orders  to  that  aimy  are  to  be  supreme  so  far  as  the  object  for  which 
those  men  are  called  out  is  concerned?  It  seems  to  me  so.  If,  then, 
these  soldiers  are  called  out  to  put  down  an  insurrection,  and  the 
President  is  the  chief  and  highest  olScer  known  to  the  Constitution, 
and  if  the  same  Constitution  says  that  he  shall  with  all  this  force  and 
all  this  power,  ''See  that  the  laws  are  faithfully  executed,'’ that  no 
man  with  his  puny  arm  can  set  them  at  defiance;  and  the  Constitu- 
tion nowhere  says  how  this  is  to  be  done;  will  not  any  sane  man  con- 
clude that  the  manner  of  doing  it  is  left  to  the  Commander-in-chief? 
Are  not  his  orders  in  effecting  the  grand  end  and  aim  of  the  Consti- 
tution, justly  based  on  that  instrument,  and  flowing  from  it?  If 
necessary,  may  he  not,  to  suppress  this  insurrection,  order  his  sol- 
diers to  fire  upon  and  slay  the  insurrectionists?  May  he  not,  in  some 
way,  order  property  to  be  destroyed,  or  a dangerous,  seditious,  insur- 
rectionary person  to  be  confined?  There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that 
by  his  order  life  may  be  taken  by  his  soldiers,  if  it  become  necessary 
to  do  so  in  order  to  suppress  the  insurrection;  and  if  life  may  be 
taken,  surely  property  may  be  destroyed,  or  a citizen  arrested  and 
confined  if  it  become  necessary  to  do  so  in  order  to  suppress  the 
insurrection — if  it  will  accomplish  the  mandate  of  the  Constitution 
and  aid  in  the  execution  of  the  laws.  [Voice,  "He’d  ought  to  hang 
them  to  save  expense.”] 

These  are  my  views  upon  this  question,  and  why,  may  I ask, 
should  we  permit  these  wrongs  to  exist  in  violation  of  law?  Are  they 
not  outrages  on  civilization  and  the  age  in  which  we  live?  Have  not 
those  rebels  and  traitors,  those  vile  conspirators,  in  carrying  out  their 
insurrectionary  purposes  plunged  the  country  into  a bloody  and 
relentless  war?  Have  they  not  destroyed  and  laid  waste  cities  and 
towns  and  hamlets?  Have  they  not  arrayed  friend  against  friend, 
kindred  against  kindred,  and  brother  against  brother?  Have  they 
not  invaded  every  family  circle,  and  caused  mourning  and  sorrow  to 
every  hearthstone,  until  one  wail  of  anguish  has  gone  up  from  our 
entire  country?  And  can  all  these  deeds  be  perpetrated,  and  yet  no 
power  found  anywhere  in  the  government  or  in  its  constitutionally 
elected  officers  to  suppress  and  end  it?  [Cries  of  No,  we’ll  end 
it.]  I tell  you,  my  friends,  I believe  as  firmly  as  I believe  in  the 
existence  of  a God,  that  if  there  had  been  no  constitutional  privilege 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAK. 


331 


or  provision  confeiTing  this  power  upon  the  government,  still  it  would 
have  possessed  it.  I believe  that  governments,  when  once  organized 
and  brought  into  existeuce,  possess,  like  individuals,  the  inherent  and 
indefeasible  right  of  self-defense,  and  that  whenever  the  Constitution 
is  attacked,  its  destruction  threatened,  the  interests,  peace  and  pros- 
perity of  the  Nation  imperiled  by  the  act  of  a wrongful,  unauthorized 
insurrection,  the  government,  to  preserve  itself,  may  destroy  life,  or 
] property,  or  whatever  else  threatens  its  existence.  [Immense  ap- 
plause.] For  these  reasons,  when  the  President  of  the  United  States 
called  first  for  seventy -five  thousand  men  to  aid  in  suppressing  the 
rebellion,  and  again  for  three  hundred  thousand  more  for  the  same 
purpose,  and  when  he  again  called  for  other  large  forces  for  a like 
purpose,  I did  not  believe  that  he  was  violating  the  Constitution  of 
the  country  in  attempting  to  preserve  it  against  traitors.  [Applause.] 
I did  not  believe  that  those  men  who  relinquished  their  homes,  their 
families,  their  business  interests,  their  society  and  friends,  to  endure 
the  hardships,  fatigue,  exposure  and  perils  of  a soldier’s  life,  in 
attempting  to  vindicate  the  honor  of  the  flag  of  their  country,  to 
maintain  it  in  all  its  beauty  and  glory,  were  violating  the  Constitution 
of  their  country. 

But  there  are  in  this  country  certain  classes  of  men  who  know 
nothing  but  how  to  grumble,  growl  and  find  fault,  but  who  openly 
avow  that  those  insurrectionists  in  arms  against  the  Federal  authority 
cannot  be  subdued  or  conquered;  that  their  territory  is  too  extensive, 
and  their  numbers  too  great;  the  only  way  to  restore  the  government 
is  to  beg  and  implore  them  to  return  once  more  to  the  house  they 
used  to  live  in.  This  did  not  used  to  be  the  doctrine  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  nor  of  the  old  Whig  party,  nor  of  the  Republican  party. 
In  all  the  past  history  of  this  country,  the  American  people,  confident 
in  their  own  strength  and  resources,  carried  themselves  with  haughti- 
ness and  pride  when  arrayed  against  the  most  powerful  nations  of 
the  earth.  [Applause.]  Now  it  has  become  common  and  fashionable 
for  men,  some  of  whom  pretend  to  belong  to  the  Democratic  party, 
to  ask  of  the  Federal  Government  to  crawl  doTvn  upon  their  bellies, 
and  humbly  sue  for  terms  of  peace  at  the  hands  of  rebels  and  traitors. 
Even  down  here  at  Springfield  the  other  day,  I heard  of  a meeting 
that  claimed  to  be  a Democratic  meeting,  a meeting  of  the  old  party 
that  I have  always  belonged  to.  I find  a resolution  published  in  their 
proceedings  that  I desire  to  say  a word  about.  I desire  to  speak  of 
this  resolution,  because  I assert  most  positively,  that  if  the  men  con- 
vened in  that  meeting  indorse  what  purports  to  be  their  action  and 
stand  upon  the  resolution  passed,  they  are  no  Democrats.  [Great 

91 


322 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 


applause.]  The  resolution  to  which  I refer,  and  which  no  doubt 
many  of  you  have  read,  is  called,  I believe,  the  23d  resolution,  and  is 
as  follows: 

‘'That  we  believe  that  the  further  prosecution  of  this  war  [im- 
mense applause]  tends  to  subvert  the  Constitution  and  entail  upon  this 
nation  all  the  disastrous  consequences  of  misrule  and  anarchy.  That 
we  are  in  favor  of  peace  upon  the  basis  of  the  restoration  of  the 
Union  [immense  applause],  and  for  the  accomplishment  of  which  we 
propose  a National  Convention  to  settle  upon  terms  of  peace,  which 
shall  have  in  view  the  restoration  of  the  Union  as  it  was,  and  the 
securing  by  constitutional  amendments  of  such  rights  to  the  several 
States  and  people  thereof  as  honor  and  justice  demand.”  [Loud,  pro- 
longed and  enthusiastic  applause.] 

This  resolution,  I believe,  was  passed  on  the  17th  of  June,  as  they 
declared  then,  that  from  that  day,  the  further  prosecution  of  the  war 
was  unconstitutional  and  tended  to  anarchy.  At  that  time  Meade’s 
army  had  fallen  back  into  Pennsylvania  and  the  rebel  army  under 
General  Lee  was  invading  the  North,  Rosecrans  was  occupying  his 
position  in  his  intrenchments  at  Murfreesboro,  Prentiss  at  Helena, 
Grant’s  army  was  besieging  Vicksburg,  and  that  of  General  Banks, 
Port  Hudson.  Now  if  this  resolution  be  true,  then  all  these  armies 
ought  to  have  retired  from  their  positions,  come  back  north  of  the 
Ohio  river,  and  allow  the  rebels  to  repossess  all  the  territorry  that  we 
have  acquired  by  hard  fighting,  in  eighteen  months.  But  they  did 
not  do  it.  On  the  contrary,  Meade,  with  his  gallant  army,  drove  the 
rebel  army  from  Pennsylvania,  compelling  them  to  fall  back  out  of 
Pennsylvania  into  Maryland  and  beyond  the  Rappahannock,  scattering 
his  rebel  hordes  as  chatf  before  the  wind.  [Loud  applause.]  This,  I 
suppose,  was  unconstitutional.  At  the  same  time  Rosecrans  pushed 
his  victorious  columns  beyond  the  rebel  lines  at  Tullahoma,  far  down 
toward  Chattanooga,  compelling  Bragg  and  his  rebellious  legions  to 
seek  safety  in  flight.  On  the  same  day,  Prentiss  at  Helena,  put  to 
route  Price  and  his  attacking  columns,  who  fled  in  dismay  before  the 
victorious  troops  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  [Loud  applause.] 
This  too,  was  unconstitutional,  and  ought  not  to  have  been  done.  On 
the  same  day,  and  at  the  same  hour,  when  all  these  successes  were 
crowning  our  arms,  a beneficent  Providence,  as  if  to  signify  his  appro- 
bation of  our  cause,  and  render  the  glorious  birthday  of  our  country 
in  the  eyes  of  mankind,  more  sacred,  witnessed  the  triumphal  entry 
of  our  invincible  legions  into  the  rebel  stronghold  of  Vicksburg. 
[Prolonged  and  loud  applause,  and  cheers  for  Logan.]  And  yet  I 
suppose  that  too  was  unconstitutional.  But  a few  days  later  and  Port 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAK. 


323 


Hudson,  the  last  rebel  stronghold  in  the  Mississippi  valley,  acknowl- 
edged the  power  of  our  arms,  and  surrendered  with  its  garrison,  to 
the  victorious  hosts  of  Banks  [applause],  thus  again  opening  the 
Mississippi  from  its  source  to  its  mouth,  and  enabling  the  citizens  of 
Illinois  and  the  Northwest  to  send  their  teeming  harvest  through  the 
old  accustomed  channel  to  the  markets  of  the  world;  and  this,  too,  is 
unconsti  tutional . 

I do  not  believe.  General  McArthur  (addressing  that  officer),  that 
when  you  and  I,  with  our  gallant  divisions,  marched  down  the 
streets  of  Vicksburg,  to  the  music  of  Yankee  Doodle,  with  the  old 
stars  and  stripes  floating  over  us,  that  we  were  violating  the  Constitu- 
tion of  our  country.  [Loud  applause.]  I do  not  believe  that  in  gain- 
ing victory  after  victory,  in  gaining  stronghold  after  stronghold,  and 
dispersing  an  army  equal  in  numbers  to  our  own,  arrayed  against  our 
government,  and  defying  its  laws,  we  were  trampling  the  Constitu- 
tion of  our  country  under  foot. 

But  according  to  these  resolutions,  we  should  have  stopped  on  the 
17th  of  June.  All  our  acts  since  that  time  have  been  outrages  upon 
our  country,  and  you  and  I and  all  our  comrades  ought  to  be  tiied 
for  treason. 

This  is  the  condition  in  which  these  men  have  placed  us.  But  I 
wish  to  notice  this  resolution  a little  further.  They  say  that  they  are 
in  favor  of  a national  convention.  Would  they  have  a convention  in 
which  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Texas,  Florida  and  all  those 
States  now  in  rebellion  would  be  represented?  If  so,  I want  the  gen- 
tlemen who  introduced  the  resolution,  and  the  men  who  favored  it,  to 
tell  how  long  it  would  take  to  get  Sputli  Carolina  to  send  delegates  to 
any  convention?  How  would  you  notify  them  of  it?  How  v.^ould 
you  induce  them  to  send  representatives?  Would  a member  of  Con- 
gress elected  in  any  of  these  States  attend  any  such  convention?  No 
such  thing,  and  they  know  it  well.  That  phrase  was  introduced  only 
for  the  purpose  of  misleading  and  misguiding  the  people;  and  lastly, 
my  fellow-citizens,  I desire  to  call  your  attention  to  the  last  clause  of 
this  remarkable  resolution,  to  show  you  what  a strange  piece  of 
composition  it  is.  I am  told  that  in  this  part  of  the  country  you  find 
a great  many  men  who  say  they  prefer  the  Union  as  it  was,  and  the 
Constitution  as  it  is.  Yet  these  gentlemen  ask  for  a convention  which 
shall  decide  upon  the  terms  of  peace,  and  settle  upon  the  Constitution 
with  such  amendments  as  justice  demands.  At  one  moment  they 
want  the  Constitution  as  it  is,  and  the  next  they  want  it  with  amend- 
ments, all  the  time,  however,  proclaiming  that  they  are  for  the  Con- 
stitution as  it  is.  In  my  opinion,  the  men  who  are  prosecuting  this 


324 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAN. 


war  are  for  the  Constitution  as  it  is,  and  the  Union  as  it  was.  I care 
not  to  what  party  they  have  belonged ; I have  never  yet  found  a man 
who  was  supporting  this  war  who  was  not  a lover  of  the  Canstitution 
and  the  Union.  For  myself,  I am  for  it  as  it  was.  So  I hope  you  all 
are.  I am  for  having  South  Carolina  and  every  other  State  brought 
back  into  the  Union;  but  if  these  gentlemen  are  for  the  Union  as  it 
was,  with  Jeff.  Davis,  Toombs  and  Slidell  in  the  Senate,  with  all 
those  traitors  restored  to  the  high  places  of  public  trust  and  honor, 
then  I am  not  for  it  as  it  was.  [Applause.] 

I would  like  for  those  men  who  passed  this  resolution  and  talk  of 
the  Constitution  as  it  is,  and  the  Union  as  it  was,  to  inform  us  what 
they  mean.  For  my  part,  I have  no  opinions  I desire  to  conceal. 
Democrats,  Republicans,  all  ought  to  be  for  restoring  this  govern- 
ment with  every  inch  of  soil,  as  it  was,  before  traitors  despoiled  it. 
[Applause.]  To  accomplish  this,  if  necessary,  I am  in  favor  of  using 
the  last  dollar,  of  filling  the  last  ditch  with  human  gore,  and  making 
bridges  of  human  carcasses,  if  the  government  can  in  no  other  way 
be  restored;  and  any  man  who  is  not  for  all  that  is  not  as  good  a 
Union  man  as  I am,  or  as  he  ought  to  be,  in  my  judgment.  [Three 
cheers  for  General  Logan  were  again  called  for,  and  enthusiastically 
given.]  Now  there  is  one  easy  way  in  which  this  Union  can  be 
restored  as  it  was.  It  is  for  every  man  in  the  loyal  States  to  be  loyal, 
and  then  act  according  to  his  professions.  Let  each  man  love  the 
government,  aid  it,  fight  for  it,  exert  all  his  influence  in  its  behalf, 
and  assist  the  government  and  those  charged  with  its  administration 
in  furnishing  men  and  means,  and  flghting  the  battles  of  the  country. 
In  this  way  we  can  restore  the  country.  Again,  we  can  aid  in  restor- 
ing the  Union  as  it  was  by  giving  aid  and  encouragement  to  the 
oflicers  of  the  law  in  our  own  State.  If  any  measure  is  adopted  for 
the  purpose  of  raising  troops,  let  no  man  raise  his  voice  or  hand 
against  it.  Let  every  otflcer  be  firm  and  faithful  to  his  trust,  and 
etery  hitizen  firm  in  lending  assistance.  By  this  means  you  will 
raise  an  army,  and  with  that  army  you  can  put  this  rebellion  down 
at  once.  [Loud  applause.] 

CONFISCATION. 

There  is  another  matter  that  a great  deal  of  noise  is  made  about, 
and  of  which  I desire  to  speak  briefly.  It  is  with  reference  to  what 
is  known  as  the  confiscation  question,  or,  in  other  words,  what  rights 
under  the  laws  rebels  in  arms  have  to  property. 

I ask  any  man  whether  or  not  these  rebels  did  not  forfeit  their 
right  of  property,  by  their  acts  of  treason  against  the  government? 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAK. 


325 


Yet  men  object  to  the  confiscation  of  rebel  property.  Why?  Have 
they  been  injured  by  it?  Have  they  lost  any  of  their  property? 
Certainly  not,  nor  will  they  unless  they  are  guilty  of  the  same  acts 
that  have  caused  the  confiscation  of  rebel  property.  However,  these 
gentlemen  want  the  act  of  treason  decided  against  their  Southern 
friends,  by  a jury,  as  they  say,  according  to  the  Constitution.  They 
are  mad  because  we  do  not  try  JeH.  Davis  and  his  co-conspirators,  by 
a jury  down  in  Richmond.  Will  these  men  tell  me  that  when  you 
find  a body  of  men  armed,  bearing  a flag  different  from  ours,  claim- 
ing they  are  acting  under  a separate  government,  fighting  the  armies 
of  the  United  States,  using  all  the  means  in  their  power  to  destroy 
the  government,  that  this  is  not  proof  sufficient?  Do  they  want  any 
more?  What  kind  of  a jury  do  they  want  to  try  four  or  five  hun- 
dred thousand  men  in  arms,  with  treason  inscribed  upon  their  ban- 
ners, defying  the  power  of  the  government  and  trampling  its  laws 
and  Constitution  under  foot.  [Applause.]  The  right  way  to  try  such 
men  is  to  try  them  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  [great  applause]  and  not 
by  juries  or  courts.  If  they  do  not  want  their  property  confiscated,  let 
them  lay  down  their  arms  and  return  to  their  allegiance.  If  they 
expected  to  enjoy  their  former  rights  under  the  laws  they  should  not 
liave  rebelled.  If  men  in  this  country  are  so  sensitive  about  the 
property  of  rebels,  just  let  them  go  down  to  rebeldom  and  advise  the 
rebels  to  lay  down  their  arms.  [Cheers.]  Do  you  believe  that  if 
these  rebels  had  not  broken  the  laws,  violated  the  Constitution  and 
defied  the  government,  their  property  would  have  been  confiscated  or 
interfered  with?  If  not,  then,  who  is  at  fault?  It  is  the  result  of 
their  ow*!!  conduct,  and  we  are  not  responsible  for  it,  but  they  are. 
[Applause.]  Then,  there  is  another  matter  that  is  a source  of  great 
annoyance  to  many.  It  is  the  President’s  proclamation.  When  it 
was  issued,  I said  and  say  so  yet,  that,  without  either  defending, 
justiDdng  or  setting  up  opposition  to  it,  I,  as  a soldier,  was  in  duty 
bound  to  obey  it,  and  I did  obey  it.  [Three  cheers  for  General  Logan.] 
This  is  an  act,  however,  charged  to  be  unconstitutional  and  oppres-. 
sive.  When  the  proclamation  was  issued,  one  hundred  days  were 
given  the  rebels  to  lay  down  their  arms.  If  they  did  not  at  the  end 
of  that  time  do  so,  the  slaves  were  to  be  free.  If  they  had  acted  in 
good  faith  to  the  government,  that  had  never  done  them  any  wrong, 
and  at  the  time  prescribed  returned  to  their  allegiance,  their  slaves 
would  not  have  been  made  free  by  the  proclamation;  but  they  did  not. 
I ask  you,  then,  was  it  our  fault  or  theirs?  [Cheers,  cries  of  ‘ ' Good. ”] 
It  was  not  our  fault.  They  freed  their  negroes,  and  not  we.  They 
chose  between  remaining  in  the  Union  with  their  slaves  or  in  rebellion 


326 


LIFE  OF  JOim  A.  LOGAK. 


y/ithout  them.  And  now  I tell  these  men  who  are  so  mad  in  this 
country,  that  they  should  have  gone  to  ‘‘Dixie’'  and  said  to  their 
brothers,  “Just  lay  down  your  arms,  and  keep  your  negroes;  quit 
fighting  and  all  will  be  well.”  [Cheers  and  laughter.]  But  I cannot 
see  why  men  should  be  excited  over  this  matter  so  much.  The  proc- 
lamation did  not  atfect  negroes  or  their  masters  in  the  part  of  the 
c ountry  where  our  army  was,  for  the  reason  that  the  negroes  had  all 
i reed  themselves  before  it  was  issued.  They  had  mostly  run  away 
before  it  was  issued,  and  were  still  running  up  to  the  time  I had  left. 
[Applause  and  laughter.] 

If  men  in  this  country  who  are  interested  in  getting  the  negroes 
restored  to  traitors  will  take  the  proper  course  we  will  soon  have  the 
matter  settled.  How  will  it  be  done?  Let  the  rebels  lay  down  their 
arms,  come  back  and  claim  protection  under  our  Constitution,  file 
their  petition  in  the  United  States  Court,  presenting  a case  for  the 
court  to  decide  the  constitutionality  of  the  proclamation.  And  then 
let  Mr.  Rebel  come  up  and  prove  that  he  was  a loyal  man.  [Immense 
applause.] 

If  the  court  declares  the  action  of  the  President  illegal,  we  will  all, 
I hope,  abide  by  it.  If  it  is  declared  constitutional,  then  it  will  have 
its  full  force  and  effect,  and  I suppose  none  will  refuse  to  abide  by  its 
decision.  The  court  is  the  proper  tribunal  to  settle  the  question,  and 
none  should  object  to  its  being  so  settled.  Let  us  then  be  quiet  and 
see  the  rebellion  crushed,  then  have  the  matter  properly  settled.  If 
we  put  down  the  rebellion,  this  mode  of  settling  it  will  be  satisfactory; 
if  we  do  not  put  down  the  rebellion  (as  some  men  say  we  cannot), 
then  I am  sure  there  ought  to  be  no  trouble  about  the  matter,  as  the 
rebels  will  not  be  affected  by  proclamations  or  anything  we  may  do. 
[Applause.] 

CONSCRIPTIOlSr. 

You  have  been  many  times  instructed  by  other  styles  of  arguments 
and  dissertations  upon  other  constitutional  points,  all  having  the  same 
objects  in  view,  and  that  is,  to  render  the  army  inefficient  and  power- 
less to  suppress  the  rebellion.  The  conscription  laws  have  not  been 
made  an  exception.  This,  too,  they  say  is  not  constitutional,  and 
they  are  not  going  to  wait  for  the  question  to  be  constitutionally  settled 
by  the  courts  of  the  country,  but  they  are  going  to  resist  it  anyhow. 
Every  man  who  don’t  like  the  war,  and  is  not  fond  of  fighting,  just 
arrays  himself  with  this  new-fangled  doctrine,  and  he  at  once  becomes 
a Solon  or  a Story,  or  some  other  great  constitutional  expounder,  and 
finds  at  once  he  is  entirely  justified  in  resisting  a law  of  Congress.  There 
is  of  course  no  use  for  a court.  They  never  want  a court  unless  a 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAK. 


327 


rebel  is  to  be  the  injured  party,  then  they  want  a jury  from  the 
vicinage,  and  every  man  to  be  tried  by  his  peers — that  is,  every  rebel 
must  be  tried  by  rebels.  I think  myself  they  would  be  in  a bad  con- 
dition to  be  tried  by  honest  men. 

But  why  do  these  men  object  to  the  conscript  law?  Is  it  because 
it  does  not  suit  them  in  all  respects?  If  so,  does  that  justify  them  in 
resisting?  Is  that  the  good  old  Democratic  teaching  always  adhered 
to  heretofore  by  all  our  leaders?  I think  not.  As  for  myself,  I freely 
admit  that  if  I had  drafted  the  law  I would  have  had  its  provisions 
different,  perhaps;  but  since  it  was  not  my  business,  I am  willing  to 
leave  it  to  the  proper  agents  or  authorities  to  do  it,  and  then  abide  by 
it  until  the  courts  decide  it  null  and  void.  Is  not  this  right?  But 
how  is  this  act  wu’ong?  I cannot  see  but  that  its  main  principles  are 
right,  and  that  it  ought  to  be  enforced;  and  if  there  are  any  objections 
to  it,  it  is  only  in  its  details.  But  you  hear  it  said  by  every  peace  man 
that  it  is  unconstitutional.  Why,  my  friends,  is  it  not  a law  of  the 
land,  piissed  by  the  law-making  power,  and  under  what  authority 
have  tiiey  enacted  it?  Does  not  the  Constitution,  in  so  many  words, 
confer  the  power  on  Congress  to  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia 
to  execute  the  law,’'  etc.?  Now,  what  does  this  mean?  Is  not  this 
conscription  act  one  means  or  one  manner  of  calling  forth  the  militia? 
Is  it  not  the  method  of  selecting  who  of  the  militia  shall  become 
soldiers  and  shall  aid  in  executing  the  laws?  And  if  Congress  cannot 
do  this,  who  in  the  world  can?  How  is  it  to  be  done?  Do  these  men 
expect  to  live  under  a government  which  has  not  the  power  to  main- 
tain itself — no  power  to  call  forth  its  strength — no  power  to  adopt  a 
plan  to  ascertain  who  are  to  be  its  soldiers?  Any  government  that 
could  not  do  this  would  be  a sham  and  no  government  at  all.  Mobs 
and  riots  could  exist  in  all  parts  of  the  land,  rebellion  and  insurrections 
could  arise  every  day,  and  citizens  would  have  no  alternative  but  to 
submit  to  anarchy,  confusion,  and  mob  law.  If  gentlemen  expect  to 
live  under  such  a government,  let  them  be  undeceived.  We  have 
lived  under  a government  of  law  and  order  too  long  to  submit  to  such 
a thing.  There  never  was  a government  in  the  world  that  did  not 
possess  powers  of  this  kind,  and  ours  would  have  been  no  exception 
to  the  rule,  even  without  the  clause  in  the  Constitution  which  I 
have  quoted.  But  they,  with  this  clause  plainly  in  that  instrument, 
say  the  conscript  act  is  not  mentioned  in  it  at  all.  Well,  what  if  it  isn’t? 
Do  they  find  anything  in  it  authorizing  Jeff  Davis  to  be  president  of 
the  southern  confederacy?  [Laughter.]  Do  they  find  anything  in  it 
requiring  the  government  to  sit  still  and  tumble  to  pieces — to  crumble 
into  chaos — with  no  power  to  do  anything  to  avoid  it?  They  find 


328 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAK. 


nothing  of  this  kind  there;  but  I will  tell  you  what  they  do  find. 
They  find  the  power  there  given  to  suppress  insurrection.  How?  I 
will  tell  you  how:  In  any  manner  that  God  Almighty  has  placed  it  in 
our  power  to  do  it.  By  killing  rebels,  destroying  their  property — 
arresting  and  confining  traitors,  by  conscript  laws,  confiscation  laws — 
[great  applause] — that  is  the  way  it  is  to  be  done.  I assert  that  there 
is  power  in  the  Constitution  to  suppress  insurrection;  and  if  there  was 
not  a word  said  about  it  there — if  there  was  not  a word  in  it  author- 
izing Congress  to  call  out  the  militia,  the  government,  itself,  from  the 
very  fact  of  its  existence,  carries  with  it  the  strength  and  power  to 
organize  armies  and  navies  to  execute  its  laws  and  protect  itself. 
Believing  this,  and  knowing  it  in  my  heart  to  be  so,  I believe  it  is  not 
only  the  duty  of  the  President  and  of  Congress,  but  of  each  and  every 
citizen  in  this  land,  to  stand  by  the  government,  no  matter  what  his  local- 
ity— no  matter  what  his  politics.  The  government  is  his — his  to  enjoy, 
his  to  administer,  his  to  defend,  his  to  transmit  to  his  children — and  no 
man,  unless  he  is  a craven,  a coward,  or  traitor,  can,  when  all  is  at  peril, 
threatened  with  destruction,  stand  aloof  and  refuse  to  assist,  by  every 
means  in  his  power,  to  restore  the  government  to  its  original  condi- 
tion; and  the  man  who  fails  to  do  this,  who  finds  "Mfs”  and  *‘buts,’' 
and  holds  back,  is,  in  my  opinion,  wrong  some  way.  [Applause.]  I 
believe,  then,  that  each  and  every  man  ought,  is  in  duty  bound  and 
must,  if  required  by  the  authorities,  put  his  shoulder  to  the  wheel 
and  see  the  government  again  roll  on  in  peace  and  greatness  as  in 
days  past.  If  they  do  this,  we  will  sustain  the  government,  suppress 
the  rebellion,  restore  peace,  and  vanquish  all  assailants,  whether 
domestic  or  foreign. 

DISLOYAL  MEN. 

There  are  many  other  objections  made  by  those  growlers  and 
fault-finders  that  I might  notice  if  time  permitted,  but  it  is  wholly 
unnecessary  to  do  so,  for  no  argument  that  I or  any  living  man  could 
make,  would  satisfy  some  men  that  our  government  is  right  and  Jeff 
Davis  is  wrong;  and  j^et  these  men  insist  that  they  are  loyal,  true  and 
good  Union  men.  Go  where  you  will  all  over  the  country,  and  you 
will  never  find  a solitary  man  who  does  not  claim  to  be  for  the  Union. 
Now  I have  been  taught  all  my  life  to  judge  a tree  by  its  fruits.  It 
is  written  that  no  good  tree  will  bring  forth  bad  fruits,  nor  will  a bad 
tree  bring  forth  good  fruits.  Now,  if  we  judge  some  men  by  their 
fruits,  I rather  think  we  will  be  inclined  to  believe  (however  much 
they  may  deny  it)  that  they  are  not  good  Union  men,  and  care  less 
for  the  Union  and  Government  than  for  their  own  safety  and  ease. 
Did  you  ever  hear  of  a good  Union  man  discouraging  enlistments? 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAN". 


329 


Did  you  ever  hear  of  one  denouncing  the  government?  Do  they  call 
the  soldiers  Lincoln  hirelings,  and  Lincoln  abolitionists?  Do  they 
swear  they  will  not  light  unless  to  resist  the  draft?  Do  they 
declare  tlie  conscription  unconstitutional?  Do  they  say  they  are  for 
putting  a stop  to  this  nigger  war,  and  persuade  the  soldiers  to  desert 
and  lay  around  in  hollows  in  the  country  to  be  fed  by  their  friends? 
Is  this  the  fruits  that  men  who  love  the  Union  exhibit?  No,  my 
countrymen.  Let  them  claim  as  much  love  for  the  Union  as  they 
may,  the  man  who  does  this  thing  is  false  to  his  country,  and  utters  a 
falsehood  when  he  says  he  is  for  the  Union  and  as  good  a Union  man 
as  anybody.  He  is  at  heart  for  Jelf  Davis  and  ought  to  be  down  there 
with  him.  [Applause.] 

VALLANDIGHAM. 

I hear  that  there  is  a certain  gentleman  over  here  in  Ohio,  a can- 
didate for  governor,  who,  if  all  or  half  what  is  told  of  him  be  true,  is 
of  this  kind  of  Union  men.  His  name  is  Vallandigham;  he  claims  to 
be  a good  Union  man.  And  yet,  all  his  speeches,  all  his  acts,  all  his 
conduct  since  this  war  begun,  has  been  of  ceaseless  opposition  to  the 
United  States  Gov(3rnment,  and  tending  to  uphold  and  encourage 
those  in  rebellion  against  it.  Have  you  ever  heard  of  his  persuading 
anyone  to  enlist  under  the  old  flag  and  stand  by  the  Constitution? 
Have  you  ever  heard  that  he  sympathized  with  and  encouraged  the 
soldiers  in  the  field?  Have  you  ever  heard  that  in  the  darkest  hours 
of  our  country,  he  uttered  a word  that  would  nerve  the  patriotic  heart 
to  deeds  of  glory  and  renown? — never,  never;  on  the  contrary,  we 
hear  him  uttering,  as  he  said  in  his  letter  of  recent  date,  sentiments  of 
this  kind  to  the  people  of  Ohio: 

“I  need  not  repeat  my  oft-declared  conviction,  which  time  has 
already  vindicated,  that  the  South  cannot  be  conquered  by  force  of 
arms.” 

Is  this  the  sentiment  of  a patriot  and  of  a Union  man?  a man  who 
ill  his  heart  of  hearts  wishes  for  the  perpetuity  of  this  Union?  Or  is- 
it  not  the  argument  used  by  Davis,  Beauregard  and  Slidell,  and 
their  hosts  of  Southern  traitors?  And  yet  you  hear  from  the  men 
who  are  supporting  him  the  constant  declaration  that  they  are  good 
Union  men.  Now,  one  thing  has  occurred  to  me  in  his  course  as 
passing  strange.  Did  you  ever  hear  of  Mr.  Yallandigham  or  his 
adherents  finding  fault  with  Jelf  Davis,  Lee,  Pemberton,  Bragg  or 
any  other  men  wUo  are  in  rebellion?  How  many  speeches  have  been 
made  by  him  denouncing  this  rebellion  and  its  leaders?  Can  any  one 
tell  me?  On  the  contrary  do  not  those  who  indorse  him  openly  pro- 
claim their  preference?  I was  told  the  other  day  that  a body  of 


3:«) 


LIFE  OF  JOHM  A.  LOGAK. 


armed  men  down  here  in  Illinois  passed  through  a village  and  gave 
cheers  for  Yallandigham,  John  Morgan  and  Jeff  Davis.  Now,  my 
countrymen,  is  this  the  proper  result  of  inculcating  the  right  kind  of 
Union  sentiment,  or  is  it  not  bad  fruits  brought  forth  by  a bad 
man?  Now  there  are  but  two  sides  to  this  question — a man  cannot 
be  for  the  Union  and  for  Jeff  Davis  at  the  same  time;  he  must  be 
either  attempting  to  support  and  maintain  the  government  in  sup- 
pressing the  rebellion,  or  else  his  acts  tend  to  aid,  encourage  and  sup- 
port those  who  are  against  us.  No  man  can  be.  neutral;  he  must  be 
one  or  the  other;  he  must  believe  the  government  is  right  in  using  its 
force  against  the  rebels,  or  that  it  is  wrong;  and  when  we  find  men 
using  all  their  talents,  ingenuity,  ability  and  influence  agaiDst  our 
own  government  and  cause,  he  may  pronounce  as  often  as  he  pleases 
and  declare  himself  every  day  a thousand  times  a good  Union  man, 
but  it  is  false,  and  everybody  can  see  it  that  will.  [Cheers.] 

I care  not  what  he  calls  himself — what  he  calls  his  part — a man  is 
either  for  our  Constitution  or  for  Jeff  Davis'  constitution  [applause]; 
for  the  laws  or  for  mobs,  for  violence  and  rebellion.  There  is  no 
middle  ground.  If  the  war  is  right,  it  should  go  on  vigorously;  if  it 
is  wrong,  it  should  stop;  if  it  is  right,  all  should  support  it,  and  if  it 
is  wrong,  we  should  oppose  it  as  Yallandigham  and  his  followers. 
Douglas  uttered  a great  truth  when  he  said  all  men  must  be  either 
patriots  or  traitors. 

PEACE  MEN. 

But  we  find  men  in  this  country  who  cry  Peace,  peace,  when 
there  is  no  peace,”  and  they  know  it.  What  do  they  mean?  How  do 
they  want  peace,  and  how  are  they  to  get  it?  Do  they  expect  to  get 
it  by  stopping  the  war  and  withdrawing  our  army?  Is  that  the  way 
they  want  it?  If  so,  my  countrymen,  do  you  think  they  are  good 
Union  men?  Does  any  one  think  we  can  get  peace  in  this  way,  and 
yet  save  the  Union  as  our  fathers  made  it?  Or  do  you  not  know  that 
pe  ace  in  any  other  way  than  through  victory,  through  the  triumph  of 
our  arms  will  be  the  death  knell  of  our  Union  and  the  sure  harbinger 
of  the  independence  of  the  rebel  States?  Suppose  we  withdraw  our 
armies,  leave  the  territory  we  now  possess,  call  a convention,  agree  to 
an  armistice,  and  do  all  this  after  two  years’  fighting.  How  long 
would  it  be  until  the  powers  of  Europe  would  recognize  and  aid  the 
independence  of  the  South,  and  thus  sever  our  Union  forever?  My 
fellow-citizens,  this  is  the  cry  of  Jeff*  Davis  and  his  minions.  They 
say  they  want  peace;  they  want  us  to  stop  the  war.  They  think  the 
North  cannot  conquer  them;  they  want  us  to  let  them  alone,  and  if 
we  but  accede  to  what  they  desire  and  what  their  advocates  in  the 


BPEECHES  OF  LOGAK. 


331 

North  here  insist  on,  they  know  their  independence  follows  as  a 
necessity,  and  the  Union  is  destroyed. 

ABUSE  OF  OFFICERS  AND  SOLDIERS. 

Why  is  it  that  the  time  has  come  now  when  officers  and  soldiers 
in  the  army  are  traduced  and  vilified  from  one  end  of  the  country  to 
the  other?  When  was  there  ever  a time  in  this  country  when  the 
country  was  at  war,  that  a man  engaged  in  the  army  was  traduced 
or  slandered  by  a certain  portion  of  the  community?  Why  is  it? 
These  soldiers  will  not  see  this  government  destroyed,  but  these  men 
are  throwing  every  obstacle  in  the  way  to  effect  the  inefficiency  of 
the  army  and  navy.  Every  victory  won  by  our  armies  is  ''a  small 
affair.”  It  is  placed  upon  an  improper  basis;  somebody  has  “been 
doing  wrong;”  “the  victory  is  not  sufficient;”  “it  is  not  what  we 
desired.”  But  every  defeat  we  have  is  put  in  large  letters  and  mag- 
nified. Everybody  must  be  notified  that  the  federal  troops  have  been 
“licked,”  not  only  whipped,  but  badly  whipped — thousands  of  per- 
sons taken  prisoners — thousands  of  arms  taken,  thousands  of  men 
lost,  and  then  the  people  are  called  upon  to  stop  this  “effusion  of 
blood,”  this  “great  carnage.”  The  people  are  called  upon  to  oppose 
the  government,  to  distrust  the  army,  and  to  distrust  every  man  in  it, 
and  endeavors  are  made  to  cause  them  to  get  alarmed  at  this  to  such 
an  extent  that  they  will  seek  peace  upon  any  terms,  and  by  that 
means  establish  a southern  confederacy  and  divide  these  States. 

You  will  recollect  a short  time  ago,  while  our  army  were  attempt- 
ing to  take  Vicksburg,  these  croakers  and  these  kickers  were  all  the 
time  attempting  to  throw  doubt  upon  this  thing,  saying  the  strong- 
hold could  never  be  taken.  All  these  things  were  said,  and  all  these 
means  were  employed  in  order  to  discourage  the  people.  Why  is  it 
that  the  people  must  be  discouraged?  If  a man  is  a true  man  to  his 
government,  he  never  will  in  its  darkest  hour  do  anjdhing  to  dis- 
courage tliat  government.  It  is  the  dark  hour  of  this  country  now. 
It  is  the  period  of  its  gravest  trials.  Stand  by  your  country  now. 
Now  is  the  time  to  do  it,  so  that  sooner  or  later  its  victory  will  be 
won.  Have  confidence  in  your  army,  instead  of  gossiping  on  the 
street  corners  with  the  intention  of  demoralizing  the  efficiency  of  that 
arm  of  your  country. 

As  for  my  part,  I will  advocate  the  interests  of  my  country,  leave 
no  means  untried  to  effect  its  restoration.  After  the  war  is  over,  we 
will  settle  our  political  quarrels,  and  if  you  will  only  do  that  also  and 
aid  in  encouraging  the  cause  of  your  country,  we  will  have  less  poli- 
tics, more  war,  and  a Union  all  the  sooner.  [Thunders  of  applause.] 


332 


LIFE  OF  JOHI^  A.  LOGAil. 


STOREY  AND  THE  ‘'iTMES/' 

In  this  connection,  fellow-citizens,  allow  me  to  call  your  attention 
to  a matter  somewhat  personal  to  myself.  It  is  a well-known  fact, 
that  wherever  I have  been,  I have  only  addressed  the  people  at  their 
own  solicitation.  I did  not  come  home  to  make  a political  canvass, 
but  only  to  try  to  obtain  rest  after  the  arduous  duties  of  a long  and 
severe  campaign.  This  is  the  only  visit  I have  made  to  my  home  and 
family  for  two  years,  with  the  exception  of  eight  days  soon  after  the 
battle  at  Donelson.  I thought,  while  at  home,  as  they  desired  it,  I 
might  at  least  tell  my  friends  what  was  the  condition  of  my  country 
without  being  accused  of  anything  wrong  for  doing  so.  I told  them 
I was  advocating  no  man  or  party,  that  in  this  war  I knew  no  party, 
that  although  I had  always  been  a Democrat,  and  cherish  the  doc- 
trines of  that  old  and  honored  party,  yet  in  this  contest  I was  for  any 
man,  let  him  belong  to  whatever  party  he  might,  who  was  for  his 
country  and  who  supported  the  government,  and  against  every  man 
who  did  not  do  so,  let  him  be  of  what  party  he  might.  For  these 
acts,  I have  been  vilely  abused  and  slandered. 

I propose  to  read  to  you  from  a paper  published  here  in  your 
midst,  and  claiming  to  be  a Democratic  paper  (but  this  claim  is  as 
false  as  h — 1),  called,  I believe,  the  Chicago  Times,  edited  once  by  a 
gentleman  (Sheehan),  but  great  has  been  its  fall  since  then.  In  this 
paper,  of  date  August  8,  inst.,  I find  the  following  article: 

“As  showing  how  entirely  Major  General  John  A.  Logan  has  gone 
over  to  abolitionism,  it  may  be  mentioned  that  in  his  harangues  he 
adopts  the  cant  so  common  for  twenty  years  past  to  all  abolition  ora- 
tors. He  talks  about  the  ' meanness  of  the  Southern  people  in  com- 
pelling slaves  to  work  for  them  without  pay.' 

' ‘ He  is  equal  to  Milroy  in  threats  of  vengeance  upon  Democrats  in 
the  Korth  who  have  not  turned  Abolitionists.  Speaking  of  the  army, 
he  said  at  Cairo: 

“‘They  have  had  their  eyes  upon  these  unmitigated  cowards, 
these  opponents  of  the  country  and  the  administration — and  the 
administration,  I contend,  is  the  country — and  when  they  return  it 
will  do  the  soul  of  every  loyal  man  good  to  see  the  summary  manner 
in  which  they  will  cause  these  sneaks  and  peace  agitators  to  hunt 
their  holes.' 

“ At  Carbondale  he  said: 

“ ‘ If  you  let  these  people  gain  their  designs  for  a Southern  Con- 
federacy, we  will  have  a Northwestern  Confederacy.  There  was  a 
plan  for  this  before  the  breaking  out  of  the  rebellion.  It  was  talked 


SPEECHES  OE  LOGA^^-. 


333 


over  by  men  who  are  steeped  to  the  lips  in  treason,  and  if  we  fail  to 
put  down  the  rebellion  our  beautiful  prairies  of  the  Northwest  will 
be  drenched  in  blood/ 

Among  those  who  before  the  war  talked  over  the  question  of  a 
Northwestern  Confederacy  was  John  A.  Logan,  then  a Eepresenta- 
^tive  in  Congress  from  Southern  Illinois,  now  Major  General  John  A. 
Logan.  He  said  further  at  Carbondale: 

“ ‘ If  I was  President  I would  have  no  mobs.  The  first  man  who 
raised  his  hand  to  resist  the  law  I would  hang  to  the  first  tree  or  lamj)- 
post.  I don’t  blame  the  President  for  being  more  lenient;  I only  say 
what  I would  do.’ 

The  reader  will  understand  this  frantic  violence  of  a new  convert 
when  we  tell  him  that  this  same  John  A.  Logan,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  war,  openly  encouraged  recruiting  in  Southern  Illinois  for  the 
rebel  army;  that  two  or  three  of  his  own  relatives  entered  the  rebel 
service  on  his  advice;  that  he  grossly  insulted  Stephen  A.  Douglas  on 
the  streets  of  Springfield  for  the  stand  that  patriot  had  taken  con- 
cerning the  war,  and  that  he  openly  instigated  the  people  of  Southern 
Illinois  to  resist  the  passage  south  of  federal  troops  over  their  soil. 

‘‘  The  case  is  simply  that  of  a weak  and  ambitious  man  going  from 
one  extreme  to  the  other.  He  is  ambitious  of  a major  general’s  com- 
mission in  the  regular  army.’ 

I made  no  speech  at  Cairo  at  that  time;  I have  made  none  since  I 
have  been  in  the  army.  I was  there  with  a few  friends  at  a dinner 
party,  and  in  a desultory  manner  we  discussed  matters  connected  with 
the  capture  of  Vicksburg.  All  that  I said  then,  I do  not  now  recol- 
lect, but  one  thing  I do  know,  what  I said  was  all  right.  That  part, 
however,  attributed  to  me,  in  which  I am  said  to  have  stated  that  the 
“administration  was  the  government,”  I did  not  say  nor  have  I 
uttered  any  such  sentiment  at  any  other  time.  I have  never  been  so 
insane  as  to  admit  or  affirm  that  any  administration  was  the  govern- 
ment. In  this  I was  misrepresented,  doubtless,  without  intention  on 
the  reporter’s  part,  for  I have  no  reason  to  think  him  anything  else 
than  a gentleman. 

As  to  what  I am  reported  to  have  said  at  Carbondale,  I avow  it 
now,  repeat  it  here  to  you  to-night.  It  is  true,  every  word  of  it.  But 
it  is  charged  by  the  editor  that  I “ have  gone  over  to  the  Abolition- 
ists; ” that  I adopt  in  my  “harangues,”  as  he  chooses  to  call  them,  the 
cant  so  common  to  Abolition  orators  twenty  years  ago;  and  also  that 
I was  one  who  talked  over  a Northwestern  Confederacy  before  the 
war,  and  while  I was  a member  of  Congress.  Let  me  say  to  the  man 
who  published  that  paper  that  when  he  published  it  he  published  a 


334 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 


lie,  knowingly,  intentionally  and  willfully.  [Great  applause.]  There 
is  not  a living  man  on  earth  that  ever  heard  me  say  that  I was  in  favor 
of  a Northwestern  Confederacy  or  any  other  confederacy,  or  that  I 
was  in  favor  of  dividing  the  Union  by  any  means;  and  I want  this 
man  Storey  (he  never  spoke  To  me — if  he  did  I did  not  know  it — I 
never  spoke  to  him — if  I did  I am  sorry  for  it)  to  tell  me  who  told 
him  this.  If  he  does  not,  he  is  himself  responsible,  and  I brand  him 
as  a liar,  a sneak,  a poltroon,  coward  and  traitor.  [Great  applause. 
Cheers  for  Logan.] 

So  far  as  this  charge  against  me  of  recruiting  for  the  rebel  army, 
it  is  too  infamous  and  damnable  to  notice.  And  as  for  my  insulting 
Douglas  in  Springfield  or  anywhere  else,  it  is  as  false  as  h — 1;  but  is 
- he  not  a pretty  man  to  call  me  to  account  for  insulting  anyone  for 
being  a patriot?  [Applause.]  It  is  not  true  that  I insulted  Mr. 
Douglas.  It  is  not  true  that  we  were  ever  anything  but  friends  at  the 
time  he  speaks  of.  I came  with  Mr.  Douglas  from  Springfield  to 
Joliet.  I heard  him  with  pleasure  ^t  every  station  on  the  road,  in  the 
advocacy  of  the  cause  of  his  country.  After  leaving  him  at  Joliet,  I 
came  next  to  Chicago;  met  him  at  the  Tremont  House;  staid  with 
him,  talked  with  him  on  the  condition  of  the  country.  It  was  the 
last  time  I ever  met  that  great  patriot  and  statesman.  We  parted  as 
friends.  And  yet  this  vile  wretch,  this  animal,  this  crawling,  slimy 
creature,  asserts  that  I insulted  him  because  he  was  a patriot. 

Does  this  man  Storey  know  his  own  history?  [Laughter.]  If  he 
does,  he  knows  it  is  too  infamous  to  be  written  or  published.  He  is  a 
man  most  certainly  poorly  fitted  for  heaven,  and  the  devil  would 
scorn  his  presence  if  he  should  appear  before  him  to-night.  When 
God  in  his  infinite  power,  created  this  universe  and  all  living  and 
creeping  things  therein,  among  other  things  he  created  frogs,  snakes, 
lizzards  and  slimy,  miserable,  filthy  things.  He  then  looked  upon 
them  and  they  were  not  low  and  mean  enough  to  manifest  his  power, 
and  he  must  create  some  vile  thing  that  will  be  viewed  with  disgust 
/ and  loathing  by  all  the  balance  of  created  things — Storey  of  the  Chi- 
C cago  Times.  [Great  applause.] 


POSITION  BEFORE  THE  WAR. 

Now,  in  order  to  show  you  what  an  infamous  slander  this  man  has 
perpetrated  upon  me,  I will  read  to  you  a paragraph  from  a letter  which 
I wu’ote  on  the  31st  of  December,  1860,  to  Judge  J.  N.  Haynie,  of 
Cairo.  Judge  Haynie  is  now  present.  I wrote  from  Washington,  D.  C. 

“ Entertaining  honestly  these  view^s  (as  expressed  to  you  through- 
out), I am  for  the  Union  and  for  maintaining  it,  if  such  a thing  be 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAH. 


335 


possible,  and  am  uncompromisingly  opposed  to  any  man  or  set  of 
men,  that  countenance  disunion,  with  its  horrible  consequences. 
There  is  no  sacrifice  that  I would  not  make  for  it.  I have  no  opinions 
that  I would  not  modify  in  any  w^ay,  consistent  with  the  honor  of  my 
constituents  and  myself,  to  give  peace  to  the  country.”  This  wvas  the 
kind  of  a letter  I wrote  in  1860.  This  will  show,  at  least,  whether  I. 
was  recruiting  for  the  rebel  army.  It  will  show  to  this  gentleman 
whether  he  and  I agreed  then,  or  whether  I was  a Union  man  then, 
and  he  was  conceiving  treason  in  his  own  heart.  [Cries  of  He  has 
no  heart.”]  It  is  by  such  men  as  these  that  the  people  are  misled; 
that  the  people  are  deceived.  It  is  by  people  who  have  neither  char- 
acter themselves,  nor  can  they  give  character  to  anybody  else,  and  tl?e 
only  capacity  they  have  is  the  capacity  for  defamation.  By  this  mim 
and  such  men  as  he,  the  country  is  kept  in  turmoil  and  a state  of 
demoralization  from  one  end  to  the  other.  This  man  is  a fit  subject 
to  go  with  Vallandigham,  to  run  with  him  and  advocate  his  claims 
to  the  governorship  of  Ohio,  a man  who  could  never  say  a w'ord 
against  JelT  Davis  or  his  conduct,  but  ahvays  uttering  sentiments 
advising  peace  with  rebellion  and  a compact  to  support  the  interest  of 
secession.  The  man  who  could  do  these  things  is  a fit  associate  of 
Vallandigham  and  Vallandigham  of  him.  I tell  the  men  now,  that  this 
man  is  trying  to  lead  to-day,  that  he  is  a traitor  to  his  country,  and 
not  a Democrat  in  any  sense.  [Cheers.] 

Now,  fellow  citizens,  I w^ant  you  to  examine  this  with  other  shee Is 
of  its  kind,  and  show  me  a respectable  notice  about  any  officer  of  the 
army,  or  anything  that  pertains  to  the  army.  Here  is  General 
McArthur.  He  received  a notice  from  this  sheet  this  morning.  He 
calls  him  an  Abolitionist.  He  calls  me  one.  I have  no  defense  to 
make,  except  to  say  that  I am  in  good  company  when  with  McArthur. 
I know  I am  not  an  Abolitionist,  and  I do  not  believe  General  McAr- 
thur is  one;  nor  do  I believe  this  man  Storey  knows  what  an  Aboli- 
tionist is. 

I expect  we  have  abolished  as  many  traitors  to  the  country  as  this 
man  can  manufacture  soon.  [Cheers.]  If  this  is  what  he  means  by 
it,  we  accept  the  term.  [Renewed  cheers  and  laughter.]  Politicall}^ 
I do  not  believe  that  either  one  of  us  is,  or  ever  was,  or  ever  expect  to 
be  an  Abolitionist;  but  I tell  Mr.  Storey  (not  Storey — Tory — Tory)^ 
to-night  that  if  every  man  in  this  country  is  called  an  Abolitionist  that 
is  willing  to  fight  for  and  sustain  his  government,  let  him  be  called  so. 
And  I tell  Mr.  Store}^  (Tor}^-Tory)  that  if  belonging  to  the  United 
States  and  being  true  and  valiant  soldiers  meeting  the  steel  of  South- 
ern revolutionists;  marching  to  the  music  of  this  Union,  loving  the 


336 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A LOGAK. 


flag  of  our  country  and  standing  by  it  in  its  severest  trials— if  that 
makes  us  Abolitionists  let  us  all  be  Abolitionists.  [Cheers.] 

If  it  makes  a man  an  Abolitionist  to  love  his  country,  then  I love 
my  country;  am  willing  to  live  for  it  and  willing  to  die  for  it.  If  it 
makes  a man  an  Abolitionist  to  revere  that  flag,  then  I say,  be  it  so. 

If  it  makes  an  Abolitionist  to  hear  The  Star-Spangled  Banner  ” sung 
upon  the  battle-field  by  our  soldiers,  then  I am  proud  to  be  an  Abo- 
litionist, and  I wish  to  high  heaven  that  we  had  a million  more;  then 
our  rebellion  would  be  at  an  end,  and  peace  would  again  fold  her 
gentle  wings  over  a united  people,  and  the  old  Union,  the  old  friend- 
ship, again  make  happy  the  land  where  now  the  rebel  flag  flaunts 
dismally  in  the  sultry  Southern  air. 

THE  ARMIES.  _ / 

I now  desire  to  say  something  in  behalf  of  the  'differenrafmies. 
We  have  had  many  victories  and  many  reverses  during  this  struggle, 
and  it  is  quite  a common  saying  throughout  this  country  that  the  sol- 
diers of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  do  not  fight  well;  that  they  are 
“Yanks'*  and  cannot  fight. 

Why,  my  friends,  I believe  one  editor  w^ho  has  used  this  term  was 
born  in,  Vermont  himself.  I do  not  blame  him  for  being  mad  at  the 
Yanks;  he  ought  to  be  displeased  at  his  birth-place — that  it  had  ever 
allowed  such  a curious  thing  as  himself  to  come  to  light  of  day. 
[Laughter.]  I have  great  respect  for  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
because  they  have  fought  as  valiantly  as  ever  any  set  of  men  fought 
on  any  field.  That  they  have  been  defeated  is  true,  but  it  was  not 
their  fault.  If  there  has  been  mismanagement  it  has  not  been  the 
fault  of  the  soldiers,  and  they  are  not  responsible  for  it.  Troops  have 
been  massed  against  them  in  such  a manner  as  to  overwhelm  them, 
and  sometimes  they  have  been  outgeneraled;  but  it  is  not  their  fault. 
There  are  many  of  these  brave  boys  sleeping  beneath  Southern  soil,  and 
so  many  battle-fields  that  have  been  strewed  with  their  dead  bodies, 
that  it  would  be  ungenerous  and  unmanly  to  speak  doubtingly  or 
seemingly  of  their  valor.  But  there  were  many  reasons  why  they 
could  not  be  successful.  I am  not  judge  enough  of  the  condition  of 
the  army,  nor  do  I know  enough  of  its  management,  to  give  any 
opinion  in  reference  to  its  officers,  if  I desired.  But  I tell  you  to- 
night that  if  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  New  York  and  New  York 
city — the  wealthiest  part  of  the  country,  with  as  much  power,  per- 
haps, as  half  a dozen  of  the  largest  States  in  the  Union — had  been 
united  as  a band  of  brothers,  and  had  sustained  and  supported  the 
men  of  the  army,  and  sympathized  with  them,  felt  with  them,  en- 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAH. 


337 


couraged  them,  greater  results  might  have  been  obtained.  [Cheers.] 
But  because  this  thing  has  not  been  done,  in  many  places  these  men 
have  failed.  It  is  the  easiest  thing  possible  to  understand  that  an 
army  will  fail  in  its  object  if  it  fails  to  receive  the  sympathy  of  those 
at  home.  You  have  a boy  in  the  army;  he  has  been  taught  that  this 
is  the  best  government  on  the  earth,  that  it  is  his  duty  to  sustain  it, 
he  has  been  taught  to  believe  that  the  ‘‘Stars  and  Stripes”  is  the 
mighty  and  true  emblem  of  this  government,  and  that,  being  such,  it 
is  the  emblem  of  all  that  is  good.  He  has  been  taught  to  believe 
that  he  must  fight  for  it,  die  for  it,  and,  if  need  be,  ask  no  better 
winding-sheet  to  wrap  his  body  in  when  fallen  upon  the  field  of 
battle. 

This  has  been  his  faith,  and,  complying  with  the  dictates  of  that 
faith,  he  goes  into  the  army  to  maintain  it.  And  men  have  become 
so  crazed  and  wild  in  their  prejudices  as  to  induce  the  father  of  this 
lad  to  write  to  him  that  the  war  is  wrong.  He  writes  a letter  and 
says:  “ My  boy,  I want  you  to  return  home  as  soon  as  possible;  the 
war  is  unjustifiable.  You  should  desert;  if  you  cannot  do  so  and  get 
home,  why,  desert  to  the  enemy  and  be  paroled.  Get  out  of  this 
unholy  war  somehow;  it  makes  no  difference  how.”  This  is  the  way 
many  of  these  brave  boys  have  been  written  to,  and  what  is  the 
result?  What  could  be  expected?  The  result  is  that  the  boy  is  dis- 
couraged, his  energies  have  been  crushed,  and  it  is  not  possible  for  him 
to  fight  the  battle  of  his  country  under  such  circumstances. 

[A  shower  of  rain  coming  on  at  this  point,  and  there  being  no 
shelter  for  the  reporters,  some  few  of  the  speaker’s  remarks  were  lost.] 

A great  deal  has  been  said  in  times  gone  by  of  the  military  prowess 
of  the  South.  It  was  said,  I believe,  that  one  Southern  man  could 
whip  five  Yankees.  [A  voice,  seven.]  They  have,  however,  become 
convinced  that  they  were  mistaken  in  this.  They  are  satisfied  that 
they  cannot  do  any  such  thing,  but  to  the  contrary.  It  makes  no 
difference  whether  a man  belongs  to  Northern  or  Southern  soil  so 
long  as  he  loves  his  country  and  loves  the  cause  he  is  fighting  for.  A 
man  is  as  brave  when  born  in  one  clime  as  in  the  other.  They  have 
learned  also  another  thing,  and  that  the  men  are  stronger,  stouter, 
and  can  stand  more  hardship  than  they  can,  and  undergo  a longer 
fight  with  much  less  to  eat  than  any  other  set  of  men  on  the  face 
of  God’s  earth.  [Cheers.] 

We  find  that  the  little  army  of  the  West,  of  which  I believe  every 
man  is  loyal  in  his  heart,  has  traveled  from  Cairo  over  nearly  every 
foot  of  ground  between  the  Cumberland  and  the  Mississippi  rivers, 
down  to  the  south  of  Vicksburg;  has  fought  fifteen  battles,  and  been 


338 


LIFE  OF  JOm^  A.  LOGAN. 


successful  in  every  one.  With  the  smallest  army  in  the  field  (of  the 
three  armies  under  the  respective  commands  of  Generals  Meade, 
Rosecrans,  and  Grant,  General  Grant’s  is  the  smallest)  by  having  the 
support  and  sympath}^  of  the  greater  portion  of  the  people,  that  army 
has  steadily  advanced  from  victory  to  victory,  and  has  determined  to 
repay  the  people,  and  this  government  for  its  confidence  and  protec- 
tion, and  to  this  it  is  mainly  owing  that  they  have  been  successful  on 
eveiy  field  where  they  have  met  the  enemy.  And  there  is  another 
reason  than  that  for  their  success.  It  is  this:  there  is  a man  who 
leads  them  who  is  an  Illinoisan;  his  name  is  Ulysses  S.  Grant.  In  my 
judgment,  he  is  one  of  the  best  generals  the  United  States  ever  gave  a 
commission  to.  He  is  not  what  is  called  a talking  man,  but  a quiet, 
modest,  unostentatious  gentleman,  and,  withal,  a successful  man. 
And  what  is  the  secret  of  this  success?  It  is  because  he  keeps  his 
counsel  to  himself,  acts  for  himself,  and  judges  for  himself.  Every 
officer  and  soldier  loves  him;  and  for  these  reasons,  the  love  for 
Grant,  the  love  for  the  Union,  the  love  for  the  people,  the  love  for 
the  country  and  all  its  interests,  with  all  these  combined  to  bind 
them,  not  all  the  armed  hosts  of  rebeldom  hurled  against  them  at  one 
time  could  make  a single  division  give  way  on  the  field  of  battle. 
[Loud  and  prolonged  cheering.] 

And  I tell  you  now,  m^^  countrymen,  when  these  Northwestern 
men  are  fighting  for  the  Union,  it  is  for  the  whole  nation,  for  Massa- 
chusetts as  for  Illinois,  and  to  bring  South  Carolina  back  and  make 
her  behave  herself,  just  as  much  as  any  other  State. 

They  are  not  fighting  to  learn  the  use  of  arms,  but  they  will  learn 
the  use  of  them,  and  just  let  any  gentlemen  in  this  country  attempt 
to  establish  this  whispered  Northwestern  Confederacy  (and  I am  fully 
convinced  that  an  organization  for  this  object  exists,  and  which,  if 
the  Southern  Confederacy  should  gain  its  independence,  would  act), 
just  let  them  try  it  on,  and  }^ou  will  see  that  this  Httle  but  loyal  army 
of  General  Grant’s  will  make  them  seek  some  other  country  so  fast 
that  there  will  not  be  boats  enough  to  carry  them  away.  [Great 
cheering.]  We  want  all  of  this  country,  and  we  intend  to  have  it  all. 

These  false  preachers,  in  order  to  convince  you  and  to  satisfy  you 
that  you  must  make  a contract  with  this  so-called  Southern  Confed- 
eracy; have  told  you  that  by  such  action  on  your  part  you  could 
make  arrangements  to  have  commercial  relations  between  the  North- 
west and  the  South  free  from  a tariff.  No  man  or  set  of  men  would 
ever  desire  such  a thing  if  they  would  ever  travel  south  for  a short 
time,  and  see  the  successes  of  the  Southern  brethren  who  have  rebelled 
against  the  Union.  If  they  would  only  travel  over  that  country  and 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAK. 


339 


see  how  it  has  been  laid  waste  by  their  own  armies — and  then  our 
army  marching  through,  perhaps,  did  not  make  it  much  better,  but 
that  is  the  case  with  all  armies — he  will  be  tired  of  secession.  We 
Vv’ill  want  the  national  law  respected,  so  that  there  may  be  no  more 
rejbellion.  We  have  whipped  them  fifteen  or  twenty  times;  and  if 
that  don’t  do,  give  them  more,  and  whip  them  till  they  writhe  witli 
pain.  Instead  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  asking  them 
for  peace,  make  them  beg  for  peace.  [Applause.]  When  they  do 
that,  there  will  be  no  more  Southern  nor  any  other  rebellion  in  this 
country. 

Now,  I want  to  arsk  you,  how  is  it  possible  for  any  man  in  a 
country  like  this  to  be  disloyal  to  his  government?  How  is  it  possi- 
ble that  any  man  in  this  country  can  conceive  the  thought  or  idea  of 
sympathizing  with  rebellion  against  such  a government  as  this?  Can 
any  man  in  Chicago,  when  he  looks  over  this  vast  and  beautiful  lake, 
casts  his  eyes  back  and  sees  this  great  and  prosperous  city — prosperin.e: 
on  account  of  the  energy  of  its  people,  prospering  because  of  the 
institutions  of  the  country,  because  of  its  equal  laws  and  constitution 
of  that  Government  which  is  the  same  to  all — can  he  have  any  feeling 
of  disloyalty  within  him?  Can  a man  look  upon  these  grand  pictures, 
these  lakes,  these  rivers,  these  plains,  these  prairies,  this  beautiful 
North  and  South  and  West,  with  mighty  rivers  and  lakes  and  mount- 
ains, plains  and  valleys,  and  all  that  there  is  in  the  country  to  make 
it  beautiful  and  grand;  see  its  prosperity,  its  growing  cities,  towns 
and  villages;  the  education  of  the  people,  the  state  of  civilization — all 
these  things — and  when  he  comes  to  reflect  upon  them,  is  it  possible 
he  can  prove  a traitor  to  his  country?  Where  is  the  cause  for  it? 
Where  is  the  reason  of  it?  Where  is  the  excuse  for  it?  Where  is  the 
justification?  There  is  none  to  be  found,  not  one!  And  if  any  man 
becomes  disloyal,  it  is  because  there  are  devilish  designs  and  corrup- 
tions at  his  heart. 

My  countrymen,  let  us  look  back  for  a few  years  and  view  the 
prosperit}^  and  happiness  that  blessed  all  our  land,  and  then  cast  your 
eyes  around  you  and  see  the  condition  of  our  country  now.  Do  not 
ask  yourself  who  is  President,  or  what  is  his  politics;  but  ask,  have 
we  not  hitherto  had  a good  and  beneficent  government?  And  if  so, 
have  we  not  the  same  government  yet?  Your  answer  must  be  in  the 
affirmative;  and  my  friends,  if  we  are  but  true  to  ourselves,  true  to 
our  cause,  true  to  the  principles  we  have  been  educated  in  from  our 
earliest  infancy,  we  shall  have  that  government  still.  Turn,  if  you 
please,  your  thoughts  to  the  many  sanguinary  battles  of  the  Revolu- 
tion. Bee  what  it  cost  our  sires  to  establish  this  government — did 


340 


LIFE  OF  JOHIS"  A.  LOGAFT. 


they  not  pour  out  their  blood  freely  as  water  to  accomplish  this,  to 
give  us  this  priceless  heritage  of  national  liberty  and  independence 
under  a form  of  government  that  should  exist  forever?  Consider 
tliese  sacred  remembrances  of  those  illustrious  men  and  then  tell  me, 
whether  it  is  worth  preserving,  tell  me  whether  this  rebellion  began 
in  infamy,  perjury  and  crime — carried  on  by  blood,  pillage  and 
treason,  and  so  end,  if  successful,  in  destroying  forever,  the  last  hope 
of  mankind,  tell  me  if  this  shall  succeed?  [Cries  of  ‘‘No,  never.”] 

In  all  these  facts^  we  may  realize  a lesson  clearly  pointing  out  oui' 
duty.  It  is  to  lay  fast  hold  on  that  old  flag,  keep  step  to  the  music 
of  the  Union,  unfurl  its  ample  folds,  and  with  a heart  of  courage,  and 
a will  that  knows,  no  faltering  and  dismay,  let  it  flutter  over  every 
burg,  and  wave  over  every  town  and  hamlet,  and  all  traitors,  like  the 
Vvdcked  prince  of  Babylon,  shall  smite  their  knees  in  terror  and 
dismay,  as  if  the  handwriting  was  upon  the  wall.  Let  them  know 
that  they  must  bow  before  it,  or  kiss  its  untarnished  folds,  and  swear 
by  all  that  is  great  and  good  never  to  violate  its  sanctity  again  or 
infringe  a right  it  represents— let  this  be  done  and  ail  will  be  well. 
And  I appeal  to,  and  entreat  you  all,  my  countrymen,  by  all  that  you 
hold  sacred;  by  the  glorious  memories  of  the  past,  and  once  bright 
hopes  of  the  future;  by  the  memory  of  the  gallant  ones  who  have 
fallen  upon  the  gory  fields  of  the  South;  by  the  wounded  and  suffer- 
ing who  yet  languish  in  our  midst;  by  the  sorrow  and  mourning  that 
this  wicked  rebellion  has  brought  upon  our  land,  once  happy,  to  be 
faithful,  vigilant,  untiring,  unswerving,  determined  come  what  may, 
dare  to  be  men  and  do  what  is  right!  Stand  by  your  country  in  all 
her  trials  and  at  any  cost. 

Let  it  not  be  said  that  those  glorious  boys  that  now  sleep  beneath 
the  red  clay  of  the  South,  or  the  green  sod  of  our  own  loved  State, 
have  died  in  vain.  Let  those  who  are  traducing  the  soldiers  of  the 
government  know  the  enormity  of  their  crime  and  their  error — try  to 
reclaim  them  and  bring  them  back  to  duty  and  to  honor.  If  they  heed 
not  your  appeals — if  they  still  persist  in  their  errors  and  their  here- 
sies— if  they  will  not  aid  in  maintaining  the  government  and  the  laws 
that  protect  them,  and  continue  in  their  wicked  aid  and  encourage 
ment  of  this  rebellion — send  them  to  the  other  side,  where  they 
belong,  for  the  man  who  can  live  in  this  peaceful,  prosperous  and 
happy  land  without  being  loyal  and  true  to  it,  ought,  like  Cain,  to  be 
branded  with  an  indelible  mark  and  banished  forever  from  his  native 
paradise.  No  traitor,  no  sympathizer,  no  man  who  can  lisp  a word 
in  favor  of  tflis  rebellion  or  impair  the  chances  of  the  Union  cause. 


SPEECHES  OE  LOGAK. 


341 


is  fit  for  any  other  rule  than  Jeff  Davis.  He  should  be  put  in  front 
of  the  Union  army,  where  he  will  get  justice.  [Applause.] 

The  man  that  can  to-day  raise  his  voice  against  the  Constitution, 
the  laws  or  the  government,  with  the  design  of  injuring  or  in  any 
way  obstructing  their  operation,  should,  if  I could  pass  sentence 
upon  him,  be  hung  fifty  cubits  higher  than  Haman,  until  his  body 
blackened  in  the  sun  and  his  bones  rattled  in  the  wind. 

In  bidding  you  good-night  I trust  I do  so  to  loyal,  good,  true- 
hearted citizens  and  patriots,  who  love  the  country,  in  the  hope  that 
you  may  all  reflect  upon  the  duties  of  all  men  to  their  country  in  the 
hour  of  peril,  and  determine,  with  renewed  zeal  and  fervor,  to  give 
such  aid  and  assistance  to  the  government  and  the  army  of  the  United 
States,  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  as  will  cause  that  banner  again 
to  float  in  triumph  from  every  hill  and  mountain-top  and  in  every 
vale,  from  the  north  to  the  south  and  from  the  east  to  the  west.  May 
its  untarnished  escutcheon  kiss  every  breeze  that  is  wafted  from  the 
balmy  waters  of  the  South  to  the  frozen  regions  of  the  North,  or 
that  comes  from  the  golden  plains  of  the  far  West  to  mingle  with 
those  of  the  East.  May  it  be  unfurled  in  honor  and  pride  upon  every 
ocean  where  civilization  has  penetrated,  and  stand  side  by  side  with 
the  banners  of  the  proudest  nations  of  the  earth.  [Great  applause.] 

Let  me  tell  you  that  the  assistance  the  people  can  give  will  secure 
all  this,  and  bring  peace,  honor  and  renown  to  every  hearthstone  and 
fireside  in  the  land.  Then  we  can  sing  songs  of  thankfulness,  joy 
and  praises  to  the  great  Author  of  all  these  blessings,  who  holds  the 
destinies  of  nations  and  of  continents  in  the  hollow  of  His  hand. 
Then  we  shall  feel  proud  again  that  we  bear  the  name  of  American 
citizens,  and  shall  be  secure  in  the  conviction  that  it  will  be  handed 
down  in  its  strength  and  majesty  to  future  generations. 

This  is  the  boon  we  crave,  the  prize  we  are  struggling  for.  Secure 
these,  and  if  we  die,  in  the  consciousness  that  it  will  be  in  a righteous 
and  holy  cause  and  that  the  history  of  our  country,  when  written  by 
an  impartial  pen,  will  do  us  justice  and  hand  our  names  down  untar- 
nished to  our  children,  we  shall  feel  satisfied  and  our  proudest  thought 
shall  be  that  we  died  a soldier  of  the  Union. 

Let  us  but  feel  and  realize  that  this  is  the  feeling  of  the  people  at 
home,  and  that  our  country  and  friends  will  extend  to  our  families 
protection,  sympathy,  and  kindness,  and  gratitude,  and  I tell  you 
that  Jeff  Davis  and  all  his  minions  can  never  drive  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee  back  to  the  Mississippi,  until  it  goes  up  with  the  old  ban- 
ner floating  above  them  proclaiming  peace  as  we  return  to  our  homes, 
friends  and  family  altars.  [Great  applause.] 


m 


LIF^:  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAH. 


Speech  of  General  Logan  at  DuQuoin,  June  10,  1869, 
in  memory  of  the  fallen  heroes  of  the  war. 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  We  meet  here  to-day  that  we  may 
pay  a tribute  of  respect  to  the  memory  of  our  fallen  comrades.  It  is 
important  and  proper  for  us  to  do  this  that  we  may  see  that  the  mem- 
ory of  those  who  have  fallen  in  the  conflict  for  the  preservation  of 
our  institutions,  and  the  perpetuation  of  liberty  and  Christian  civiliza- 
tion shall  ever  remain  fresh  as  the  flowers  of  spring  in  our  hearts. 
Hence,  with  each  succeeding  year,  at  the  return  of  that  day  when 
nature  is  clothed  in  her  richest  garb,  we  should  assemble  together  and 
strew  the  fresh  flowers  of  blooming  May  upon  the  sod  that  covers 
the  beloved  remains  of  those  who  speak  not  for  themselves: 

For  them  no  more  the  blazing  hearth  shall  burn, 

Or  busy  housewife  ply  her  evening  care; 

No  children  run  to  lisp  their  sires  return, 

Or  climb  his  knees  the  envied  kiss  to  share. 

We  commemorate  this  day  not  because  it  is  the  return  of  the  date 
of  any  great  battle  which  has  been  fought  in  this  nation,  not  because 
of  any  great  event  which  has  occurred,  or  because  of  any  important 
declaration  made,  but  we  select  from  among  these  that  it  may  be 
known  as  the  day  for  decorating  the  graves  of  our  fallen  heroes  and 
patriots  who  sacrificed  their  lives  upon  the  altar  of  their  country’s 
weal;  who  bravely  fought  for  this  land,  for  it  fell,  and  for  it  died — 
those  noble  patriots  who  willingly  gave  up  their  lives  that  you  and  I 
and  all  our  fellow  countrymen  might  have  such  protection  under  the 
aegis  of  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  a republican  form  of  govern- 
ment as  each  and  every  citizen  is  entitled  to. 

This  respect  we  pay  to  those  men  is  contradistinguished  from 
others,  not  because  those  who  thus  fell  and  died  were  Christians,  or 
better  men  than  many  who  died  before  them.  Nor  is  it  because  of 
their  death  alone,  or  the  manner  of  their  death,  but  because  of  the 
sacred  object  for  which  their  lives  were  given  up.  They  did  not  die 
as  men  ordinarily  die;  but  as  precious  sacrifices  offered  upon  the 
altar  of  liberty;  as  emblems  of  the  spirit  of  that  freedom  which  burns 
in  the  hearts  of  all  true  patriots.  What  promises  they  had  of  tlie 
future,  what  hopes  they  entertained,  neither  you  nor  I can  say;  but 
one  thing  we  do  know,  that  they  were  patriots  in  life,  and  heroes  in 
death.  The  graves  before  us  are  the  incontrovertible  evidence  of 
this  fact. 

They  have  given,  by  their  death,  a noble  example  to  the  world; 


SMECflES  OF  LO&A13. 


343 


One  which  you  and  I,  if  occasion  should  again  occur,  should  be  proud 
to  follow;  a death  which  no  man  in  this  land  should  be  ashamed  of; 
a death  that  will  be  remembered  by  grateful  hearts.  To-day  you 
called  the  roll,  but  those  who  lie  sleeping  here  failed  to  answer  the 
summons;  and  as  the  vast  national  roll  is  called  throughout  the  land 
to  day  thousands  of  others  will  likewise  fail  to  hear  the  call  and  to 
answer.  They  fell  in  a distant  land,  on  rugged  mountain  sides,  in 
shady  valleys,  along  the  river’s  winding  banks,  and  on  the  blood- 
stained plain.  Many  sleep  in  far-otf  graves,  unnumbered  and  unknown. 
There  their  sacred  ashes  rest  in  peace.  But  though  many  leagues 
away,  though  in  graves  unmarked  by  monument  or  slab,  yet,  not 
forgotten,  they  live  in  our  hearts;  and  we  assemble  here  this  day  to 
show  the  people  of  this  land  that  a patriot’s  memory  is  held  sacred 
by  a grateful  Nation.  That  his  death  is  mourned  with  true  and 
earnest  tears.  That  while  we  respect  his  sleeping  dust,  and  mourn 
his  death,  memory  of  his  noble  deeds  and  sacrifices  is  ever  fresh  and 
green,  engraved  on  the  tablets  of  our  hearts. 

Then,  let  each  father  and  mother,  each  son  and  daughter,  in  this 
broad  land,  whatever  may  have  been  their  views  in  the  past,  or  opin 
ion  now,  join  us  in  doing  honor  to  the  heroic  dead.  Let  us  show  the 
world  that  although  they  sleep  their  long  sleep,  yet  while  time  rolls 
on,  and  patriotic  hearts  beat  in  unison  with  their  country’s  good,  the 
memory  of  such  shall  be  fondly  cherished.  And  in  evidence  of  this, 
with  each  returning  year  a grateful  people  shall  strew  their  graves 
with  the  flowers  of  spring — sweet  emblems  of  innocence  over  the 
heart  of  the  brave. 

At  a time  when  a dark  and  threatening  cloud  rolled  up  from  our 
southern  horizon,  and  the  muttering  of  the  distant  thunder’s  roar  was 
lieard,  and  fierce  lightning  shot  out  from  behind  the  murky  folds — a 
time  when  the  angry  growl  of  war  reverberated  across  the  land  in 
deep  and  threatening  tones — then  it  was  that  each  patriot  looked  the 
fierce  and  coming  storm  in  the  face.  It  was  then,  when  our  beloved 
country  was  trembling  in  the  balance  of  fate,  that  these  noble- hearted 
heroes  embarked  in  the  cause  of  liberty;  and  when  the  first  fire  of 
the  enemy’s  guns  leaped  forth,  it  kindled  a patriotic  blaze  in  the  heart 
of  each  man  and  woman  in  the  land  that  loved  our  flag — the  glorious 
stars  and  stripes;  and  this  fire,  being  once  kindled,  glowed  and  burned 
until  it  swelled  to  one  mighty  blaze  of  patriotism,  that  swept  across 
the  continent  as  the  fiery  sheet  drives  along  the  dry  prairie,  and  twenty 
millions  of  Columbia’s  sons  and  daughters  wheeled  into  the  ranks  of 
loyalty  and  patriotism — a mighty  host,  evincing  their  devotion  to 
their  flag  and  country;  swearing  before  God  and  men  that  the  precious 


344 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAK. 


liberties  purchased  by  the  blood  of  their  forefathers  should  never  be 
sacrificed  to  the  arm  of  treason  or  foreign  foe. 

There  was  a grand  g'athering  there. 

It  was  the  gathering  of  patriotic  hosts. 

“ In  arms  the  huts  and  hamlets  rise, 

From  winding  glen,  from  upland  town. 

They  poured  each  hardy  tenant  down.” 

sj:  H*  * * ^ ♦ 

“ Prompt  at  the  signal  of  alarms 
Each  son  of  freedom  rushed  to  arms.” 

From  city  and  country,  from  hill  and  valley,  mountain  and  plain, 
at  freedom’s  call  the  bands  of  patriots  came.  Like  a whirlwind  the 
flame  rushed  over  the  land  from  side  to  side,  and  the  universal  watch- 
word was:  “This  country  shall  be  free.”  Such  was  the  deep  deter- 
mination of  every  true  heart.  Then  you  could  see  the  great  moving 
mass  going  forward,  not  like  the  dark  and  stealthy  mist  creeping  up 
from  the  murky  swamps;  but  like  the  bright  Aurora,  rising  and 
spreading  his  beams  of  azure  light.  Then  it  was  that  freemen  united 
for  the  purpose  of  wiping  out,  with  a strong  and  mighty  arm,  the 
dark  stain  that  had  gathered  on  the  bright  escutcheon  of  our  liberty. 
What  a scene  was  then  presented  I See  the  long  line  of  patriots  as 
they  come  down  the  valley  and  over  the  mountains  1 Hear  the  clash 
of  arms  and  the  deep  boom  of  the  cannon ! Bugle  notes  in  the  morn- 
ing summoned  men  to  take  the  flag  of  our  country  in  hand  and  carry 
it  everywhere  throughout  the  nation,  and  thus  show  to  the  world  that 
our  republican  form  of  government  is  a thing  worth  preserving, 
worth  even  dying  for.  This  was  an  exhibition  of  patriotic  devotion 
worthy  of  imitation  by  all  those  who  may  come  after  them. 

When  we  see  such  devotion  as  was  exhibited  by  these  men,  shall 
we  forget  those  who  fell  amid  the  contest?  It  is  to  show  our  remem- 
brance of  these  we  assemble  to-day — we,  the  citizens  of  the  country; 
we,  the  broken  remains  of  the  army  of  the  Republic,  the  fragments 
left  from  the  fearful  ravages  of  a bitter  war.  When  the  commotion 
ended  and  the  flag  ceased  to  be  shattered  and  torn  by  internal  foes, 
then  we  gathered  together  the  fragments  of  that  mighty  army  of  lib- 
erty into  one  united  band,  and,  though  it  Is  but  the  union  of  frag- 
ments, yet  we  call  it  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic;  and  we  have 
sworn  to  honor  the  memory  of  our  fallen  comrades  as  long  as  life 
shall  last  and  our  Republic  lives.  That  long  shall  they  live  in  mem- 
ory, if  not  in  being.  These  brave  men  stand  in  history  and  in  the 
hearts  of  a grateful  people  where  you  and  I can  never  stand.  The 
man  who  lays  down  his  fortune  and  life  for  his  country  is  a happy 
man,  He  is  relieved  from  the  ills  of  life  and  from  Ihe  shafts  of  cal- 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAK. 


345 


umny  which  those  arc  subject  to  who  live  on.  The  man  who  dies  a 
patriot,  falls,  if  he  falls  a Christian,  to  rise  again.  For  that  man’s 
name  will  live  as  long  as  time  itself  endures  or  the  name  of  man 
is  written.  It  is  indelibly  enstamped  upon  the  memory  of  the  patri- 
ots who  live  after  him,  so  that  it  will  never  fade  from  their  minds. 
Their  names. 

As  lonely  columns  stand  sublime, 

Flinging  their  standards  high, 

Like  dials  which  the  wizard  time 
Had  reared  to  count  his  ages  by. 

This  is  the  kind  of  a name  the  patriots  win;  this  is  the  kind  of  a name 
they  will  ever  leave  behind  them. 

Ther^  is  one  thing  connected  with  this  subject  which  I have  men- 
tioned once  or  twice  before;  but  the  correctness  of  my  opinion  in 
regard  thereto  has  been  doubted.  I have  said  on  former  occasions 
that  these  men  who  died  for  their  country  did  not  die  alone  that  our 
flag  should  wave  over  the  land;  that  there  Wixs  more  in  the  contest 
than  this — civilization  was  at  stake,  Christianity  was  at  stake,  and 
liberty  most  certainly  upon  the  result  of  the  contest.  I have  said  that 
through  the  death  of  these  men  that  not  only  was  the  flag  of  the 
Hepublic  preserved — that  emblem  of  our  liberty — but  that  Christianity 
achieved  a victory.  For  just  below  the  sacred  cross  waves  the  flag  of 
freedom;  the  former  forever  overlooking  the  latter.  And  I say  it  for 
the  reason  that,  as  far  back  as  the  history  of  the  world  reaches,  we 
find  that  whenever  the  sword  has  entered  any  free  and  enlightened 
country  to  destroy  it,  as  the  nation  suffered,  so  has  its  civilization  and 
Christianity  suffered.  Turn  your  eyes  to  the  history  of  the  Old 
World  and  glance  over  its  pages,  and  there  you  find  this  truth  veri- 
fied, that  wherever  rebellion  has  destroyed  governments  liberal  in 
their  form,  their  civil  and  religious  progress  has  been  blighted. 

Once  the  honor  most  esteemed  by  enlightened  and  brave  men,  was 
to  be  called  a Roman  citizen.  Rome  was  the  mistress  of  nations,  and 
for  a time  a mighty  Republic,  the  home  of  freedom,  civilization  and 
culture.  But  what  is  it  now?  A pile  of  majestic  ruins,  records  of 
its  departed  greatness,  and  so  with  other  nations.  Italy,  once  a proud 
and  independent  people — now  a nation  of  organ-grinders  and  ped- 
dlers. Athens,  once  the  seat  of  learning,  now  lives  only  in  its  ruins  and 
history.  Jerusalem,  the  Holy  city  and  seat  of  the  Christian  religion, 
now  in  the  hands  of  oriental  bigots.  The  verdict  of  history  is  that 
where  liberty  is  destroyed,  Christianity  sinks  into  darkness.  Hence, 
I say  that  these  men  fought  not  only  for  the  protection  of  our  flag, 
but  also  for  the  preservation  and  perpetuation  of  Christianity  in  this 


S4G 


OE  A.  LOOa:N". 


laPxd;  for  Christianity  cannot  long  flourish  where  liberty  is  destroyed. 
If  one  dies  the  other  fades  away.  Christianity  follows  the  Bible; 
liberty  and  Christianity  go  together.  If  one  dies  the  other  dies  also. 
And  as  it  was  in  this  land,  the  preservation  of  our  flag  and  free  insti- 
tutions of  this  country  was  the  preservation  of  the  Christian  religion 
as  much  as  it  was  of  the  liberties  of  the  people.  And  if  we  ask  our- 
selves whether  we  believe  this,  I think  our  response  must  be,  we  do. 
Then  we  say  these  men  have  not  died  in  vain.  They  perished  in  a 
righteous  cause.  And  every  man  and  ^ oman  in  the  country  should 
honor  their  names  and  hold  their  memory  sacred  so  long  as  the  flag 
of  Christian  freedom  waves  aboves  superstition  and  anarchy. 

And  you  ought  to  remember  that  these  soldiers  from  the  time  they 
entered  the  army  and  swore  allegiance  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  gave  themselves  to  the  cause  of  God  and  their  country, 
in  the  true  spirit  of  John  Brown.  Slavery  became  extinct,  and 
liberty  leaped  from  its  darkness  and  chains,  liberated  from  its  prison- 
house  by  the  conquering  heroes,  who  as  they  marched  sang  with 
earnestness  and  life  that  song: 

In  the  beauty  of  the  lilies  Christ  was  born  across  the  sea, 

With  a glory  in  His  bosom  which  transfigures  you  and  me; 

As  He  died  to  make  men  holy,  let  us  die  to  make  men  free. 

While  God  is  marching  on. 

This  was  the  feeling  that  burned  in  the  hearts  of  these  men  as  they 
fought  for  liberty  and  freedom.  I believed  then  it  was  right,  and 
standing  beside  their  graves  to-day,  their  mouldering  dust  being  wit- 
ness, I repeat  it.  I believed  it  was  right. 

In  every  country,  no  matter  what  its  form  of  government,  there  is 
always  prejudice  against  the  living,  and  sometimes  this  extends  to  the 
dead.  The  piece  of  history  that  I now  propose  to  give  you  may 
sound  strangely,  yet  it  is  true.  We  all  have  a deep  respect  for  our 
Revolutionary  sires;  we  revere  their  memory.  The  name  of  George 
Washington  is  precious  to  us  alh  He  lives  in  every  heart  to-day. 
And  why?  Because  he  was  a true  patriot;  because  he  led  our 
patriotic  sires  to  victory  in  behalf  of  liberty  and  freedom.  But  do 
you  not  know  that  during  the  Revolution,  which  secured  to  us  such 
priceless  blessings,  these  patriotic  fathers  organized  a society  called 
the  Cincinnati.  Baron  Steuben  was  the  first  president  and  George 
Washington  was  the  second,  thus  linking  patriotic  hearts  in  closer 
bonds  of  union.  But  even  they  escaped  not  the  shafts  of  envy.  So 
great  was  the  prejudice  against  these  Revolutionary  fathers  in  some 
parts  of  the  country  that  even  after  the  war  was  over  and  liberty  won 


SPEECHES  OP  LOGAH. 


347 


that  the  graves  of  some  who  had  fallen  in  battle  were  desecrated. 
Plowshares  turned  the  turf  which  rested  on  the  bosoms  of  fallen 
braves,  and  from  the  soil,  enriched  by  their  sacred  ashes,  ruthless 
avarice  reaped  a bounteous  harvest.  Are  you  not  aware  that  one 
State,  Rhode  Island,  passed  a law  that  no  man  belonging  to  that 
organization  should  hold  office  in  that  State,  and  that  Massachusetts 
also  condemned  it,  and  that  afterward  the  pressure  was  so  strong 
against  these  acts  that  the  same  States  repealed  them?  Such  has 
always  been  the  course  of  prejudice.  It  grows  without  reason  or 
cause,  even  in  a land  where  patriots  live  and  freedom  and  liberty 
flourish.  And  it  is  the  same  to  day  as  in  the  past. 

Out  of  that  society  has  our  present  organization  gi’own.  It  has 
been  formed  to  honor  the  patriotic  dead,  and  keep  ever  living  and 
fresh  the  memory  of  their  noble  deeds;  to  preserve  their  sacred 
names  and  graves  from  the  blighting  hand  of  prejudice,  for  the 
time  is  coming  when  all  this  prejudice  will  be  swept  away.  The 
Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  has  been  organized  on  nearly  the  same 
basis  as  the  Cincinnati,  and  for  nearly  the  same  object.  It  is  a secret 
society  taken  from  the  order  of  our  forefathers,  and  here  are  the 
first  fruits  of  that  society.  It  was  not  organized  for  the  purpose  of 
raising  any  one  man,  or  set  of  men,  or  party,  to  position  and  power; 
but  for  the  purpose  of  preserving  the  names  and  memories  of  those 
heroes  who  have  fallen  in  the  contest  for  their  country’s  life,  and  for 
protecting  their  widows  and  orphans.  And  from  that  society  pro- 
ceeds this  idea  of  strewing  their  comrades’  graves  with  flowers. 
From  it  the  order  was  issued  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  their  mem- 
ories ever  green  in  the  minds  of  the  living,  and  to  perpetuate  in  the 
hearts  of  the  people  of  this  country  the  principle  that  lives  in  this 
government,  and  for  which  our  fallen  comrades  died — the  great  prin- 
ciple of  liberty,  the  idea  of  freedom  and  universal  equality  in  our 
government  under  the  laws  so  far  as  individual  rights  are  concerned. 
The  grand  and  glorious  object  for  which  these  men  poured  out  their 
blood  and  forfeited  their  lives  should  be  kept  alive  in  each  heart. 
This  is  the  grand  idea  we  have  in  view.  If  this  is  envy,  then 
the  organization  is  wrong,  the  strewing  of  these  graves  with  flowers 
is  wrong,  the  cause  for  which  they  perished  was  wrong,  and  they  died 
in  vain.  Let  no  man  thus  slander  the  heroic  dead.  Believing  that 
they  were  right  and  that  their  cause  was  an  holy  one,  we  have  gath- 
ered around  these  sacred  mounds  to-day  for  the  purpose  of  solemnly 
pledging  ourselves  that  this  noble  purpose  shall  be  carried  out  by  us 
v/hile  we  live;  and  that  we  will  teach  it  to  our  children,  so  that,  when 
we  too  are  numbered  with  the  dead,  those  who  remain  may  catch  up 


348 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGAK. 


the  refrain  of  liberty  and  inspire  every  bosom  with  the  desire  to  emu- 
late the  deeds  of  those  who  sleep  before  us.  For  this  purpose,  and 
with  this  noble  object  in  view,  we  mutually  pledge  ourselves  one  to 
another. 

Then  as  oft  as  the  30th  of  May  returns  with  time’s  annual  round, 
let  a grateful  nation  remember  its  dead,  and  with  a floral  offering 
decorate  the  tombs  of  its  fallen  heroes,  while  the  dropping  tear 
moistens  the  coid  sod  that  covers  their  sleeping  dust.  To  them  we 
owe  the  liberty  we  enjoy,  to  them  we  owe  the  preservation  of  our 
institutions,  and  shall  we  not  hold  them  in  grateful  remembrance? 
And  though  we  may  often  differ  in  opinion,  let  us  here  be  united.  In 
God’s  name,  let  us  respect  and  love  the  dead  who  have  died  for  us. 

Let  this  beautiful  custom  be  perpetuated  until  the  day  shall 
become  a hallowed  day  in  the  history  of  freedom.  It  carries  with  it 
the  idea  of  our  loss,  and  dear  cost  of  liberty.  It  brings  fresh  to  mind 
the  deeds  of  our  country’s  martyrs,  it  keeps  alive  and  warm  the  great 
principles  for  which  our  sires  poured  out  their  blood,  and  on  which  our 
Republic  is  based.  Turn  your  eyes  upon  those  quiet  graves,  how 
sweetly  sleep  the  precious  dead. 

They  lived  for  a name,  for  their  country  theg^  died, 

They  were  all  that  to  life  entwined  them, 

Not  soon  shall  the  tears  of  their  country  be  dried, 

So  long  as  their  friends  stay  behind  them. 


[From  the  Iowa  State  Register,  June  6,  1877.] 

A hero’s  eloquence — A BRILLIANT  BATTLE  PICTURE  BY  GENERAL 
JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 

I suppose  there  is  not  here  to-day  one  who  took  up  arms  in  defense 
of  the  country,  who  does  not  on  an  occasion  of  this  kind  see  the  vast 
armies  marshaled  again  and  passing  in  panorama  before  him,  and  as 
the  picture  flashes  before  the  mind,  how  his  heart  swells,  his  imagi- 
nation grows,  and  in  a moment  again  he  hears  the  word  of  command, 
and  on  yonder  high  ground,  in  the  midst  of  the  tall  oaks,  he  sees  the 
line  of  enemy  moving;  he  hears  the  muffled  drum  in  the  distance, 
the  bugle  notes  to  the  cavalry  to  forward,  the  dull  heavy  rumbling  of 
artillery  carriages,  the  heavy  tramp  of  infantry  columns,  the  com- 
mands of  officers,  Forward,  guide  center.”  On  they  come.  What 
a sight  1 He  wonders  why  our  own  lines  are  not  moving.  An  officer 
rides  up  and  gives  orders,  and  moves  on  to  some  other  command. 
Soon  orderlies  and  staff  officers  are  seen  riding  from  camp  to  camp, 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAH. 


349 


at  full  speed,  the  long  roll  is  heard,  To  arms,”  ''To  arms,”  the  line 
is  quickly  formed;  skirmishers  are  deployed;  the  artillery  moves;  the 
cavalry  takes  position  on  the  flanks;  the  order  is  given  to  "Forward 
the  skirmish  line;  ” a shot  is  heard,  then  another,  then  another;  the 
skirmishers  engage;  they  are  supported  by  one  detachment  after 
another  from  the  main  line;  he  hears  the  rattle  of  musketry,  growing 
quick  and  sharp,  sounding  like  hail  pouring  down;  then  the  cavalry 
move;  the  artillery  opens,  and,  like  thunders  in  the  heavens,  it  roars; 
the  very  ground  shakes  and  trembles  under  the  shock;  the  shells 
shriek  through  the  air,  bursting  and  shooting  forth  flames  of  fire, 
dealing  out  death  and  desolation  in  their  track;  the  infantry  are  ail 
engaged;  the  rattle  of  musketry  is  heard  as  the  long  roll  from  a 
thousand  drums  is  given;  charge  after  charge  is  made,  one  line  gives 
way,  then  recovers,  the  other  falls  back,  then  moves  forward;  the 
sabre-stroke  is  heard;  the  cavalry  engages  in  deadly  fight;  the  air  is 
thick  with  sulphurous  smoke  as  if  from  the  bottomless  pit;  the  light- 
ning streams  of  flame  flash  across  the  field;  the  wounded  arc  carried 
to  the  rear;  the  groans  of  the  dying  float  on  the  air;  the  right  flank 
of  our  line  is  turned,  and  on  in  deadly  arms  comes  the  enemy;  the 
musketry  pours  death  into  our  columns;  the  artillery  makes  wide 
gaps  in  our  lines  with  its  deadly  shells;  our  cavalry  on  the  right  is 
retreating  from  the  field  in  the  midst  of  great  slaughter;  there  is  a 
lull  in  the  firing;  a weak  spot  is  discovered  in  the  enemy’s  center,  the 
command  is  heard,  "Close  up,”  "Steady,”  "Forward,  march;”  on 
the  columns  move,  receiving  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  and  as  our  lines 
are  thinned,  the  command  heard  is  " Close  up,”  "Close  up;”  the 
space  is  filled,  on  our  columns  move;  the  stern  command  is  given, 
" Charge  bayonets;  ” with  the  glistening  steel  to  the  front,  with  hands 
clenched  on  the  guns,  forward  they  move  at  steady  step;  the  com- 
mand is  given  to  " Charge  along  the  whole  line;”  the  artillery  opens 
its  deadly  lire;  the  cavalry  on  the  left  come,  sabre  in  hand  like  a 
hurricane;  the  infantry  move  at  a rapid  pace;  the  very  earth  shakes 
beneath  the  tread;  the  breasts  of  brave  men  heave,  the  eyes  glare,  the 
teeth  are  firmly  set,  and  the  great  line  with  " Liberty”  on  their  colors 
sweep  forward,  and  the  air  resounds  with  the  voices  shouting  "Vic- 
tory or  death;  ” as  they  sweep  on  over  wall  and  ditch.  They  break 
the  enemy’s  center,  and  in  confusion  the  enemy  roll  back,  they  retire 
slowly,  fighting  desperately;  bayonet  strikes  against  bayonet,  saber 
clashes  against  saber,  fire  flashes  from  the  highly-tempered  steel;  then 
hand  to  hand  they  fight,  and  in  both  lines  thick  and  fast  they  fall; 
horses  trample  over  the  dying  and  the  dead,  where  in  piles  they  lay; 
the  enemy  again  fall  back  on  the  left;  they  retreat  on  their  right, 


350 


LIFE  OF  JOHFT  A.  LOGAK. 


they  are  in  confusion,  broken  in  the  center;  they  are  lost;  they  leave 
the  field;  the  day  is  ours  I In  memory  we  gaze;  the  field  is  literally 
covered  with  muskets,  camp  equipage,  cannon,  wounded,  dying  and 
dead;  a shout  goes  up  along  our  lines;  the  air  resounds  with  cheer 
opon  cheer,  when,  high  over  the  battle  plain,  the  old  starry  banner 
we  bore  flashes  out  its  stars  of  glory. 


LETTER  OF  HOX.  JOHN  A.  LOGAN  TO  HON.  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS,  SECRE- 
TARY OF  WAR,  IN  REGARD  TO  THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  CONTINUING 

THE  IMPROVEMENTS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS  RIVER. 

Washington,  June  17,  1869. 

Sir:  The  importance  which  we  of  the  West  attach  to  the  contin- 
uation of  the  improvement  of  the  Illinois  river  makes  it  proper  that  I 
should  submit  to  you,  in  brief,  the  claims  which  should  commend 
that  subject  to  your  favorable  consideration. 

In  1852  Congress  passed  an  act  entitled  ‘‘An  act  making  appro- 
priations for  the  improvement  of  certain  harbors  and  rivers,”  approved 
August  30,  1852.  In  the  body  of  that  act  occurs  this  section:  “For 
the  improvement  of  the  navigation  of  the  Illinois  river,  the  sum  of 
$20,000.”  In  1853  work  was  commenced  under  this  appropriation. 

In  the  report  of  Joseph  E.  Johnston,  “superintendent  of  western 
river  improvements”  (which  may  be  found  in  Executive  Document, 
Second  Session,  Thirty-third  Congress,  Yol.  I.  part  II.,  1854-5,  page 
222,  dated  Washington,  September  27,  1854),  he  says:  “In  the  fall 
of  1853  the  Illinois  was  surveyed  from  its  mouth  to  Copperas  creek — 
one  hundred  and  fifty  miles — and  a channel  cut  through  Guilford 
bar.  The  work  was  resumed  in  April,  1854;  the  survey  continued  to 
the  mouth  of  the  canal,  the  dredge  boat  in  the  meantime  working  on 
Naples  flats.  When  the  survey  was  finished  the  dredge  boat  was 
removed  to  Spring  Creek  bar,  the  one  nearest  the  canal,  and  employed 
upon  it  and  Hennepin  flats  until  the  11th  of  July,  when  it  grounded. 
The  board  of  engineers  of  lakes,  harbors,  and  western  rivers  recom- 
mended in  their  report  of  August  1, 1854,  the  extension  of  the  survey 
of  the  river  to  LaSalle.” 

In  this  report  he  asks  for  a further  appropriation  of  $20,000, 
showing  that  the  dredging  of  the  bars  and  flats  in  said  river  was 
deemed  very  important  to  its  navigation.  I would  also  call  attention 
to  the  report  of  the  United  States  agent,  made  to  Colonel  Johnston, 
dated  August  26,  1854,  in  which  he  says:  “ The  improvement  effected 
consists  in  cutting  out  of  Guilford  bar,  on  the  lower  part  of  the  river. 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAFT. 


351 


in  the  fall  of  1853,  making  it  easy  for  low  water  navigation.  In 
April,  of  the  present  year,  1,870  cubic  yards  of  shells  were  removed 
from  Naples  flats,  when  the  boat  was  transferred  to  Spring  Creek 
bar;  1,500  yards  were  removed,  making  both  comparatively  easy  of 
passage,  but  not  to  the  extent  contemplated.  From  thence  the  boat 
was  removed  to  Hennepin  flats,  from  which  was  removed  1,500  yards, 
when  she  grounded,  and  where  she  now  lies,  waiting  for  a rise  in  the 
river.  The  river  business  consists  in  the  transit  trade  between  tlie 
eastern  collection  districts  and  the  west,  ma  the  port  of  Chicago,  to 
the  ports  of  Alton  and  St.  Louis,  and  way  trade  of  the  river  country 
in  both  directions.  The  passage  of  boats  by  the  Gopher  for  the 
months  of  May,  June,  July,  and  August  eastward  amount  to  400 
steamboats  and  989  canal  boats  and  barges  of  120  tons  average,  being 
towed  by  steam-tugs.  This  is  for  the  trade  passing  eastward.  The 
western  way  trade  is  independent  of  this.” 

Following  these  reports.  Congress,  up  to  1868,  continuously  pro- 
vided for  the  continuation  of  the  survey  of  the  said  river,  under  the 
direction  of  the  Secretary  ot  War.  In  June,  1868,  the  House  of 
Kepresentatives  passed  a bill  making  appropriations  for  the  repairs, 
preservation  and  completion  of  certain  public  works,  and  for  other 
purposes,  in  which  bill  eighty-five  thousand  dollars  was  appropriated 
for  the  continuation  of  the  work  upon  the  Illinois  river.  The  bill 
failed,  however,  to  become  a law.  In  order,  however,  that  the  neces- 
sary work  on  rivers  and  harbors  should  not  stop.  Congress,  in  July 
of  the  same  year,  passed  an  act  entitled  An  act  making  appropria- 
tions to  supply  the  deficiencies  in  appropriations  for  the  service  of  the 
government  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1868,  and  for  other 
purposes;”  approved  July  26,  1868;  which  provided  “for  the  repair, 
preservation,  extension  and  completion  of  certain  public  works  on 
rivers  and  harbors,  to  be  expended,  under  the  direction  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  War,  $1,500,000;  provided,  that  said  expenditures  shall  not 
be  applied  to  any  works  not  mentioned  in  the  bill  making  appropria- 
tions for  repairs,  preservation  and  completion  of  certain  public  works, 
and  for  other  purposes,  which  passed  the  House  of  Representatives 
June  30,  1868.” 

Under  the  provisions  of  this  act,  the  Secretary  of  War  allotted,  in 
accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  House  bill,  which  failed  to 
become  a law,  eighty -five  thousand  dollars,  to  be  expended  in  the 
continuation  of  the  work  upon  the  Illinois  river,  by  which  said  allot- 
ment and  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  the  said  eighty-five  thousand 
dollars  became  a credit  in  favor  of  the  Illinois  river,  the  same  as  if 
the  bill  v/hich  passed  th^  House  of  Representatives-,  June  30^  1808, 


352 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A LOGAK. 


had  become  a law.  But  afterward,  August  27,  1868,  on  the  recom- 
mendation of  Colonel  J.  H.  Wilson,  the  Chief  of  Engineers,  General 
Humphreys  asked  a division  of  said  appropriation  of  eighty-five 
thousand  dollars,  to  the  work  on  the  Rock  Island  rapids,  which  was 
accordingly  done,  by  the  approval  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  August 
31,  1868,  thereby  preventing  the  expenditure  of  the  said  sum  on  tiie 
Illinois  river,  where  it  legitimately  belonged,  and  expending  it  where 
it  was  not  contemplated  by  law. 

Congress,  at  its  last  session,  evidently  having  the  same  objects  in 
view  which  prompted  the  act  of  July  26,  1868,  passed  an  act  entitled 
''  An  act  making  an  appropriation  for  the  improvement  of  rivers  and 
harbors  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1869,  and  the  year  ending 
June  30,  1870,’'  the  text  of  which  is  as  follows:  ''Be  it  enacted  by 
the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America  in  Congress  assembled,  that  the  sum  of  two  million  dollars 
is  hereby  appropriated  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  29,  1869,  and 
the  year  ending  June  30,  1870,  to  be  expended  for  the  repair,  exten- 
sion, preservation  and  completion  of  works  for  the  improvements  of 
rivers  and  harbors,  under  the  direction  of  the  Secretary  of  War;  pro- 
vided, that  the  Secretary  of  War  is  hereby  authorized  to  cause  such 
expenditures  to  be  made  so  as  best  to  subserve  the  interests  of  com- 
merce, and  he  is  required  to  report  to  Congress  at  the  opening  of  its 
December  session,  all  expenditures  made  under  the  provisions  of  this 
act  up  to  that  time,  in  detail.”  Approved  April  10,  1869. 

I am  informed  that  the  Chief  of  Engineers  to  the  Secretary  of 
War  has  made  no  recommendation  for  an  allotment  of  any  of  this 
appropriation  of  two  millions  of  dollars  to  be  expended  in  the 
improvement  of  the  Illinois  river.  Why  this  important  vrork  has 
been  overlooked  in  the  allotment  of  this  appropriation  is  something 
that  I cannot  understand.  It  certainly  cannot  be  that  this  law  is  so 
construed  as  to  exclude  the  continuation  of  the  work  on  the  Illinois 
river.  It  was  evidently  intended  only  to  include  works  of  impi*o^'c- 
ment  already  commenced,  and  the  appropriation  might  be  expended 
either  for  the  repair  of  works  completed  or  the  extension  and  contin- 
uation of  the  works  commenced,  or  the  preservation  of  those  com- 
pleted or  only  partially  completed.  By  comparison  of  this  statute 
with  the  statute  of  July  26,  1868,  it  will  be  found  that  the  same 
language  is  used  in  both;  and  I presume  that  I am  not  mistaken  when 
I say  that  both  statutes  were  prepared  by  the  able  Chief  of  Engineers 
to  the  War  Department  now  in  charge. 

Under  the  statute  of  July  26,  1868,  an  allotment  was  made  by 
the  Secretary  of  War,  for  the  improvement  of  the  Illinois  river, 


SPEECHES  OE  LOGAH. 


353 


on  the  recommendation  of  the  same  Chief  of  Engineers.  So  far  as 
the  construction  of  the  law  is  concerned  it  has  already  been  properly 
construed  by  your  predecessor,  so  as  to  include  the  work  on  the 
Illinois  river.  It  will  not  do  to  say  that  the  continuation  of  this  work 
would  not  well  subserve  the  interests  of  commerce.  W ithout  going 
into  a discussion  on  that  subject,  I will  merely  refer  you  to  the 
reports  that  have  been  made  by  different  engineers  under  the  sanction 
of  the  government,  from  1852  to  the  present  time.  And  especially  in 
this  connection  do  I call  your  attention  to  the  exhaustive  report  of 
Colonel  J.  H.  Wilson,  of  the  date  of  February  15,  1867,  hereto 
appended,  in  which  he  regards  it  as  one  of  the  most  important  works 
for  the  country,  in  both  a military  and  commercial  point  of  view. 
Neither  will  it  do  to  exclude  this  great  interest  from  its  share  in  that 
appropriation  on  the  ground  of  the  insufficiency  of  the  appropriation. 
It  was  not  expected  that  it  would  complete  all  of  the  works  to  which 
it  might  be  applied.  The  intention  clearly  was  to  use  it  in  the  best 
manner  for  the  purpose  of  the  preservation,  extension  or  continuation 
of  the  works  which  were  important  in  the  development  of  a great 
country.  If  we  were  to  wait  until  we  should  get  appropriations 
sufficient  to  complete  any  great  work,  made  to  apply  to  that  particular 
work,  we  would  wait  a long  time  before  we  should  have  a sufficient 
appropriation  for  that  purpose.  It  is  only  by  applying  such  amounts 
as  come  to  us  under  appropriations  from  time  to  time,  in  the  contin- 
uation or  preservation  of  a work  that  we  are  enabled  to  complete  that 
work. 

The  State  of  Illinois,  at  the  last  session  of  its  Legislature,  appro- 
priated $400,000  to  be  expended  on  the  improvements  of  the  Illinois 
Kiver,  and  with  a fair  allotment  of  this  $2,000,000  government  appro- 
priation we  will  be  enabled  to  do  a permanent  work  in  the  improve- 
ment of  the  navigation  of  that  river,  so  as  to  insure  a good  outlet 
from  the  great  chain  of  lakes  to  the  Mississippi. 

The  work  must  not  be  considered  as  merely  important  to  the  State 
of  Illinois,  and  that,  therefore,  that  State  should  complete  it;  but  it 
must  be  regarded  from  a national  point  of  view.  No  dispassionate 
mind  can  regard  it  otherwise  than  as  a great  national  work— one  that 
looks  to  water  transportation,  at  no  distant  day,  to  and  from  the 
Atlantic  ocean. 

I do  not  desire  to  enter  into  a lengthy  discussion  on  this  subject 
with  the  Secretary  of  War,  being  satisfied  that  a work  of  so  great 
importance  will  commend  itself  to  his  good  judgment. 

I have,  therefore,  preferred  merely  to  call  your  attention  to  the 
statutes  and  reports  directly  connected  with  this  enterprise,  and  as 


354 


LIFE  OF  JOIIK  A.  LOGA2^. 


one  of  the  Representatives  of  the  State  of  Illinois  I deem  it  not 
improper  to  ask  you,  sir,  that  this  great  interest  shall  not  be  ignored, 
and  that  a fair,  just  and  appropriate  allotment  of  this  national  appro- 
priation shall  be  made. 

Such  allotment,  together  with  the  $85,000  heretofore  allotted, 
which  should  properly  stand  to  its  credit  to  be  expended,  under  your 
official  direction,  on  the  continuation  and  extension  of  the  improve- 
ment of  the  navigation  of  the  Illinois  river,  will  guarantee  the  suc- 
cess of  a great  national  undertaking,  the  importance  of  which  cannot 
be  over-estimated.  I am,  sir. 

Very  respectfully. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

John  A.  Logan. 

Hon.  John  A.  Rawlins,  Secretary  of  War,  Washington,  D.  C. 


SPEECH  AT  SPKHSTGFIELD^  ILLINOIS,  MARCH  13,  1872. 

General  John  A.  Logan  made  a speech  at  Cairo,  Illi- 
nois, a few  days  ago,  and  he  said,  during  his  remarks: 

Mr.  Schurz  says  he  is  in  favor  of  filling  up  the  bloody  chasm 
between  the  rebels  of  the  South  and  the  loyal  men  of  the  North. 

Yes,  my  fellow-citizens,  I suppose  he  is  sincere  in  what  he  says. 
He  says  let  the  chasm  be  filled  up  with  Grant  men.  Who  are  the 
Grant  men  in  this  country?  The  Grant  men  are  the  men  who  went 
forward  to  fight  in  favor  of  this  Union.  To  aid  and  sustain  it  in  its 
direst  troubles  and  worst  calamities.  [Applause.]  The  loyal  people 
of  this  land,  the  wounded  men,  the  one-armed  men,  the  one-legged 
men,  the  old  men  and  the  old  women  that  prayed  for  the  success  of 
the  Union  arms, — these  are  the  Grant  people  of  the  country. 

You  are  to  fill  the  bloody  chasm  with  these  people. 

For  what  purpose?  That  the  rebels  may  walk  over  their  bodies 
according  to  this  man  Schurz.  Fill  the  bloody  chasm  with  the  loyal 
people  of  this  country!  Why  didn’t  he  say  fill  the  chasm  with  the 
bodies  of  rebels?  I do  not  desire  anything  of  that  kind.  I don’t 
want  any  slaughter,  either  in  figure  or  in  reality;  not  even  if  it  is  to 
be  done  in  imagination.  I don’t  want  anything  of  the  kind.  I don’t 
want  my  imagination  to  go  so  far  as  to  cause  any  bodies  to  be  used 
for  that  purpose.  But  I tell  you  the  bloody  chasm  has  been  filled;  it 
was  filled  with  the  bodies  of  the  men  who  fought  on  both  sides — on 
the  Union  side,  and  on  the  rebel  side;  filled  with  the  bodies  of  Union 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAK. 


355 


men  as  good  as  ever  shouldered  a musket  in  defense  of  any  country 
or  any  cause. 

Is  it  not  strange  to  you  to-night  that  a man  like  Senator  Schurz, 
who  claims  to  be  a Union  soldier— and  I have  nothing  to  say  about 
that  except  to  refer  to  Greeley’s  “ History  of  the  Kebellion;  ” as  he  is 
their  authority,  I am  willing  to  let  him  speak,  though  I accord  him  all 
patriotism  during  the  war; — I say  is  it  not  strange  that  he  should  so 
express  himself? 

They  desire  to  fill  this  chasm  with  the  bodies  of  Union  men.  In- 
deed, this  is  strange! 

LOGAN  ON  THE  WITNESS  STAND  IN  THE  CREDIT  MOBILIER. 

Judge  Poland:  Well,  we  are  now  through  with  this  part  of  the 
case.  The  name  of  Senator  Logan  was  mentioned  a day  or  two  ago, 
and  he  is  here  at  my  request  to  make  a statement. 

Senator  Logan  was  then  sworn,  and  testified  as  follows: 

I have  seen  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Ames  given  before  the  committee; 
I have  nothing  whatever  to  conceal  in  this  transaction  so  far  as  I am 
concerned;  Mr.  Ames  said  I agreed  with  him  to  purchase  certain 
stock;  I did  so  in  1867  or  1868;  I agreed  to  purchase  ten  shares  of  the 
stock  at  par;  I paid  nothing  to  Mr.  Ames  at  that  time,  and  received 
no  stock;  on  the  20th  of  June  following  Mr.  Ames  came  to  me  and 
said  the  stock  was  entitled  to  a dividend  or  dividends;  he  made  a 
statement  and  gave  me,  which  showed  that  the  dividends  up  to  that 
time  paid  the  amount  due,  and  left  a balance  of  $329;  Mr.  Ames 
handed  me  a check  for  this  amount;  I had  paid  Mr.  Ames  no  money 
and  he  had  given  me  no  stock;  I took  the  check  with  the  understand- 
ing that  if  I did  not  conclude  to  receive  the  stock  within  a few  days 
I would  let  him  know;  I kept  the  check  three  or  four  days  before  I 
asked  the  cash  on  it;  then  I presented  it  to  the  8ergeant-at-arms,  in  his 
office  and  received  the  money;  I retained  it  for  a few  days  and  thought 
about  the  matter;  in  the  meantime  I received  a letter  from  a friend 
giving  me  some  information  about  the  matter,  when  I went  to  Mr. 
Ames  and  told  him  I would  not  take  the  stock;  he  said  very  well,  and 
remarked  that  it  was  good  stock,  or  he  thought  it  a good  investment 
— something  of  the  sort;  I paid  him  back  the  $329  with,  I think,  $2 
interest;  Mr.  Ames  hesitated  about  the  interest,  the  time  having  been 
so  short,  but  I insisted  on  his  taking  it,  and  thus  the  matter  ended;  the 
memorandum  I made  at  the  time  refreshes  my  memory;  I don’t  say  this 
to  the  committee  by  way  of  excuse,  or  to  cover  up  anything,  but  state 
the  facts  as  they  arc;  the  stock  was  never  delivered  to  me  or  to  an^^body 
for  me,  nor  have  I ever  received  anything  directly  or  indirectly,  except 


356 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOGAHI. 


as  I have  stated  here;  I had  no  hesitation  in  making  the  agreement 
with  Mr.  Ames  to  take  the  stock  at  the  time,  and  so  far  as  corruption 
or  wrong  was  concerned,  there  was  no  legislation  before  Congress 
at  the  time  affecting  the  road;  I don’t  recollect  of  any  legislation  in 
regard  to  the  road  during  the  negotiation  between  Mr:  Ames  and  my- 
self; as  far  as  influence  was  concerned  there  was  no  necessity  for  Mr. 
Ames  or  anybody  else  making  a bargain  to  obtain  my  influence;  my 
constituency  was  favorably  disposed  toward  the  road,  and  I was 
naturally  a friend  to  it;  I have  always  voted  to  sustain  the  road,  and 
would  do  so  to-day. 


[From  the  Shawneetown  Mercury,  September  36,  1873.] 

General  Logan^  in  his  Fairbury  speech^  paid  a truthful 
and  handsome  compliment  to  the  Eepublican  party  and 
the  administration  of  President  Grant  in  the  brief  extract 
we  publish  below.  It  was  a clear  statement  of  the  whole 
matter  in  a few  words^  and  is  worthy  of  a careful  study: 

The  Eepublican  party  stands  upon  the  principles  upon  which 
this  government  was  founded,  and  by  the  success  of  which,  during 
the  last  twelve  years,  a gigantic  rebellion  has  been  crushed,  and  peace, 
prosperity  and  happiness  been  made  to  smile  on  our  whole  land. 
What  is.  now  the  position  of  our  Democratic  friends  in  relation  to 
these  great  questions  which  interest  us  all  so  much  to-day?  You  may 
call  that  party  Democratic,  Liberal,  or  whatever  name  you  choose^ 
but  I state  the  fact  to  be,  that  you  have  abandoned  every  principle 
that  you  ever  advocated. 

If  the  old  Democratic  party  believed  in  the  doctrine  of  so-called 
‘‘  State  rights,”  and  if  you  believed  that  theory  of  government  to  have 
been  true  in  theory,  I ask  you  why  it  is  that  you  have  abandoned  it 
altogether,  and  permitted  yourselves  to  be  sold  out,  like  mere  voting 
machines,  to  old  Horace  Greeley? 

The  Eepublican  theory  was  that  States  had  certain  rights  under 
the  general  government,  and  that  within  the  limits  of  their  powers 
not  delegated  to  the  general  government  they  had  perfect  freedom  to 
act.  The  two  theories  came  into  conflict  force  against  force,  in  tlie 
late  terrible  conflict,  and  the  decision  was  made  by  the  arbitrament  of 
the  sword.  At  the  close  of  the  war,  then  came  the  work  of  recon- 
struction— the  flnance,  the  landed  interests,  the  homestead  interests, 
to  be  legislated  upon — and  they  were  all  Republican  measures — and 


SPEECHES  OE  LOGAH. 


357 


they  have  been  successfully  carried  out  in  pursuance  of  the  Repub- 
lican theories. 

You,  as  a Nation,  have  expanded  and  grown  greater  under 
Repiiblican  rule  within  the  last  ten  years,  to  a degree,  and  in  a ratio 
greater  than  you  did  in  forty  years  under  Democratic  rule. 

The  financial  theory  of  the  Republican  party  has  been  ratified 
by  a full  and  complete  success;  and  if  you  Democrats  and  Liberals 
go  forward  you  must  go  on  our  line;  and  if  you  follow,  your  line 
must  go  backward. 

If  you  propose  to  change  the  foreign  and  domestic  policy  of  this 
government,  for  God’s  sake  get  us  some  other  commander-in-chief 
besides  old  Horace  Greeley!  Greeley  says  you  Democrats  are  all  a 
set  of  scoundrels,  liars,  thieves  and  cut-throats — which  I certainly 
do  not  believe — but  he  says  so,  and  you  admit  it  by  nominating  him 
as  your  candidate  for  President  at  Baltimore.  Great  God!  to  see 
a Democrat  voting  for  Horace  Greeley!!  If  the  day  of  miracles  were 
not  past,  we  should  be  inclined  to  think  this  the  most  wonderful  of 
any  on  record.  These  Liberal  sore- heads  are  just  using  you  as  a Demo- 
cratic cat's  paw — a sponge  to  clean  up  their  dirt  with — and  you  have 
nothing  to  say. 

The  position  of  the  Democratic  party  is  a very  humiliating  one 
indeed. 

These  Liberals  turn  to  the  Republican  party  and  say;  As  Sumner, 
Schurz,  Trumbull,  Tipton,  Palmer  and  Kmrner  have  all  left  you,  how 
are  you  going  to  get  along  without  them? 

The  question  is  not  how  are  we  going  to  get  along  without  them — 
but  it  is,  rather,  how  in  thunder  we  ever  got  along  with  them! 

In  “losing  ” them  the  Republican  party  has  got  rid  of  the  biggest 
part  of  its  corruption. 

When  Schurz  goes  about  the  country — a paid  mercenary — talking 

about  the  “ corruption  ” of  the  Republican  party, — he  lies, and  if 

any  one  takes  exception  to  that  statement,  just  tell  him  that  John  A. 
Logan  said  it. 

Under  the  Republican  administration  of  President  Grant  the 
country  is  prosperous,  and  every  department  of  trade  and  every  indus- 
try is  flourishing  more  extensively  than  ever  before — and  not  until 
every  citizen,  without  regard  to  race,  or  color,  is  protected  in  all 
his  civil  rights,  and  the  laws  shall  be  equally  enforced  in  every  State 
in  this  Union — will  the  mission  of  the  Republican  party  be  fulfilled. 


358 


LIFE  OF  JOW  A.  LOGAK. 


[From  the  Joliet  (111.)  Post  and  Mail,  May  25, 1876.] 

For  twenty  years  John  A.  Logan,  of  Illinois,  has  been  in  active 
public  life,  and  no  dishonorable  act  has  stained  his  record.  Amid  all 
the  storm  of  calumny  and  abuse  hurled  at  prominent  men,  both  with 
cause  and  without.  Senator  Logan  stands  unscathed,  and  no  attempt 
has  been  made  to  sully  his  character.  Ko  dishonor  attaches,  or  can 
attach  to  his  name.  No  man  can  point  to  a single  act  of  corruption 
or  fraud  and  say  that  it  is  the  v/ork  of  John  A.  Logan.  As  a legisla- 
tor, a statesman,  and  a soldier,  he  stands  the  proud  peer  of  our 
Nation’s  best  men,  and  would,  if  he  could  be  elected,  fill  the  Presiden- 
tial chair  as  gracefully,  as  ably,  and  as  honorably  as  any  of  the  dis- 
tinguished gentlemen  wdiose  names  have  been  mentioned  in  that 
connection.  The  Post  and  Mail  simply  gives  voice  to  the  public 
sentiment  when  it  asks  why  should  not  Illinois  present  the  name  of 
Senator  John  A.  Logan  as  a candidate  for  President  at  Cincinnati? 
Surely  he  has  served  the  State  long  enough  and  faithfully  enough  to  re- 
ceive, unsolicited,  this  mark  of  her  people’s  gratitude  and  appreciation. 
Pennsylvania  will  cast  her  vote  for  Governor  Hartranft,  her  “favorite 
son”;  Kentucky  presents  Mr.  Bristow;  Ohio  will  rally  for  Governor 
Hayes;  Maine  votes  for  Blaine;  Indiana  will  endorse  Governor  Mor- 
ton; and  why  should  not  Illinois  go  into  the  Cincinnati  Convention 
with  the  name  of  Senator  Logan  inscribed  upon  her  banners,  and  cast 
her  first  vote,  at  least,  for  him?  If  his  spotless  life,  his  long  years  of 
faithful  service,  and  his  fidelity  to  the  interests  of  this  State,  are 
worthy  of  consideration,  the  people  of  Illinois  ov^e  it  to  themselves,  * 
as  well  as  to  him,  to  present  as  a'^candidate,  and  support  by  their 
votes,  their  distinguished  fellow  citizen,  John  A.  Logan,  for  President 
of  the  United  States. 


logan’s  popularity  with  the  people. 

[From  the  Chicago  Tribune,  Thursday,  January  2,  1879.] 

Neither  your  “great  reformer,”  nor  your  cheating,  vote-buying 
politician,  can  see  the  least  reason  in  the  world  why  General  John 
A.  Logan  should  have  a following  in  hr  ^'^n  State,  as  well  as 
throughout  the  Northwest,  far  exceeding  that  of  C’^y  other  of  his 
cotemporaries.  Personal  interests,  old  sores,  and  petty  spites  seem  ta 
have  rendered  these  people  partially  blind.  To  one,  however,  wos> 
has  watched  the  progress  of  events  with  an  “ unphilosophic ” eye, 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAH. 


359 


the  reason  is  plain.  During  all  the  troublous  period  of  the  war,  all 
the  stormy,  hesitating  days  of  reconstruction,  as  well  as  through  these 
later  times,  which  have  witnessed  the  shame  and  disgrace  of  the  total 
disfiauchisement  of  the  Republicans  of  the  South,  General  Logan’s 
feelings,  interests,  and  sym^jathies  have  been  only  an  honest  and  fair 
exponent  of  the  true  Republican  sentiment  of  the  Nation.  In  this 
respect  he  stands  almost  singly  and  alone  among  our  leading  states- 
men. When  others  have  faltered,  either  through  fear,  false  notions 
of  expediency,  or  from  a desire  to  make  experiments  in  the  way  of 
conciliating  the  utterly  irreconcilable  Southern  leaders,  Gen.  Logan 
has  occupied  no  position  of  doubt  or  uncertainty.  Better  than  any 
other  leading  statesman  has  he  seemed  to  understand  those  gentlemen. 
Standing  squarely  upon  the  Republican  doctrine  of  the  equality  of  all 
men  before  the  law,  he  has  never  hesitated  a moment  as  to  his  duty. 
All  he  has  asked  is  simply  that  justice  and  equality  of  political  rights 
shall  prevail  at  the  South,  as  they  ever  do  throughout  our  free  North- 
west. He  is  no  friend  to  the  agitation  of  this  great  sectional  issue, 
except  to  secure  the  constitutional  rights  of  all  the  people — the  hum- 
blest a^  well  as  the  highest.  This  position  is  perfectly  unassailable 
and  impregnable.  The  people  everywhere  understand  this  matter, 
and  they  know  that  John  A.  Logan  never  failed  them  in  a critical 
time,  whether  he  was  leading  his  men  to  victory,  or  repelling  the 
plantation  arrogance  of  Southern  “statesmen.”  The  inspiration  of 
his  actions  seems  to  be  that  of  the  people  themselves — spontaneous, 
impulsive,  right!  His  record  in  this  respect  is  without  spot,  blemish, 
or  weakness!  How  very  few  are  the  public  men  of  whom  this  can  be 
truthfully  said!  We  have  seen  them  yielding  here,  and  experiment- 
ing and  compromising  there,  when  the  rights  of  men  were  in  the  scale. 
The  people  understand  all  this  business  better  than  the  philosophers 
and  the  cheating  politicians  give  them  the  credit  of  doing,  and  they 
know  that  Logan  has  been  faithful  all  through  this  post-bellum  agita- 
tion, though  often  standing  almost  alone. 

On  the  march  from  Atlanta  to  the  sea,  a Democratic  corps  com- 
mander left  the  swarms  of  colored  people  who  gathered  about  the 
army  behind  him  when  he  crossed  a river,  abandoning  them  to  the 
tender  mercies  of  the  rebel  cavalry.  Logan,  hearing  of  this  atrocious 
meanness  and  poltroonery,  ordered  the  pontoons  to  be  left  and  de- 
fended until  the  last  of  the  loyal  blacks  were  safely  over.  In  the 
Senate  Chamber,  General  Gordon,  who  figured  so  conspicuously  as  a 
Ku-Klux  leader,  and  who  lately  bears  an  unpleasant  notoriety  in  con- 
nection with  the  “cipher  dispatches,”  one  day  asserted  that  Logan 
must  prove  one  of  his  statements  or  “ take  it  back.” 


360 


LIFE  OF  JOHiq-  A.  LOGAK. 


‘‘  I’m  not  the  sort  of  man  who  takes  things  hack,”  was  the  instant 
reply  of  the  Senator  from  Illinois,  and  the  ex-rebel  general  soon  found 
that  plantation  manners  could  not  be  relied  upon  in  that  quarter.  It 
is  such  points  as  these  in  the  character  and  career  of  John  A.  Logan 
that  excite  enthusiasm  and  endear  him  so  to  the  people  far  and  wide, 
and  which  are  now  bearing  him  on  to  an  assured  success — and  the 
proudest  success  of  his  life. 


LOGAN  AT  FORT  DONELSON. 

[From  the  Anderson  (Ky.)  News.] 

General  John  A.  Logan,  who  was  recently  elected  to  the  United 
States  Senate  by  the  Kepublicans  of  the  Illinois  Legislature,  was  found 
severely  wounded  on  the  battle-field  of  Fort  Donelson  by  our  esteemed 
Circuit  Clerk,  Captain  W.  E.  Bell,  who,  thinking  him  dead,  took  off 
his  splendid  sword  and  belt  and  sent  them  to  his  family.  Captain 
Bell,  who  was  then  a gallant  Confederate  soldier,  came  upon  General 
Logan  stretched  out  upon  the  ground,  dressed  in  full  regimentals,  his 
arms  folded  across  his  breast,  his  eyes  closed,  and  giving  no  sign  of 
life.  While  standing  over,  as  he  supposed,  the  dead  body  of  the  Fed- 
eral Colonel,  Captain  Bell  was  joined  by  Captain  Maderia,  of  the  Con- 
federate side,  who  recognized  in  Logan  his  old  schoolmate.  Maderia 
was  deeply  moved  at  what  he  thought  to  be  the  untimely  fate  of  his 
youthful  companion,  and  directed  Captain  Bell  where  to  send  the 
sword  of  the  fallen  chieftain.  Logan  was  shot  through  the  lungs, 
and  his  life  hung  on  a thread  for  a long  time.  Maderia  was  afterward 
killed  at  Chicamauga. 


THE  GRANT  TRIUMVIRATE  ENSCONCED  AT  THE 
CAPITOL. 

SENATORS  LOGAN  AND  CARPENTER  AND  THEIR  WIVES— ZACH 
CHANDLER— GLANCES  BEHIND  THE  CURTAIN. 

[Correspondence  of  the  Record,  1879.] 

Washington,  February  28. — Senators  Logan,  of  Illinois;  Z.  Chanda 
ler,  of  Michigan,  with  Matt  Carpenter,  of  Wisconsin,  now  ensconced 
at  the  Capitol,  will  form  the  grand  triumvirate  in  the  new  Senate  and 
will  play  no  unimportant  part  in  the  deliberations  and  political 
machinations  of  that  body.  Their  election  in  the  place  of  Dick 
Oglesby,  Christiancy  and  Howe,  will  greatly  strengthen  the  Repub- 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAK. 


361 


lican  side  of  the  Senate  intellectually,  albeit  at  a very  considerable 
loss  of  dignity  and  morality.  It  is  an  exchange  of  morals  for  brains, 
except  in  the  case  of  Dick  Oglesby  for  Logan,  and  then  it  is  about 
an  even  thing,  although  I really  think  that  Logan  has  something 
more  of  moi’als  and  considerably  more  brains  than  the  departing 
Kichard;  at  any  rate,  his  wife  has  enough  of  both  articles  to  make 
half  a dozen  ordinary  Senators,  and  as  John  fully  appreciates  the 
great  prize  he  possesses,  and  is  largely  guided  by  her  advice,  he  can- 
not go  far  wrong. 

As  a matter  of  fact,  Logan  himself  is  generally  underrated.  It 
has  become  so  popular  to  ridicule  his  bad  grammar  and  “loud’' 
style  of  oratory,  that  his  good  parts  are  almost  entirely  overlooked. 
Logan  is  not  a deeply-learned  man  as  Sumner  was  learned,  nor  is  he 
a great  man  as  Morton  was  great,  but  he  is  a strong  man  politically, 
and  naturally  a much  abler  man  than  half  his  colleagues  in  the  Sen- 
ate. He  is  a man  of  undoubted  courage,  of  positive  convictions,  and 
of  a large,  generous  nature.  I have  wintered  and  summered  with 
him,  and  know  that  inside  his  sombre  exterior  are  many  as  noble 
qualities  as  ever  adorned  any  man.  It  is  almost  impossible  to  Ihink 
of  him  without  thinking  of  his  wife,  and  it  is  quite  impossible  for 
one  who  know^s  them  both  to  believe  that  a man  wiio  has  so  high 
appreciation  of,  and  so  loyal  a devotion  to,  such  a woman  can  be 
altogether  or  over-much  bad.  In  fact,  Logan  is  not  a bad  man  either 
at  heart  or  outwardly,  and  he  is  by  no  means  a pigmy  in  intellect. 
His  oratory  is  of  the  loud  Western  style  of  twenty  years  ago,  and 
his  sentences  are  involved,  turgid  and  not  seldom  ungrammatical,  but 
there  are  Senators  on  both  sides  of  the  chamber  wiio  can  more  than 
equal  him  in  all  three  points,  and  discount  him  in  general  illiteracy. 

Logan  was  always  one  of  the  marked  men  of  the  Senate.  His 
huge,  brigandish,  black  moustache  and  long  black  hair  make  him 
always  conspicuous,  and,  in  addition  to  these  points,  he  is  more 
swarthy  than  the  lamented  Douglas,  and  almost  as  short,  for  while 
his  body  and  head  are  above  medium  size,  his  legs  are  so  short  that 
he  is  below^  medium  stature.  His  oratory  is  of  the  “stump”  order, 
loud  and  vigorous,  but  he  is  never  prosy,  like  Christiancy,  nor  tire- 
some, like  Howe.  His  temperament  is  bilious,  and  that  often  makes 
him  moody  and  “blue,”  but  otherwise  he  is  a companionable  man 
and  an  entertaining  conversationalist.  He  is  a hard  worker,  and  an 
extensive,  if  not  a profound  reader. 

When  General  Logan  was  a Democrat,  we  suppose,  like  any 
other  member  of  that  party  who  was  not  a hypocrite,  he  labored  for 
the  interests  of  that  party ; but  when  the  supreme  hour  arrived  that 


362 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOaAK. 


revealed  to  General  Logan  that  that  party  was  not  patriotic,  in  other 
words,  when  he  had  to  choose  between  Democracy  and  his  country, 
he  proclaimed  for  the  latter,  and  though  this  choice  led  him  where 
danger  and  death  confronted  him  at  every  step,  he  never  turned  aside 
until  he  aided  to  plant  the  old  flag  over  a restored  Union.  When 
John  A.  Logan  proclaimed  his  purpose  to  stand  by  the  Union,  “ let 
life  or  death  come,”  that  single  decision  was  worth  ten  thousand 
soldiers  to  the  Union  cause ; indeed,  if  Mr.  Logan,  like  Tilden,  had 
converted  himself  into  a state  of  indifference  or  Copperheadism 
towards  the  Union,  southern  Illinois  would  have  been  a battle  ground, 
and  thousands  of  lives  and  millions  of  money  would  have  been 
destroyed. 

There  is  not,  all  things  considered,  another  Union  man  living,  except 
General  Grant,  who  rendered  the  Union  more  service  than  General 
Logan.  This  is  the  mainspring  of  the  cause  of  that  general  hatred 
which  the  Copperhead  has  always  bestowed  upon  him.  But  aside 
from  Logan’s  splendid  service  in  the  war,  he  has  since  proved  him- 
self an  able  representative  and  a most  active  and  useful  Senator.  The 
people  can  never  reward  General  Logan  too  highly  for  his  noble 
services  during  and  since. 


[From  The  Weekly  Sun,  Saturday,  September  18,  1880.] 

General  Logan  has  often  been  reproached  for  his  merci- 
less slaughter  of  the  King^s  English^  and  yet  in  his  speech 
at  Galesburg,  the  other  night,  he  gave  the  following,  which, 
as  a bit  of  eloquence,  is  far  ahead  of  the  average  stump 
speech : 

The  glacier  engraves  its  record  on  the  mountain  sides.  The  river 
establishes  its  memorials  in  its  progress  to  the  sea.  The  ocean 
inscribes  the  history  of  its  convulsions  in  the  crags  upon  its  shore. 
Everything  in  material  nature  is  its  own  biographer.  The  Demo- 
cratic party  of  the  United  States  is  no  exception  to  the  rule.  It  has 
written  its  own  shameful  history  in  the  blood  of  three  hundred 
thousand  of  its  loyal  countrymen.  That  history  will  be  read  by  all 
men  until  the  end  of  tiine..  _ But  what -of  the  Republican  party?  Its  x 
record  is  also  made.  It  is  for  all  time.  The  iron  shackles  of  the  1 
slave,  piled  mountain  high,  are  evidence  of  the  devotion  of  the  Repub^^--^ 
lican  party  to  the  liberty  of  man.  The  National  flag,  floating  frhTtnph- 
antly  upon  all  the  land  and  upon  every  sea,  proves  that  the  National 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAH. 


363 


authority  under  Republican  custody  has  been  maintained.  The 
Treasury  notes  at  par,  and  National  bonds  at  a premium  in  all 
markets  of  the  world,  show  financial  credit  under  Republican  admin- 
istration without  a parallel  among  Nations.  Add  to  all  this  a condition 
of  prosperity  among  all  the  people,  such  as  was  never  before  known, 
and  we  have  a comprehensive  summary  of  the  achievements  of  the 
Republican  party. 

This  is  quite,  as  good  a bit  of  fine  orating  as  anything 
his  antagonists  have  ever  said.  The  fact  is  that  Logan 
takes  much  more  pains  with  what  he  says  than  with  how 
he  says  it. 


This  gentleman  reviewed  in  part  the  Porter  case  in  the  United 
States  Senate  on  Friday  last.  It  was  our  pleasure  to  be  in  Washing- 
ton, and  we  had  the  opinion  of  gentlemen  who  are  familiar  with  ihe 
whole  case,  and  the  universal  expression  was  that  Senator  Logan  had 
made  a speech  so  strong  that  it  was  absolutely  impossible  for  any  of 
Porter’s  friends  to  answer  it.  General  Logan  is  one  of  the  greatest 
orators  of  the  country,  on  any  subject,  but  when  he  takes  up  a ques- 
tion that  he  is  so  well  posted  on,  and  has  his  heart  in  to  the  extent  to 
which  he  is  interested  in  the  Fitz  John  Porter  case,  he  fairly  excels 
himself.  And  it  is  the  general  opinion  of  his  friends,  and  the  coun- 
try, that  his  great  speech,  commenced  on  Friday,  which  will  probably 
take  three  days  to  deliver,  will  be  one  of  the  ablest  ever  delivered  in 
the  United  States  Senate, 


[From  the  official  Republican  paper  of  Menard  County,  December  2, 1880.] 

No  citizen  stands  before  the  country  as  General  John  A.  Logan. 
Logan  was  born  and  bred  a Democrat.  It  was  instilled  into  him  with 
his  mother’s  milk,  his  education,  association  and  practice.  As  between 
his  party  and  his  country  he  chose  his  whole  country  rather  than  half 
of  it.  For  this  he  has  been  maligned,  traduced  and  vilified  in  the 
most  relentless  and  unwarrantable  manner. 

Logan  was  feted  by  the  Democracy  while  he  was  a Democrat.  He 
was  not  kicked  out  of  the  party.  They  gave  him  place,  position  and 
power.  He  could  have  any  rank  in  the  Confederate  army  below  that 
of  Lieutenant-general.  General  Leonidas  Polk,  in  command  at  Co- 
lumbus, Ky.,  with  his  twenty-five  thousand  Confederates,  would  have 
welcomed  Logan.  Hundreds  of  men  from  Illinois  came  into  this 


[Wilmington,  N.  C.,  December  31, 1882.] 


364 


LIFE  OF  JOHX  A.  LOGAK. 


camp.  But  Logan,  true  to  liis  country,  to  his  State  and  to  the  Union, 
did  not  join  the  Confederacy.  On  the  contrary,  he  cast  his  lot  on 
the  Union  side.  He  fought  against  his  party  in  arms,  against  the 
men  of  the  South  with  whom  he  sat  and  voted  in  Congress  prior  to 
the  war.  He  fought  for  principles  that  he  believed  to  be  true,  and 
for  the  principles  that  finally  prevailed  and  that  were  reaffirmed  at 
the  polls  November  2d. 

This  man — Illinois’  greatest  and  most  gifted  son,  second  only  to 
\Grant  himself — deserves  the  thanks  and  the  aj^lause  of  every  patriot 
in  the  Idnd.  Especially  does  he  deserve  the  thanks  of  the  Union  ^en 
of  the  North.  It  was  no  small  thing  for  him  to  quit  the  asspiiMions 
of  his  life,  break  oil  from  the  principles  thatJtijad4?eeTrTnstE  into 
him  and  cast  his  fortune ^itli  That  of  a party  against  whom  he  had 
battled  and  spoke  on  every  stump  in  Southern  Illinois.  Logan  is 
again  victorious.  His  valor  and  his  cause  are  successful,  and  while 
his  party  accords  to  him  the  praise  and  the  acclaim  that  is  justly  and 
decidedly  his  due,  it  will  remember  the  Nation — every  part  of  this 
land  of  liberty;  it  will  remember  the  sunny  South,  devastated  by 
war,  plunged  into  debt,  commerce  gone,  fields  neglected;  and  it  will 
endeavor,  with  all  its  power  (and  that  is  the  strength  of  the  Nation)  to 
resuscitate  all  the  resources  of  the  South  that  do  not  savor  of  slavery 
and  secession. 

It  is  not  the  policy  of  the  Republican  party  to  tear  down,  as 
charged,  but  rather  to  build  up  and  make  the  waste  places  even  more 
fruitful  than  ever  before,  and  there  is  no  man  in  this  Nation,  no  man 
in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  better  able  to  legislate  and  to  foster 
the  interests  of  the  South  than  General  John  A.  Logan,  of  Illinois. 

The  eyes  of  the  country  are  upon  him.  Maine  has  her  Blaine, 
New  York  her  Conkling,  Pennsylvania  her  Cameron,  Ohio  her  Gar- 
field, South  Carolina  her  Hampton,  Mississippi  her  Lamar,  Georgia 
her  Gordon,  and  Illinois  her  Logan  — a name  that  will  be  as  brilliant 
ill  the  annals  of  the  State  as  any,  the  sum  of  whose  greatness  has  not 
already  been  sealed  by  the  hand  of  death.  All  honor  to  Logan,  Illinois’ 
field-marshal. 

And  it  was  General  Logan  who  stood  at  the  head  of  the  “ Stalwart 
306  ” at  the  Chicago  Convention,  and  as  firm  as  a rock,  for  the  gallant 
soldier  and  statesman,  General  U.  S.  Grant. 


GENERAL  AND  MRS.  LOGAN. 

The  return  of  Mrs.  Logan  has  seemed  to  brighten  up  things  in  the 
vicinity  of  Twelfth  street,  where  they  stop  while  in  the  city.  She 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAI^'. 


365 


seems  to  have  fully  recovered  from  the  effects  of  her  severe  illness  of 
last  summer,  and  has  lost  none  of  her  attractiveness  and  brilliancy. 
She  is  beyond  question  one  of  the  handsomest  women  in  Washington 
to-day,  and  her  beauty  has  been  enhanced  lately  by  the  change  that 
has  taken  place  in  her  hair.  Formerly  it  was  a fine  gray.  It  is  now 
the  most  beautiful  white  imaginable.  It  is  exceedingly  fine  in  quality, 
and  very  heavy  in  growth.  Wearing  it  as  she  does,  in  a coil  around 
the  head,  gives  her  the  appearance  of  being  crowned  with  a halo  of 
white.  I know  of  no  one  in  Washington  who  is  more  popular,  al- 
though the  word  beloved  would  better  express  it,  than  Mrs.  Logan. 
Together,  the  general  and  his  wife  make  a striking  picture.  He, 
with  his  black  hair,  in  which  can  be  observed  hardly  a gray  line,  his 
military  bearing  and  truly  warlike  appearance,  forms  a strong  con- 
trast to  the  white  hair  and  gentle  bearing  of  his  wife.  She  is  a better 
politician  than  most  of  the  men.  A shrewd  observer  of  public  men, 
and  in  judgment  is  seldom  at  fault.  The  conclusions  she  draws  from 
her  own  observations,  as  they  relate  to  public  men  and  affairs,  are  very 
sound.  If  I was  President  of  the  United  States,  Mrs.  Logan  should 
be  Secretary  of  State,  if  it  broke  up  the  entire  cabinet.  It  is  her 
intention  to  return  to  Chicago  next  week,  where  she  will  remain  until 
the  regular  session. 


SPEECH  OF  HON.  JOHN  A.  LOGAN,  OF  ILLINOIS,  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF 
REPKESENTATIVES,  JULY  12,  1867,  ON  THE  SUPPLEMENTARY 
RECONSTRUCTION  BILL,  AND  IN  REPLY  TO  MR.  ROBINSON,  OF 
NEW  YORK. 

Mr.  Speaker. — It  was  not  my  intention  to  have  taken  any  part  in 
this  debate,  but  I cannot  get  my  own  consent  to  sit  and  listen  quietly 
any  longer  to  such  extraordinary  speeches  as  have  again  and  again 
been  pronounced  on  this  tloor  within  the  last  few  days.  If  the  wis- 
dom of  a policy  of  excluding  the  South  from  a representation  in  this 
hall  has  ever  cost  me  a doubt,  it  could  never  again  cost  me  another. 
More  earnest  advocates  of  their  political  theories  and  more  eloquent 
apologists  for  their  darkest  crimes,  traitors  have  not  in  the  South  or 
elsewhere  than  they  have  here.  A resolution  blotting  out  the  Consti- 
tutions of  the  United  States  and  the  respective  States  is  recommended 
by  one  gentleman,  who  evidently  means  thereby  to  intimate  that,  in 
his  opinion  at  least,  this  House  has  already  destroyed  everything  like 
fundamental  law  in  the  land,  and  trampled  ruthlessly  in  the  dust  the 
liberties  of  the  people. 


366 


Lira  OF  jonn  A.  LOGAK. 


Mr.  Eldridge — That  is  what  I thought  and  what  I meant. 

Mr.  Logan — I so  understood  the  gentleman,  and  the  thought 
occurred  to  me  at  the  time,  sir,  that  it  was  strange  indeed,  passing 
strange,  that  the  gentleman  did  not  discover  during  those  four  years 
of  blood  and  carnage  through  which  the  true  friends  of  humanity, 
liberty,  the  Constitution  and  the  Union  had  to  pass  to  deliver  them 
from  impending  destruction,  who  it  was  assailing  them  then. 

Mr.  Eldridge — Will  the  gentleman  yield? 

Mr.  Logan — I decline.  Why  did  it  not  occur  to  the  gentleman 
when  mighty  armies  of  brave  men  commanded  by  skillful  generals, 
were  hovering  in  a menacing  attitude  around  this  devoted  city,  spurn- 
ing our  country’s  flag,  mocking  our  patriotic  professions,  insulting 
loyal  citizens,  ignoring  private  rights  and  perpetrating  public  out- 
rages, that  the  Constitution,  the  Union  and  liberty  were  in  danger 
then?  Why  does  the  gentleman  wait  till  the  war  is  over,  the  Consti- 
tution is  no  longer  in  peril,  and  those  who  stood  fast  and  firm  near  it 
and  by  it  when  its  banner  was  streaming  on  the  breeze  of  battle,  are 
attempting  to  devise  the  most  practicable  and  politic  means  to  restore 
at  the  earliest  moment  to  this  whole  land,  permanent  and  healthful 
tranquillity  and  prosperity?  Why  does  he  wait  for  such  a moment  to 
announce  the  startling  discovery  that  our  Constitution  is  threatened, 
and  liberty  is  in  peril? 

Mr.  Eldridge — Does  the  gentleman  desire  me  to  answer  this  ques- 
tion? 

Mr.  Logan  — No,  sir;  one  interruption  encouraged,  invites  an- 
other. Is  it  not  strange,  I repeat,  that  the  same  gentlemen  who  are 
so  easily  alarmed  now  about  the  perils  that  compass  about  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  country  and  the  liberties  of  the  people,  while  peace  is 
benignly  smiling  upon  us,  saw  no  terror  or  threat  in  the  glitter  of 
bayonets  or  the  frown  of  batteries  when  our  beloved  land  was  swarm- 
ing with  millions  of  open  enemies,  and  the  earth  was  trembling  under 
the  martial  tread  of  serried  hosts  and  the  loud  roar  of  angry  artil- 
lery? Then  when  there  was  war,  was  no  peace,  they  could  raise  the 
cry  of  peace,  peace,”  and  when  peace  at  last  has  come,  they  aver  it 
has  not  come,  but  that  we  are  still  in  the  midst  of  a bloody  war,  a 
war  upon  the  Constitution  we  fought  to  save,  a war  upon  the  liber- 
ties we  bled  to  preserve.  “Treat  your  Southern  brethren  kindly, 
win  them  by  affection,”  is  the  cry  of  the  Democracy.  “Rather,” 
said  one  of  them,  “ that  Jeff.  Davis  and  his  coadjutors  had  succeeded 
than  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  should  be  impeached.” 
Such  language  is  worthy  only  of  a repr^^sentative  of  South  Carolina, 
ar  &(yme  other  rebel  whose  hands  are  red  with  loyal  blood.  No  won- 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAX. 


3G7 


der  that  in  a party  boasling  of  such  types  of  patriotism,  there  should 
be  many,  very  many,  enthusiastic  followers,  who  saw  nothing  repre- 
hensible in  the  conduct  of  the  open,  avowed,  defiant  and  belligerent 
enemies  of  the  Republic,  but  who  do  find  much  to  deplore  and 
denounce  in  the  adhesion  now  to  principle  of  those  who  stood  like  a 
wall  of  adamant  around  our  flag  when  the  mad  waves  of  secession 
threatened  to  deluge  with  blood  the  eternal  rock  upon  which  our 
fathers  and  their  fathers  had  planted  it.  Our  dead,  I suppose,  are  to 
sleep  in  forgotten  graves,  while  the  rebel  slain  must  be  apotheosized, 
and  we  who  fought  with  and  survive  the  brave  boys  in  blue. 

“Who,  fighting  fell,  and  falling  fought,'’ are  to  be  stigmatized 
with  opprobrious  epithets,  while  the  traitors  who  thirsted  for  our  blood 
are  to  be  meekly  and  sweetly  called  “our  brethren." 

Mr.  Mungen — I rise  to  a question  of  order.  My  point  of  order  is 
that  the  gentleman  is  not  discussing  the  bill  before  the  House  as  the 
rules  require  him  to  do. 

The  Speaker — The  Chair  has  not  seen  that  the  gentleman  from 
Illinois  has  wandered  at  all  from  the  legitimate  limits  of  debate.  He 
is  debating  the  question  of  reconstruction.  If,  however,  the  gentle- 
man can  point  to  any  specific  remarks  which  have  been  in  violation  of 
the  rules  the  Chair  will  pass  upon  them. 

Mr.  Mungen — The  gentleman  has  not  alluded  at  all  to  the  ques- 
tion of  reconstruction. 

The  Speaker — The  Chair  will  state  to  the  gentleman  from  Ohio 
that  this  question  of  reconstruction  grows  out  of  the  war  in  which  the 
country  has  recently  been  engaged,  and  the  gentleman  from  Illinois, 
in  the  commencement  of  his  speech,  is  laying  a foundation  for  the 
discussion  of  the  question  by  a reference  to  the  commencement  of  the 
war  and  the  circumstances  surrounding  it. 

Mr.  Logan — What  I am  anxious  to  learn,  Mr.  Speaker,  is  upon 
what  foundation  rests  this  flippant  and  gratuitous  charge  repeatedly 
made  against  the  Republican  party  on  this  floor  to  the  effect  that  we 
are  trampling  liberty  under  foot,  and  destroying  the  rights  and  privi- 
leges of  a portion  of  the  American  people?  Wherein  have  we  violated 
the  Constitution?  Was  it  in  crushing  the  rebellion?  I have  no  doubt 
every  Copperhead  in  the  Korth  would  say  yes.  We  did  carry  the 
emblem  of  our  National  glory  and  greatness  from  the  rivers  and  the 
lakes  of  the  North  to  the  bays  and  the  gulfs  of  the  South,  where  it  is 
to-day,  and  will  wave  forever;  but  in  doing  so,  we  innocently  thought, 
hoped  and  believed  then,  and  still  honestly  think,  hope  and  believe, 
that  we  are  erecting  around  the  Constitution  and  laying  for  liberty  a 
deeper  and  a broader  foundation  in  the  gratitude,  confidence  and 


3G8 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 


affections  of  our  people.  We  never  dreamed  that  for  every  rebel  we 
killed  in  the  South  we  were  to  make  an  eternal  enemy  in  the  North; 
and  we  do  not  think  it  amounts  to  a riddle  beyond  the  comprehension 
of  mortal  wits  how  it  is  that  very  many  of  the  brave  nien  who  fought 
us,  and  whom  we  had  to  literally  overwhelm  before  we  could  con- 
quer, yet  now  that  they  are  conquered  are  much  more  ready  to  ask 
forgiveness  and  forget  the  past  and  be  friends,  as  we  all  ought  to  be 
again,  than  are  their  allies,  who,  however  deep  their  sympathies  with 
them  may  have  been  while  the  war  was  raging,  took  special  pains  to 
let  the  danger  pass  before  they  gave  it  an  airing.  God  forbid  that 
the  day  shall  ever  dawn  upon  this  Eepublic  when  the  patriots  whose 
patriotism  won  them  crutches  and  wooden  limbs  shall  have  apologies 
and  explanations  to  make  for  their  public  conduct  to  patriots,  who 
boast  of  and  abuse  the  privilege  of  eulogizing  as  their  brethren  the 
men  whose  sabers  drank  loyal  blood  and  whose  bullets  shot  away 
loyal  limbs.  The  truth  is,  the  great  wrong  that  discomfited  Democ- 
racy feels  deepest  is  that  the  people  at  home  neither  feel  nor  think 
that  there  ought  to  be  Northern  rebels  enough  in  this  House  to  let  the 
Southern  rebels  in. 

The  next  greatest  wrong  that  they  have  to  complain  of  is  that  the 
men  who  had  the  pluck  to  stand  by  those  who  in  the  field  had  to  fight 
our  country’s  battles  presumptuously  aspire  to  make  our  laws.  I 
think  thus  far  they  have  vindicated  th^ir  claims  in  the  world’s  respect 
alike  in  the  field  and  in  the  halls  of  legislation.  What  is  the  basis 
upon  which  they  fought?  Simply  that  rebellion  was  a crime.  They 
triumphed.  Now  upon  what  basis  have  they  legislated?  Simply 
that  rebellion  was  a crime,  and  they  will  triumph  again.  The 
people  will  never  require  us  to  fight  on  one  principle  and  legislate 
on  another,  to  shed  our  blood  on  the  field  and  then  come  here 
to  make  apologies  for  it  to  men  who  wanted  us  whipped.  I hold 
now,  and  always  expect  to  hold,  that  no  man  has  a right  to  cross  the 
threshold  of  this  House  and  claim  a seat  on  this  floor  who  did  not 
dare  during  the  war  to  openly  stand  by  and  claim  the  protection  of 
the  flag  that  floats  over  this  Capitol.  The  government  that  is  organ- 
ized so  loosely  and  administered  so  feebly  that  traitors  of  yesterday 
can  be  among  the  rulers  of  to-morrow  can  neither  long  survive  nor 
long  deserve  to  survive.  And  this  Government  can  have  no  enemies 
in  the  South  half  as  much  to  be  dreaded  as  that  whining' Northern 
friend  who  would  clothe  with  power  in  this  Government  to-morrow 
the  man  whose  blade  was  drawn  to  stab  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union  but  yesterday.  When  the  South  can  be  loyally  represented  on 


SPEECHES  OE  LOGAiT. 


,^69 


this  floor  upon  the  basis  proposed  by  Congress,  the  i^roblem  of  recon- 
struction will  cease  to  vex  the  discussions  of  this  hall. 

The  prime,  sole  and  supreme  object  of  the  Republican  party  is 
to  re-establish  this  Government  upon  a sure  foundation  of  loyalty, 
against  which  the  frothy  waves  of  treason  may  fret  forever  in  vain. 
We  have  survived  one  rebellion,  and  the  sage  suggestions  of  past 
experience  warn  us  that  it  will  be  wiser  to  prevent  another  rebellion 
than  to  too  confidently  expect  to  survive  it.  Rebellion,  secession,  and 
reason  are  like  all  other  crimes  and  iniquities,  and  wdll  crop  out  in 
every  direction  upon  the  smallest  perceivable  pretext.  Put  forw^ard, 
then,  the  loyal  and  true,  and  hold  at  a respeclful  and  indifferent 
distance  the  disloyal  and  untrue,  until  w^e  can  see  some  voluntary 
evidence  that  tliey  have  finally  awoke  to  the  consciousness  that  they 
are  criminals,  and  ought  to  be  grateful  that  they  have  not  been  igno- 
miniously  branded  by  the  judgment  of  a competent  tribunal  as  such. 
The  whole  secret,  however,  of  the  wailing  and  gnashing  of  teeth 
that  WG  hear  among  the  Democracy  is  not  because  we  have  insisted 
that  rebels  shall  be  held  under  restraint  and  loyal  men  promoted, 
that  our  flag  shall  be  respected  at  home  as  well  as  abroad,  but  it  is 
simply  the  reason  a rebel  Irishman  gave  to  a loyal  Irishman,  who 
captured  him  in  the  field.  Said  the  Hibernian  in  blue  to  his  rebel 
countryman:  “Why,  Jimmy,  my  boy,  what  are  }"OU  doing  on  that 
side?”  “That  side,  indade!”  answ^ered  Jimmy;  “and  is  this  not  the 
Dimmercratick  side?”  [Laughter.]  The  Irishman  thought  that  the 
rebel  side  must  necessarily  be  the  Democratic  side,  and  I guess  that 
my  friend,  the  gentleman  from  Brooklyn  has  a similar  idea  in  his 
head  yet.  [Laughter.] 

Mr.  Robinson — Mr.  Speaker,  I do  not  attempt  to  answer  the  ques- 
tion w^hich  the  gentleman  has  addressed  to  me,  because  I believe  he 
does  not  wish  an  answer.  If  he  does,  I should  be  glad  to  give  it. 

The  Speaker — Does  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  [Mr.  Logan]  yield 
to  the  gentleman  from  New  York  [Mr.  Robinson]  for  a reply? 

Mr.  Logan — I do  not  think  that  I have  said  anything  that  he  can 
answer.  [Laughter.] 

Mr.  Robinson — If  the  gentleman  wishes  me  to  answer,  I am  ready 
to  do  so. 

The  Speaker — The  gentleman  declines,  as  the  Chair  understands, 
to  be  interrupted. 

Mr.  Logan — Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  let  us  examine  a little  farther 
into  this  question.  I perhaps  may  not  have  staled  all  the  reasons 
which  actuated  these  gentlemen  in  denouncing  this  side  of  the  House, 
and  thereby  denouncing  everv  loyal  man  in  the  country — every  man 
84 


370 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 


who  has  shown  his  loyalty  by  his  efforts  to  restore  this  government 
on  a proper  basis.  The  recent  rebellion,  while  it  w^as  in  progress, 
was  led  by  men  who  belonged  to  the  same  party  to  which  the  gentle- 
man from  Brooklyn  now  belongs,  and  the  same  party  to  which  I 
belonged  until  I became  so  thoroughly  ashamed  of  it  that  I left  it, 
and  it  is  not  a little  remarkable  that  the  same  disloyal  stench  whicli 
drove  me  out  seems  to  have  attracted  my  friend  from  Brooklyn  into 
it.  [Laughter.] 

The  reason  why  these  gentlemen  desire  to-day  to  bring  into  disrepute 
the  action  of  members  of  this  House  is  because  their  action  is  calculated 
to  prevent  a portion  of  the  people  of  the  southern  country  who  are  in  full 
sympathy  with  them,  from  voting  and  holding  office.  Who  are  they? 
Outspoken  rebels  who  rose  in  arms  against  the  Government,  and  the 
men  who  conspired  to  destroy  this  glorious  Republic.  Because  these 
men  are  disfranchised  and  prevented  from  exercising  the  rights  of 
American  citizens,  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  object  to  our  proposed 
plan  of  reconstruction.  Sir,  they  would  have  the  Southern  States 
reconstructed  according  to  the  plan  of  Andrew  Johnson,  the  gentle- 
man who  is  so  immaculate  that  if  we  should  attempt  to  impeach  him, 
it  will,  according  to  the  gentleman  from  Brooklyn,  amount  to  a 
national  calamity.  What  was  the  plan  of  Andrew  Jonson?  Why, 
sir,  that  plan  proposed  to  declare  that  those  Stales  that  had  engaged 
in  rebellion  had  never  lost  any  of  their  rights  in  the  govern- 
ment; that  neither  they  nor  the  citizens  had  forfeited  any  of  their 
privileges  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  In  other 
words,  that  treason  was  not  a crime;  that  rebels  were  patriots.  It 
proposed  to  invite  the  rebels  to  hold  elections  and  send  to  this  hall 
per  se  secessionists  and  traitors.  In  short,  to  construct  a new  party  in 
reconstructing  the  government  in  which  the  secession  rebels  of  the 
South  might  unite  with  the  copperhead  rebels  of  the  North,  capture 
the  citadel  of  power  here,  make  treason  honorable  and  loyalty  odious. 
There  is  nothing  that  to  regain  its  lost  power  the  Democratic  party 
would  not  willingly  do.  If  it  could  acquire  more  power  to-morrow  by 
crushing  under  its  iron  heel  the  South  than  it  could  by  succoring 
it,  it  would  hurl  at  its  Northern  brethren  thick  and  fast 

Curses  of  hate  and  kisses  of  scorn. 

Their  history  well  establishes  the  fact  that — 

Their  friendship  is  a lurking  snare, 

Their  honor  but  an  idle  breath, 

Their  smile  the  smile  that  traitors  wear, 

Their  love  is  hate,  their  life  is  death. 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAH. 


371 


Their  sympathy  with  Andrew  Johnson’s  plan  of  reconstruction, 
and  their  hostility  to  the  Republican  plan  of  reconstruction,  is  not 
attributable  to  the  merits  or  demerits  of  either  plan  as  a policy  for  the 
country,  but  solely  as  a party  policy. 

Now,  sir,  I maintain  that  the  only  true  plan  upon  which  these 
Southern  States  ought  to  have  been  reconstructed  is  by  virtue  of  an 
organization  of  military  governments,  and  the  principal  objection  to 
which  I find  the  bill  now  pending  before  this  House  obnoxious,  albeit 
I shall  vote  for  it,  is  that  it  fails  to  state  sulRciently  explicitly  that  the 
governments  of  these  States  were  entirely  overthrown  and  destroyed 
by  the  treason  and  rebellion  of  the  people,  and  that  no  legal  or  civil 
governments  have  existed  there  since.  I would  recognize  Governors 
or  other  olficers  pretending  to  act  there  now  in  an  official  capacity, 
but  would  remove  them  instanter.  I would  insist  that  when  the  fiery 
billows  of  war  rolled  over  the  South,  that  they  bore  away  into  the 
broad  ocean  of  chaos  their  laws  and  constitutions  as  the  floods  of 
their  own  mighty  father  of  waters  sweep  the  drift  wood  they  gather 
into  the  Mexican  Gulf;  and  that  according  to  the  laws  of  war  tlu*y 
were  subject  only  to  military  rule  at  the  hands  of  their  conquerers, 
and  so  ought  to  remain  until  traitors  shall  learn  howto  blush  for  their 
crimes,  and  modestly  decline  office,  instead  of  attempting  as  they  now 
do  daily,  to  thrust  themselves  forward  to  grasp  the  reins  of  a govern- 
ment that  they  hate  in  their  hearts.  I w^ould  put  the  rebels  on  proba- 
tion and  make  their  return  to  power  depend  up  the  merits  of  their 
penitence. 

But  let  us  return  to  the  gentleman’s  grave  charges  of  outrages 
and  wrongs  supposed  to  have  been  committed  by  this  Congress.  To 
be  charitable,  we  will  have  to  give  the  gentleman  and  his  party  credit 
for  a memory  as  full  of  treachery  as  their  Southern  brethren  were  of 
treason.  They  seem  to  have  forgotten  everything  they  ought  to 
remember,  and  remember  some  things  they  certainly  ought  not  only 
to  forget  themselves,  but  want  everybody  else  to  forget.  They  seem 
to  have  forgotten  the  scenes  and  events  that  mark  the  historical  epoch 
through  which  we  have  so  recently  passed,  and  then  seem  to  have 
totally  forgotten  that  these  pet  Southern  brethren  of  theirs,  when  they 
did  occupy  seats  on  this  floor,  gave  us  practical  illustrations  of  dig- 
nity in  debate  that  made  this  hall  a “bear  garden,”  and  much  more 
attractive  to  lovers  of  gladiatorial  sports  and  patrons  of  the  “fancy” 
than  they  could  have  been  to  the  wise,  prudent,  sedate  and  good  citi- 
zen; when  bowie-knives  bristled  from  their  breasts,  revolvers  filled 
all  their  pockets,  and  clubs  were  substituted  among  them  for  canes; 
when  they  spoke  to  a Northern  legislator  in  these  halls  with  a sqowi 


372 


LIFE  OF  JOHH  A.  LOGAII. 


on  their  brows,  threats  on  their  lips  and  fingers  on  triggers.  It  is 
true,  we  have  blotted  out  for  them  eternally  and  forever  the  charming 
institution  under  the  peculiar  influences  of  which  they  imbibed  these 
dogmatical  and  insolent  airs;  but  if,  when  it  was  in  full  blast,  they 
could  not  remember  that  the  style  of  manners  that  might  do  to  drive 
a gang  of  slaves  would  not  answer  to  persuade  a Congressional  peer, 
it  is  not  at  all  probable  that  time  enough  has  yet  elapsed  for  the  fact 
to  appear  in  their' manners,  that  they  fully  and  properly  realize  the 
fact  in  all  of  its  moral  and  political  sublimity,  that  they  are  not  some- 
body’s ma  der,  and  yet  may  again  subject  us  to  their  old  style  of  argu- 
ment so  peculiarly  Southern. 

They  seem  to  have  forgotten  the  price  the  peace  we  enjoy  to-day 
has  cost  this  Nation,  and  the  crimson  currency  in  which  it  was  paid; 
the  broken  hearts  with  which  it  filled  bruised  and  troubled  bosoms  at 
home;  the  mianglcd  bodies  with  which  it  filled  hospitals  everywhere, 
and  the  lifeless  forms  of  manly  beauty  with  which  it  filled  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  nameless  graves  on  the  far-off  battle-plains  of  the 
South.  They  seem  to  have  forgotten  the  bitter  scalding  tears  that 
rolled  like  floods  of  lava  down  the  fair  faces  of  the  loyal  mothers, 
wives  and  sisters  of  this  land  when  the  names  ineffably  dear  to  them 
were  found  announced  in  the  long  lists  of  the  killed  that  were  pub- 
lished as  a sequel  to  the  first  flash  of  the  lightning  that  reported  a 
battle  had  been  fought;  and  I dare  say  they  have  forgotten  that  there 
ever  was  such  a prison  as  Andersonville,  and  the  long,  long  catalogue 
of  horrors  that  brave  men  had  to  suffer  there  for  being  true  to  them- 
selves, their  constitution,  their  flag,  their  homes,  families,  and  coun- 
try. Well  for  such  gentleman  would  it  be  if  they  could  occasionally 
meet,  as  they  wander  over  this  broad  country,  a few  of  the  many 
wan  specters  of  suffering  and  woe  who  were  captured  by  the  saintly 
southern  brethren  of  northern  Democrats  on  fields  of  strife,  thrust 
into  prisons  unfit  for  dogs,  and  starved  till  a hale  constitution  was  a 
wreck,  and  then  left  to  suffer  the  worst  penalties  of  privation  incident 
to  weather  and  climate.  I could  give  my  friend  from  Brooklyn  illuS' 
trations  of  individual  suffering  at  Andersonville  that  would  make  the 
hair  stand  on  his  head,  the  blood  freeze  in  his  veins,  and  curses  spring 
involuntarily  from  his  lips.  I remember  one  poor  boy  from  my  im- 
mediate vicinity,  especially.  His  name  is  Dougherty.  He  went  into 
Andersonville  prison  without  a scar  upon  his  young  body  or  a cloud 
on  his  fair  brow,  but  under  the  humanitarianism  of  Southern  chivalry 
he  came  out  without  a foot  to  walk  on.  They  were  literally  frozen 
off  in  prison. 

TbQie  are  thousands  of  such  instances  that  might  be  paraded  if  I 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAK. 


373 


had  the  time  or  inclination  to  do  it,  to  justify  the  stern,  uncompro- 
mising disinclination  I feel  to  call,  by  the  gentle  term  of  brother,  these 
rebels  of  the  South.  When  I find  in  their  conduct  conclusive  proof 
of  contrition,  and  find  them  openly  opposed  to  becoming  the  instru- 
ments and  tools  of  Northern  Democrats,  who,  while  the  war  was 
raging,  accepted  the  protection  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  and  now  have 
the  graceless  elfrontery  to  brag  that  they  were  false  to  it,  may  and 
probably  will  then  be  glad  to  welcome  them  back  to  the  Union.  But 
when  I do  that,  I wish  to  be  able  to  go  home  and  face  the  widows 
and  orphans  that  sw^arm  the  broad  prairies  of  the  West,  whose  weeds 
of  mourning  meet  us  there  on  the  highways  and  the  byways,  and 
answer  any  reasonable  question  they  may  have  to  ask.  I recognize 
the  responsibility  of  a Representative  here  to  his  constituency,  and  I 
feel  that  a woman  or  child  who  cannot  vote  may  have  as  sacred  a 
right  to  ask  me  a question  as  a man  w^ho  can,  and  I am  simply 
anxious  to  prepare  myself  to  meet  all  such  comers.  In  the  silent 
vigils  of  the  noiseless  night,  many  a time  and  oft  have  I fancied 
I could  hear,  coming  on  the  soft  whispering  breezes  of  the  South, 
from  the  lowly  pillows  of  loyal  soldiers  sleeping  sweetly  where  they 
fell  gallantly,  the  affectionate  message:  “Be  of  good  cheer;  stand 
fast  and  firm  at  duty’s  sacred  post.  It  was  standing  there  we  lost  the 
crown  of  life  to  win  a crown  of  glory,  and  we  appeal  to  you  now, 
from  our  bright  liome  here  in  Heaven,  to  save  our  offspring  from  the 
dire  necessity  of  having  to  perish  as  we  perished  to  save  from 
destruction  the  altars  and  temples  of  liberty.”  And  how  are  we  to  do 
this?  Flattering  rebels,  tolerating  treason,  and  petting  political  prof- 
ligates? I do  not  recognize  the  right  of  rebel  States  to  insist  that  no 
issue  not  made  with  them  during  the  war  can  be  legitimately  consid- 
ered now.  If  they  established  a nationality  and  had  been  recognized 
and  treated  with  by  the  nations  of  the  earth,  then  such  a proposition 
might  per  possibility  have  had  some  claims  to  consideration,  but 
otherwise  certainly  not. 

The  position  I wish  to  assume  so  distinctly  that  it  will  and  cannot 
be  misunderstood,  is  simply  this:  That  treason  is  a crime;  that  traitors 
are  criminals;  that  the  law  is  supreme;  that  when  it  is  violated  expia- 
tion must  follow;  and  I hold  that  mercy  to  the  wicked  is  cruelty  to 
the  just.  Here  is  presented  an  issue,  I admit,  with  the  President. 
He  does  not  proceed  upon  the  proposition  that  treason  is  a crime;  that 
rebels  are  criminals,  and  that  legal  penalties  are  enforcible.  He  is  so 
eagerly  anxious  to  forgive  that  he  seems  to  forget  that  no  forgiveness 
has  ever  been  proposed  yet  save  as  a sequel  to  penitence.  Having 
failed  utterly  to  establish  anything  resembling  a nationality,  the 


374 


LltE  OF  JOHN  A.  LOGAK. 


Southern  States  can  properly  claim  the  protection  of  no  laws  interna- 
tional upon  that  subject.  My  consent  can  never  be  commanded  to 
ignore  the  claims  that  I feel  that  the  gallant  dead  who  fell  fighting 
under  our  flag  have  upon  my  devotion  to  their  fame  while  I live.  Let 
the  poet’s  tribute  to  the  soldier’s  memory  be  eternally  illustrated  in 
the  practical  gratitude  of  the  American  people  when  he  said: 

On  fame’s  eternal  camping-ground. 

Their  silent  tents  are  spread. 

While  glory  guards  with  solemn  round 
The  bivouac  of  the  dead. 

And  how  others  feel  I cannot  tell;  but  I am  free  to  confess  that  I 
feel  it  is  the  memory  of  those  who  fought  and  fell  under  our  flag, 
who  charged  rebel  batteries,  carried  rebel  heights,  vanquished  rebel 
legions,  and  finally  crushed  the  rebellion,  that  has  a claim  upon  our 
respect,  care  and  veneration,  far  above  office  seekers  and  political  par- 
tisans. 

The  gentleman  from  New  York  says  that  he  and  his  friends  are 
bound  to  have  the  next  President,  and  that  we  are  bound  to  impeach 
him.  We  have  not  yet  impeached  any  President,  and  if  in  the  past 
we  would  not,  it  is  hardly  presumable  that  in  the  future  we  will. 

A member — You  would  if  you  could. 

Mr.  Logan — I shall  not  say  what  I would  do,  but  until  the  wishes 
of  the  people  command  here  a proper  respect,  I do  not  think  the 
gentleman  need  to  feel  any  very  serious  alarm  about  what  we  will  do. 

The  gentleman  has  nominated  General  Grant  for  the  presidency, 
and  if  General  Grant  has  any  enemies  I dare  say  the  gentleman’s 
nomination  must  have  made  them  profoundly  happy.  General  Grant 
rarely  has  anything  to  say,  and  when  he  does  speak  it  is  generally 
directly  to  the  point,  and  from  that  fact  the  inference  is  fair  that  he 
will  be  found  more  than  equal  to  any  occasion  that  may  call  on  him 
to  take  care  of  the  true  interests  of  his  fame  and  fortunes,  whenever 
and  wherever  they  may  be  directly  or  Indirectly  threatened.  But 
were  I General  Grant  and  really  aspiring  to  the  presidency,  I would 
give  the  gentleman  notice  that  if  he  wanted  an  office  from  me,  his 
claims  to  consideration  would  depend  upon  not  how  much,  but  how 
little  he  had  to  say  in  my  behalf.  [Laughter.]  Presidents  rarely 
owe  their  success  to  their  enemies.  General  Grant  may  learn  a 
wholesome  lesson  from  the  South  about  the  consequences  of  falling 
into  bad  company  hunting  for  friends. 

General  Grant  is  certainly  a great  and  good  man.  He  deserves 
and  enjoys  the  affection  and  confidence  of  this  Nation.  His  personal 
popularity  is  universal.  His  military  fame  has  spread 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAN. 


375 


From  earth’s  remotest  bounds  to  ocean’s  loneliest  shore. 

It  rests  upon  the  adamantine  pedestal  of  success  and  rises  above 
mortal  criticism,  and  if  it  can  survive  to  admiration  and  friendship 
of  home-bound  sympathizers  with  the  precious  Southern  brethren,  at 
whose  ignominious  expense  he  won  his  laurels,  then,  indeed,  may  his 
true  and  real  friends  rejoice  in  the  conclusion  that  it  is  beyond  a lin- 
gering shadow  of  doubt  more  than  indestructible.  Paradoxes  do  not 
amount  to  phenomenas;  but,  nevertheless,  they  rarely  pass  away 
unnoticed,  and  the  paradoxical  proposition  of  finding  in  the  self  same 
member  of  this  House  the  friend  alike  of  General  Grant  and  Jeff 
Davis  cannot  do  so.  It  is,  at  least,  worth  a passing  comment.  There 
is  not  one  single  passing  shadow  of  resemblance  between  the  histories, 
achievements,  principles,  sentiments,  or  purposes  of  the  arch-traitor 
and  the  loyal  general.  The  one  is  small,  in  all  things  small;  the  other 
is  great  in  virtues  and  talents  that  rank  greatest.  The  name  of  the 
one  will  go  down  to  posterity  a by-word  of  scorn  and  reproach,  while 
the  name  of  the  other  will  live  to  be  given  at  the  baptismal  font  to 
thousands  of  infant  patriots  yet  to  be  born;  and  to  me  it  is  a riddle 
utterly  incomprehensible  that  one  and  the  same  man  can  be,  at  one 
and  the  same  time,  alike  the  friend  of  Jeff,  the  traitor,  and  Grant, 
the  patriot. 

Mr.  Eldridge — How  about  Horace  Greeley? 

Mr.  Logan — Greeley,  indeed  ! That  he  is  Jeff’s  friend  you  may 
prove,  but  where  is  the  evidence  he  is  Grant’s? 

I trust  that  the  apparent  egotism  of  an  illusion  now  that  is  some- 
what necessary  to  myself  will  be  pardoned.  I am  branded  by  polit- 
ical and  sectional  partisans  with  such  epithets  as  ‘‘bloodthirsty,” 
“unforgiving,”  “unrelenting,”  etc.,  etc.  How  this  has  been  ascer- 
tained is  inexplicable  to  me. 

Who  has  sought  my  forgiveness  that  I have  refused  to  give?  For- 
giveness is  taught  in  the  Lord’s  prayer,  but  we  are  not  therein  in- 
structed to  thrust  forgiveness  upon  the  unrepentant  and  the  defiant. 
Forgiveness  is  not  so  cheap  a virtue  that  it  may  be  prodigally  wasted 
unasked  upon  the  idle  and  indifferent.  The  forgiveness  that  antici- 
pates repentance  will  multiply  crimes  faster  than  it  will  reform  crim- 
inals. When  the  rebels  of  the  South  begin  properly  to  repent  and 
find  moral  courage  enough  to  make  before  the  world  a manly 
acknowledgment  of  it,  then,  and  not  until  then,  will  I take  into  ques- 
tion their  forgiveness  at  all.  I have  no  premium  to  offer  in  the 
shape  of  forgiveness  to  the  insolence  of  an  obstinacy  that  deigns  not 
to  ask  for  that  forgiveness.  I would  open  a gulf  bet  ween  treason  and 
loyalty,  wide  enough  to  make  the  dwellers  on  its  opposite  shores 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  A.  LOQAK. 


376 

strangers,  and  deep  enough  to  swallow  legions  in  arms.  I would  fill 
it  with  waves  of  fire  through  which  no  unrepenting  living  thing 
could  swim,  and  over  which  no  soaring  philanthropy  <;ould  fiy  and 
survive.  Sickly  sentimentalism  is  a great  crime-breeder.  Immunity 
for  one  crime  provokes  the  perpetration  of  many.  Men  are  but 
grown-up  children,  and  when  you  spare  the  rod  you  will  spoil  the 
child,  whether  the  child  be  a young  child  or  an  old  child.  I am  not 
one  of  those  who  would  hesitate  to  try,  convict,  condemn  and  exe- 
cute a traitor  for  treason. 

Mr.  Niblack  — Will  the  gentleman  allow  me  to  ask  him  a ques- 
tion? 

Mr.  Logan — Yes,  if  it  is  not  a very  long  one. 

Mr.  Niblack  — I would  ask  the  gentleman  whether  in  the  summer 
of  1861,  after  the  war  broke  out,  he  did  not  vote  as  a member  of  this 
House  against  the  expulsion  of  General  John  B.  Clarke,  of  Missouri, 
who  had  joined  the  rebellion? 

Mr.  Logan  — The  Journals  of  this  House  show  all  my  votes,  and 
the  gentleman  might  have  found  all  the  information  I can  give  him 
there.  I am  not  in  the  habit  of  voting  in  this  House  to  make  ud sup- 
ported rumors  history.  A charge  may  have  been  filed  here  against 
General  Clarke,  and  when  the  testimony  to  sustain  it  was  adduced  it 
may  have  utterly  failed,  as  in  his  case,  according  to  my  recollection,  it 
did.  The  disposition,  however,  to  make  a verdict  thus  conscientiously 
rendered  by  me  in  defense  of  an  absent  and  unconvicted  member  of 
their  own  party,  redound  now  to  my  prejudice,  furnishes  another 
beautiful  illustration  of  Democratic  magnanimity  and  justice. 
When  I cast  that  vote  I voted  with  the  Democratic  party;  now  it  is 
thrown  into  my  teeth  by  a member  of  that  party  as  a repi*oach.  It 
may  have  been  a reckless  thing  in  me  then  to  doubt  the  natural  strong 
probability  that  a Democrat  was  a rebel,  and  for  it,  perhaps,  I deserve 
to  be  publicly  twitted  and  sharply  rebuked;  but  I will  endeavor  to 
see  to  it  for  the  future  that  I shall  merit  never  such  another  just 
reprimand  for  such  a graceless  reason  from  such  an  ungrateful 
source.  [Laughter.] 

The  unrelenting  war  waged  against  me  by  the  Democracy  is 
liable  to  be  misunderstood  if  looked  at  superficially.  It  is  not 
because,  as  has  been  suspected  by  some,  I was  a Democrat  and  am 
one  no  longer.  Dying  out,  as  it  has  been  for  the  last  eight  years, 
with  the  dry  rot,  that  party  has  become  too  much  accustomed  to  see 
men  of  sense  withdraw  their  allegiance  from  it  to  make  my  instance 
a source  of  serious  irritation.  The  true  reason,  which  explains  the 
malevolence  with  which  they  pursue  me,  will  be  found  in  the  fact 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAIsT. 


377 


that  while  the  recent  war  was  raging  the  honorable  distinction  was 
awarded  to  me  of  having  put  to  the  sword  my  full  share  of  their 
party,  who  fell  fighting  in  front  of  my  command,  under  the  spotted 
flag  of  treason,  to  support  their  sentiments  and  principles.  [Loud 
applause  from  the  floor  of  the  House.] 

My  attention  having  been  especially  called  to  Horace  Greeley,  I 
am  free  to  say  that  I totally  disapprove  of  his  sympathy  for  Jeff  and 
his  peculiar  manner  of  manifesting  that  sympathy.  Had  I captured 
Jefferson  Davis  and  his  disposal  been  committed  to  my  hands,  I 
would  have  organized  an  able  court-martial  and  have  given  him  a 
fair  trial,  a just  sentence  and  prompt  execution. 

Some  people  are  morbidly  sensitive  about  Jeff  Davis.  They  seem 
to  think  that  when  the  name  of  Cassius  honors  corruption,  chastise- 
ment ought  forever  to  hide  its  head.  They  belong  to  that  sickly  class 
of  temporizers  wdio  would  make  the  enormity  of  the  crime  and  the 
rank  of  the  criminal  good  pleas  in  bar  against  their  conviction.  If 
Jefferson  Davis  and  his  cabinet  are  criminals,  as  they  are,  they  ought 
to  be  tried  and  convicted;  if  convicted,  executed  like  all  other  felons 
convicted  of  capital  crimes.  If  they  were  tried  and  convicted,  as 
they  ought  to  be,  and  were  I chief  magistrate  of  this  republic,  no 
appeal  for  clemency  in  their  cases  should  ever  reach  me.  I would 
let  him  and  them  swing  until  they  would  pass  the  point  of  plotting 
treason,  and  smaller  traitors  might  profit  by  the  example  of  their 
ignominious  fate.  Until  a traitor  or  two  is  tried,  convicted  and  exe- 
cuted, the  people  of  the  United  States  can  confidently  expect  an 
annual  crop  of  armed  traitors  to  spring  from  the  tenderness  with 
wliich  traitors  are  treated  in  this  land.  So  mild  has  been  our  mercy 
that  Toombs,  the  fugitive  of  yesterday,  is  back  again  the  swaggerer 
of  to-day.  Emboldened  by  impunity,  he  grows  defiant,  and  seems 
determined  to  test  the  measure  of  his  importance  in  a last  desperate 
effort  to  draw  toward  him  the  attention  of  the  Government,  and 
down  upon  his  crimes  the  vengeance  of  the  law. 

But  what  has  he  to  fear  in  a government  where  rebels  are  par- 
doned before  they  are  tried,  and  where  no  traitor  has  ever  graced  the 
gallows?  John  Brown  was  tried,  convicted  and  executed ; but  that 
was  for  treason,  not  against  our  national  government,  but  the  State  of 
Virginia.  When  a Northern  man  trespasses  upon  Southern  soil  and 
commits  treason  he  has  the  crime  to  expiate  'on  the  scaffold,  but 
when  thousands  of  Southern  men  attempt  to  destroy  our  National 
government,  notwithstanding  the  diabolical  attempts,  drenches  our 
whole  land  with  blood  and  fills  it  with  the  piercing  wails  of  widows 
and  orphans  and  costs  thousands  of  millions  of  treasure,  neverthe- 


378 


um  OF  JOHK  A LOOAFT. 


less,  nobody  can  be  tried  for  it.  John  Brown  did  not  dip  deep  enough 
into  treason  to  make  it  respectable.  Had  he  managed  to  kill  fifty 
thousand  men  before  they  captured  him,  according  to  the  new  theory, 
he  would  have  stood  on  too  lofty  a pedestal  to  have  been  taken  down 
criminally.  But  for  the  life  of  me  I cannot  see  how  the  same  govern- 
ment that  assisted  Virginia  to  convict  John  Brown  can  refuse  to  try 
Jeff.  Davis,  If  John  Brown  was  held  responsible  for  an  outraged 
law,  why  is  not  likewise  Jefferson  Davis?  John  Brown’s  surviving 
kindred  can  take  to  their  souls  one  flattering  unction  at  least,  to-wit, 
that  he  did  not  die  in  vain.  I have  again  and  again  seen  thousands  of 
Union  soldiers  marching  into  the  battle  singing: 

John  Brown’s  body  lies  mouldering  in  the  grave, 

While  his  soul  goes  marching  on, 

and  they  never  failed  to  win  the  fight.  There  is  one  man  on  this 
continent  at  the  head  of  a government  tliat  has  exhibited  nerve 
enough  to  rule.  When  usurpers  and  traitors  are  captured  and  con- 
victed in  Mexico,  we  hear  at  one  and  the  same  time  of  their  stern 
sentence  and  prompt  execution.  President  Jaurez,  however,  is 
saluted  for  his  signal  exhibition  and  firmness  with  howls  of  horror 
from  the  same  mercy  begging  lips  that  are  eternally  whining  about 
the  mercy  due  to  Jeff.  Why  do  men  professing  to  love  liberty  mani- 
fest an  interest  so  deep  and  strange  in  the  fate  of  a vaulting  ambition 
and  royalty  when  it  presumes  to  invade  this  Republican  continent 
and  overleap  itself?  Have  monarchical  governments  friends  whose 
pathies  are  too  keen  to  be  restrained  when  tribulation  overtakes  the 
toppling  throne,  and  do  they  propose  to  educate  the  popular  mind  of 
men  born  on  free  American  soil  to  catch  readily  at  excuses  to 
denounce  republicanism,  or  condole  with  the  mourning  nobility  over 
executed  emperors?  I deplore,  Mr.  Speaker,  such  exhibitions  of 
party  violence  as  have  again  and  again  recently  been  exhibited  on 
this  floor.  It  serves  to  remind  me  of  the  mournful  debates  we  had 
on  this  floor  just  before  the  war.  Rebels  then  used  very  much  such 
language  as  their  friends  employ  here  now.  But  it  is  to  be  depre- 
cated for  better  and  higher  reasons  still,  and  one  of  them  is,  the 
consequences  which  legitimately  flow  from  it  to  the  South. 

If  the  Democracy  of  the  North  had  not  taken  the  South  under  its 
v/ing,  those  States  might  and  probably  would  have  been  in  the  Union 
to-day.  Well  may  the  South  exclaim,  ‘"Save  us  from  our  friends.’’ 
I trust,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  we  will  pass  such  a bill  as  may  be  under- 
stood, properly  considered,  and  energetically  executed,  and  that  when 
it  is,  that  it  will  leave  the  State  governments  in  the  hands  of  men 
loyal  and  true  and  forever  prevent  disloyal  men  from  employing 


SPEECHES  OF  LOGAK. 


379 


power  and  place  to  foment  treason.  It  is  not  when  they  came,  but 
how  they  came;  that  is  the  all-important  query  with  me.  I would  be 
glad  to  welcome  them  back  to-morrow  if  I were  satisfied  they  were 
reorganized  right,  but  it  is  my  intention  to  vote  as  long  as  I have  a 
vote,  to  keep  them  out  until  they  can  come  in  on  the  broad  basis  of 
] I ^yalty  to  the  government.  And  when  they  can  do  that  I am  will- 
iiig  to  receive  their  representatives  to  the  halls  of  onr  national  Legis- 
lature, and  will  assist  to  protect  them  against  anything  anywise  preju- 
dicial to  any  of  their  legal  rights  or  interest  as  States. 

I have  seen  quite  enough  of  carnage  and  private  and  national  dis- 
tress, and  long  to  see  the  day  come  when  we  shall  be  as  peaceful, 
prosperous,  and  happy  as  we  were  before  that  crawling  serpent, 
secession,  sought  to  strangle  us  in  our  national  cradle.  That  day 
may  soon  come  again  when  the  South  will  rise  up  and  sternly  resolve 
that  they  will  follow  Naaman  through  the  Jordan  of  repentance,  until 
the  leprosy  of  treason  and  Democracy  shall  be  washed  out  of  their 
political  systems.  How  much  they  have  been  benefited  by  the  sym- 
pathies of  the  Democratic  party  they  ought  by  this  time  to  appreciate 
and  estimate.  The  hour  they  discover  they  possess  the  good  sense 
and  courage  to  repudiate  openly  and  emphatically  treason  and  em- 
brace warmly  and  sincerely  loyalty,  they  will  see  dawn  upon  them  a 
bright  morning,  regeneration,  and  deliverance. 


LOGAK  FOR  YICE-PRESIDEKT. 

^^The  nomination  of  General  John  A.  Logan  for  Vice- 
President,  with  James  G.  Blaine  as  the  candidate  for 
President,  has  made  the  Eepuhlican  ticket  of  this  year 
one  of  the  strongest  the  party  has  ever  presented.  The 
selection  has  given  the  second  place  the  dignity  and  impor- 
tance with  which  it  was  regarded  in  the  early  days  of  the 
Republic.  The  original  practice  was  that  the  candidate 
who  received  the  second  highest  number  of  electoral  votes 
was  elected  Vice-President;  and  during  a long  term  of 
years  the  people  were  in  the  habit  of  taking  up  the  Vice- 
President  who  had  filled  the  position  acceptably  and  elect- 
ing him  President.  Of  late  years  the  second  place  on 
the  Presidential  tickets  of  both  parties  has  been  awarded. 


380 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


on  the  ground  of  locality  or  to  conciliate  some  faction,  to 
a comparatively  obscure  person  who  would  not  have  been 
considered  for  the  first  place.  The  nomination  of  General 
Logan  is  a notable  departure  from  the  latter  practice  and 
a return  to  the  earlier  and  better  usages.  General  Logan 
was  a conspicuous  candidate  for  the  first  place^  and  would 
undoubtedly  have  developed  great  strength  if  he  had  been 
nominated  for  President.  He  is  a commanding  figure  in 
public  life.  The  people  will  feel  an  abiding  confidence 
that  in  case  a vacancy  in  the  Chief  Magistracy  shall  occur 
during  Blaine's  administration  the  office  will  be  admin- 
istered with  ability,  and  in  much  the  same  spirit  in  which 
Blaine  will  superintend  the  affairs  of  the  nation.  That 
should  always  be  the  first  consideration  in  the  selection  of 
a candidate  for  Vice-President.  Aside  from  this.  General 
Logan  will  bring  a tremendous  personal  strength  to  the 
campaign.  man  who  served  in  the  Union  army  is 

more  popular  than  he  is  with  the  old  soldiers.  He  came 
out  of  the  war  with  the  reputation  of  the  best  volunteer 
general  who  served  in  it.  He  stands  especially  high  with 
the  Grand  Army  of  the  Eepublic.  His  personal  valor, 
aside  from  his  martial  abilities,  has  commanded  the  enthu- 
siastic admiration  of  the  soldier  element,  and  his  steadfast 
zeal  in  behalf  of  the  veterans  upon  every  other  occasion,  as 
well  as  his  manly  and  consistent  attitude  in  regard  to  Fitz 
John  Porter's  case,  insure  a special  effort  among  the  Union 
soldiers  for  his  election. 

Logan's  other  qualifications  are  that  he  is  a representa- 
tive of  the  Stalwart  faction  of  the  party  which  opposed  Mr. 
Blaine's  candidacy  in  1880;  and  he  is  a typical  Western 
man — a native  of  Illinois — who  will  bring  out  an  enormous 
vote  in  all  the  Western  States.  The  unanimity  with  which 
the  nomination  was  conferred  upon  him,  including  the 
great  States  of  Uew  York  and  Pennsylvania,  must  be 
peculiarly  gratifying  to  him,  and  is  a striking  evidence  of 
his  strength." 


■V, « 


,;frjv. 


i;- 

H 


■|,f 


tv;:'  ."^  • 


». 


CHAPTEE  XXX. 

CHESTEE  ALLAI^  AETHUE. 

HESTEE  ALLAN  AETHUE,  the  President  of  the 


United  States,  whose  term  of  office  expires  March 
4, 1885,  is  a son  of  a Baptist  clergyman,  Eev.  Wm.  Arthur, 
D.D.,  who  came  to  this  country  from  Ballymena,  Ireland. 

Chester  was  prepared  for  college  by  his  father,  whose 
classical  attainments  were  of  a high  order,  and  the  cliar- 
acter  for  decision  and  strong  power  of  self-will  as  exhibited 
by  the  son,  show  plainly  the  source  of  inheritance. 
Chester  was  born  at  Fairfield,  Vermont,  on  the  5th  of 
October,  1830,  at  which  time  his  father  was  in  charge  of  a 
small  congregation  at  that  place,  and  at  Greenwich  (then 
Union  Village),  in  Washington  county.  New  York,  young 
Arthur’s  preparation  began  which  received  polish  at  a 
grammar  school  in  the  then  pleasant  little  village  of 
Schenectady. 

The  Hon.  James  I.  Laurie,  in  Headley’s  Life  of 
Arthur,’^  says,  in  a letter  to  Hon.  D.  E.  Anthony: 

Another  scholar  of  those  days,  though  only  about  twelve  years 
of  age,  was  Chester  A.  Arthur.  His  eyes  were  dark  and  brilliant, 
and  his  physical  system  finely  formed.  He  was  frank  and  open  in 
manners,  and  genial  in  disposition.  Even  at  that  early  age  he  was  a 
favorite  with  all  who  knew  him.  He  was  full  of  life  and  animation. 
His  active  abilities,  his  courage,  and  his  strength  of  will,  made  him 
a leader  among  his  companions.  One  of  his  sisters,  an  excellent  and 
beautiful  girl,  died  here  at  the  old  Baptist  parsonage,  where  the  Rev- 
erend-doctor Arthur  resided.  He  afterward  graduated  at  Union 
College,  and  settled  in  the  city  of  New  York,  and  distinguished  him- 
self as  a leading  and  reliable  statesman.  A few  years  ago  while  he 
was  Collector  of  the  Port  of  New  York,  he  came  here  to  visit  his  old 
home.  He  was  exceedingly  interested  in  all  the  familiar  places  in 
and  around  the  village,  and  especially  in  the  parsonage.  He  went 
through  every  room,  from  the  cellar  to  the  roof,  of  the  old,  time- 


381 


382 


LIFE  OF  CHESTEE  ALLA^I  AKTHUR. 


worn  building.  He  met  bis  early  friends  with  great  cordiality. 
There  is  no  more  genial,  reliable,  noble-hearted  man  in  the  State  of 
New  York  than  Chester  A.  Arthur. 

He  graduated  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  having  become 
very  popular  with  his  fellow  students.  After  graduation 
he  attended  a law  school  at  Ballston  Springs  for  several 
months,  then  returned  to  Lansingburg,  where  his  father 
resided,  and  studied  law.  When  twenty-one  years  of  age 
he  obtained  a situation  as  principal  of  an  academy  at 
North  Pownel,  Vermont,  and  prepared  boys  for  college. 
Mr.  Arthur,  having  been  admitted  to  the  bar,  determined 
to  commence  the  practice  of  his  chosen  profession.  He 
went  to  New  York  and  entered  into  partnership  with 
Judge  E.  D.  Culver,  whom  he  had  known  when  the  latter 
v/as  member  of  Congress  from  Washington  County.  The 
firm  from  the  first  enjoyed  a lucrative  practice.  Mr. 
Arthur^s  anti-slavery  sentiments  and  his  legal  knowledge 
were  both  displayed  in  the  celebrated  Lemon  slave  case,  in 
which  was  settled  the  principle  that  slaves  became  free 
when  brought  into  the  State  of  New  York  by  their  mas- 
ters. The  decision  caused  great  excitement  at  the  South, 
the  Governor  of  Georgia  declaring  that  it  was  a just  cause 
for  war.  In  1856  Mr.  Arthur  took  an  active  part  in  poli- 
tics in  the  city  of  New  York,  having  been  a delegate  to 
the  Saratoga  Eepublican  Convention  previous  to  that  date. 
Governor  Morgan  appointed  him  Engineer-in-Chief  on  his 
staff.  Mr.  Arthur  acquired  some  military  knowledge 
while  Judge  Advocate  General  of  the  second  brigade  of 
the  New  York  State  militia.  When  the  war  broke  out 
Mr.  Arthur  was  selected  to  establish  in  New  York  city 
the  branch  Quartermaster's  Department,  and  to  take 
charge  of  the  same.  Mr.  Arthur  displayed  great  energy 
and  executive  ability  while  fulfilling  the  duties  of  this 
appointment.  He  was  deprived  of  this  office  by  Geneial 
Seymour  in  1860,but  when  General  Grant  ran  for  President 
Mr,  Arthur  became  president  of  the  Central  Grant  Club 


TOWJ^^SEJS^D'S  i^OMlNATING  SPEECH. 


383 


of  New  York,  and  chairman  of  the  executive  committee  of 
the  Eepublican  State  Committee.  He  was  appointed  by 
President  Grant,  Collector  of  the  port  of  New  York  in 
1871.  In  1878,  having  been  succeeded  by  General  E.  A. 
Merritt,  he  returned  to  the  practice  of  his  profession.  In 
1879  he  was  chosen  chairman  of  the  Eepublican  State  Con- 
vention, and  in  June,  1880,  was  nominated  for  Vice-Pres- 
ident at  Chicago,  and  in  November  elected.  Upon  the 
death  of  Garfield,  on  the  night  of  the  nineteenth  of  Sep- 
tember, 1881,  Mr.  Arthur  took  the  oath  of  office  as  Presi- 
dent. His  course  and  action  since  he  became  President  is 
a part  of  our  present  political  history.  It  is  sufficient  to 
say  that  the  office  is  honestly  and  creditably  administered, 
and  as  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  great  nation  Mr.  Arthur 
bears  himself  with  great  dignity  and  firmness  and  gives  no 
occasion  for  political  discontent.  He  was  candidate  for 
re-nomination  before  the  great  Eepublican  National  Con- 
vention at  Chicago  in  1884. 

SPEECH  OF  MARTIH  I.  TOWl^SEi^D,  HOHIXATIi^'G 
CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 

Mr.  Townsend  said  : Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of 

the  Convention : America  is  proud  of  her  great  men  ; 
the  Eepublican  party  is  proud  of  her  great  men,  and  the 
great  men  of  America  are  in  the  Eepublican  party.  It  has 
warmed  the  cockles  of  my  heart  to  hear  the  eulogiums 
pronounced  here  to-night.  I abate  not  a whit  from  the 
speakers  who  have  uttered  the  eloquent  eulogiums  in  my 
admiration  of  those  men.  I come  here  to  say  amen  and 
thrice  amen  to  all  achievements  of  the  Eepublican  party, 
including  the  glorious  history  of  the  gentlemen  whose 
names  have  been  presented  here.  I come  here,  however, 
to  talk  about  the  well-being  of  the  Eepublican  party  in  the 
future,  and  I say  to  the  gentlemen  of  this  convention  that, 
however  joyous  our  evening  interview  may  be  here,  there 
is  a very  grave  responsibility  resting  upon  us  that  has  got 


384 


LIFE  OF  CHESTER  ALLAH  ARTHUR. 


to  be  borne  and  decided  by  cool  and  deliberate  judgment. 
The  question  is,  How  shall  we  put  ourselves  before  the 
American  people  in  a shape  to  secure  their  suffrages  at  the 
November  election  ? and  it  is  a serious  question.  In 
France,  when  the  National  Assemblies  from  1790  to  1880 
were  assembled,  a demonstration  from  the  surrounding 
mobs  in  Paris,  and  assent  by  the  National  Assemblies, 
settled  the  question;  but  we  may  exert  influence  upon  this 
body,  we  may  obtain  the  assent  of  the  body,  and  yet  our 
work  is  not  done.  We  have  got  to  go  down  to  the  constit- 
uencies that  sent  us  here;  we  have  got  to  shape  our  action 
so  that  it  shall  commend  itself  to  the  men  that  go  to  the 
churches;  the  clergymen,  the  Elders,  and  the  Deacons,  and 
the  members,  and  the  citizens  that  attend  the  churches — 
all  that  fear  God  and  love  the  Eepublic  have  got  to  canvass 
our  action  and  pass  in  judgment  upon  what  we  have  done. 
Now,  how  shall  we  meet  the  views  of  these  people?  I come 
to  speak  to  you  in  carrying  out  what  I believe  is  most 
likely  to  gain  the  favor  of  the  electors  of  this  country — 
the  Eepublican  electors.  I have  to  speak  of  an  individual. 

I speak  of  General  Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  the  State  of 
New  York.  I shall  not  dwell  on  the  early  history  of  Ches- 
ter A.  Arthur  ; I shall  content  myself  with  saying  that 
his  veins  are  filled  with  blood  that  derives  its  richness  from 
the  Campbells  of  Argyle  and  from  the  North  of  Ireland,  the 
sturdiest  stock  in  the  universe.  He  passed  the  typical  life 
of  the  American  boy;  without  money  he  had  to  make  up 
by  merit  for  what  he  lacked  of  the  filthy  lucre.  Four 
years  ago  he  was  taken  up  by  the  National  Assembly  that 
met  here  and  nominated  for  the  office  of  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States.  He  was  elected  upon  the  same 
ticket  with  the  sainted  Garfield,  a man  whom  I loved.  I 
knew  him  way  back  in  1856,  when  a boy  struggling  in  col- 
lege, in  my  own  college  in  Williamstown,  in  dear  old 
Massachusetts,  where  my  early  boyhood  days  were  passed, 
^ud  I met  him  in  the  National  Congress;  four  long  years 


TOWi^’SEKD'S  NOMIKATIKG  SPEECH. 


385 


I sat  by  his  side,  and  I felt  that  when  the  National  Con- 
vention had  nominated  Garfield  they  had  done  themselves 
honor,  they  had  done  the  country  the  greatest  favor  that 
it  was  possible  in  that  day  and  under  the  then  circumstances 
for  them  to  confer  upon  it.  In  the  providence  of  God — 
a mournful,  and  melancholy,  and  never-to-be-forgotten 
providence — Mr.  Garfield  was  removed  from  the  field  of 
action  and  Mr.  Arthur  was  called  to  the  difficult  and  al- 
most disheartening  duty  of  taking  his  position  as  the 
Chief  Executive  officer  of  this  Union;  and  from  that  day 
his  work  has  been  constant,  forward,  unswerving,  kind, 
faithful,  considerate  to  all,  and  with  charity  for  all  and 
malice  against  none  he  has  discharged  his  duties  [ap- 
plause], until,  within  a year,  every  Eepublican  convention 
in  this  Union  has  passed  a resolution  of  unqualified  com- 
mendation upon  this  man  and  his  conduct  in  the  Presi- 
dential office.  [Applause.]  Shall  I say  that  I need  not 
utter  commendation?  What  have  you  said  to-day?  ^^In 
the  Administration  of  President  Arthur  we  recognize  a 
wise,  conservative,  and  patriotic  policy,  under  which  the 
country  has  been  blessed  with  remarkable  prosperity,  and 
we  believe  his  eminent  services  are  entitled  to  and  will 
receive  the  hearty  approval  of  every  citizen.’^  [Applause.] 
This  is  to  go  down  to  the  fireside  of  every  constituent  of 
this  assembly — I mean  of  this  Eepublican  assembly — and 
they  will  hold  you,  my  friends  of  this  convention,  they 
will  hold  you  to  what  you  have  said  on  this  occasion. 

We  have  a big  constituency;  we  have  greater  difficul- 
ties than  our  Democratic  friends.  When  our  Democratic 
friends  declare  their  principles  they  get  their  friends  to 
believe  that  they  are  in  earnest  and  that  they  achieve  a 
triumph.  Nothing  makes  them  so  happy,  nothing  makes 
their  constituents  so  proud  of  them,  as  to  have  them  turn 
tail  and  profess  that  they  never  meant  what  they  said. 
Our  people  hold  no  such  doctrine.  What  will  they  say  to 
us  if  we  say  we  are  not  in  earnest  about  this  thing  ? Some 
25 


386 


LIFE  OF  CHESTER  ALLAIS"  ARTHUR. 


ten  years  ago  a large  portion  of  our  citizens  came  to  feel  1 
that  the  mode  of  distributing  inferior  and  clerical  offices  ? 
throughout  the  country  was  injurious  to  public  morality,  i 
and  would  in  the  end  be  subversive  of  the  best  interests  | 
of  the  people.  They  started  then  what  is  called  the  ^ 
agitation  for  civil  service  reform.  A great  many  hesitated,  ] 
a great  many  believed  it  was  not  necessary  ; but  by  and  by 
the  persistency  of  the  earnest  men  that  favored  this 
motion,  the  earnest  men  who  determined  that  the  reform  j 
of  the  civil  service  upon  the  principles  that  they  indicated 
must  and  should  be  accomplished  and  preserved,  had  its  ^ 
effect  until  now  for  more  than  eight  years  no  National,  no  ^ 
State  Convention  has  ever  been  organized  without  passing  I 
a resolution  in  favor  of  civil  service  reform.  We  passed  ; 
laws,  we  have  appointed  commissioners,  the  commissioners  • 
have  gone  into  action,  and  through  the  administration  of  | 
Mr.  Garfield  all  the  principles  of  the  civil  service  re-  | 
formers — and  that  included  the  whole  Eepublican  party — ] 

have  been  put  in  practice.  It  is  not  that  I say  so.  The  1 
Commissioners  themselves,  in  their  report  to  the  National  i 
Congress,  declared  that  Mr.  Arthur,  in  every  respect,  has  ] 
carried  out  the  laws  and  aided  them  to  the  extent  of  his  •:! 
power.  :] 

Another  thing  has  happened  under  this  Administra-  ;j 
tion.  It  may  be  said  that  I hold  an  office.  I do — for  / 
which  I am  indebted  to  the  late  President,  Eutherford  B.  ? 
Hayes,  a most  excellent  gentleman,  who  did  honor  to  the  ^ 
country  in  the  office.  I am  here  to  speak  for  the  man 
who  is  now  President;  but  the  day  has  arrived  when  a man  ^ 
can  safely  come  to  oppose  the  head  of  the  National  Ad-  j 
ministration.  There  sits  my  friend  Judge  Eobertson,  of  \ 
the  city  of  New  York,  the  Collector  of  the  port  of  New  < 
York,  coming  here  like  an  honest  man,  and  a brave-hearted  ' 
man,  to  carry  out  his  views  directly  in  opposition  to  the  ^ 
President.  He  fears  no  disturbance.  i 

I am  bound  to  say  another  thing,  I would  hate  myself  | 


TOWNSEKD^S  iTOMIKATIKG  SPEECH. 


387 


forever  if  I did  not  say  it.  Much  has  been  said  about  New 
York  State  politics;  much  has  been  said  about  the  New 
York  machine,  with  Eoscoe  Oonkling  and  Thomas  C.  Platt 
turning  the  crank  of  the  machine.  I have,  sir,  to  prove 
that  Mr.  Arthur  has  not  prostituted  his  office  to  the  pur- 
poses of  faction,  but  to  point  to  the  fact  that  Eoscoe 
Oonkling  has  given  his  whole  influence  against  Mr.  Arthur, 
and  that  Mr.  Thomas  0.  Platt,  the  man  that  resigned  his 
office,  and  the  man  that  could  not  sit  in  Garfield's  Admin- 
istration because  Mr.  Blaine  was  so  wicked  as  to  persuade 
Mr.  Garfield  to  nominate  Mr.  Eobertson  for  Collector  of 
the  port  of  New  York,  is  also  opposed  to  Mr.  Arthur. 

I am  an  old  man,  but  I am  one  of  those  men  that  for 
fifty  years,  in  speaking  of  politics,  have  uttered  just  the 
sentiment  that  I felt  and  believed.  My  work  is  almost 
done,  but  if  it  be  the  last  act  of  my  life  I want  to  call  the 
attention  of  this  convention  to  the  exhibition  that  we  have 
had  here  to-night  as  an  evidence  that  the  executive 
chamber,  if  it  ever  was  otherwise,  is  not  now  the  caucus- 
room  of  faction. 

Now,  the  people,  when  we  go  down  to  our  homes,  will 
say:  What  means  this?  Mr.  Arthur  has  had  everybody's 

commendation.  The  politicians  met  at  Chicago,  and  were 
compelled  by  the  force  of  public  opinion,  by  what  we 
thought,  to  give  this  unqualified  commendation  for  the 
administration  of  Chester  A.  Arthur,  and  yet  he  was  not 
renominated."  Mr.  President,  when  you  took  the  chair, 
in  speaking  of  the  great  and  glorious  men  whose  names 
had  come  before  this  convention  for  consideration,  you 
said  that  this  Chester  A.  Arthur  had  justly  won  .the  com- 
mendation, Well  done,  good  and  faithful  servant."  Sir, 
you  quoted  from  a book.  But  what  is  said  in  that  book 
should  be  done  with  the  good  and  faithful  servant?  Turn 
him  out  into  the  brush-pasture  to  starve?  That  is  not  the 
doctrine  of  that  book.  The  good  and  faithful  servant  is 
everywhere  promised  his  reward.  That  is  a v/onderfully 


388 


LIFE  OF  CHESTER  ALLAH  ARTHUR. 


good  book;  and  for  a digression  let  me  say  to  the  young 
gentlemen  not  members  of  the  convention  who  cried  so 
loudly  for  my  friend  Ingersoll  last  night  that  there  is  a 
great  deal  of  most  instructive  and  interesting  reading  in 
that  book  if  they  shall  have  the  grace  to  attend  to  it. 

I have  stated  the  people  are  full  of  scrutiny.  There  is 
more,  sir.  We  are  to  meet  an  intelligent,  a tireless  enemy. 
The  Democratic  party  are  watching  for  a break  in  our 
armor.  They  have  their  lances  at  rest.  They  have  their 
spears  pointed,  and  whenever  we  lay  open  our  armor  they 
are  ready  to  pierce  the  Eepublican  party  to  the  heart. 
What  will  they  say:  ^^Oh,  here!  Oh,  here!  What  a nice 
party  you  are!  You  have  been  prating  ten  years  about 
the  reform  of  the  civil  service;  you  have  been  prating  ten 
years  about  having  a non-factional  administration.  You 
found  one,  as  you  say  yourselves,  and  yet  for  the  purpose 
of  picking  up  somebody  else  you  have  struck  down  and 
cast  into  oblivion,  as  far  as  you  had  the  power  to  do  it,  the 
very  man  that  has  done  the  work  that  you  set  him  to  do, 
after  spending  ten  years  in  preparing  for  his  hand.^"^  I 
said  the  Democrats  could  do  anything.  They  had  their 
friend  of  civil-service  reform.  They  had  their  Mr.  Pendle- 
ton in  Ohio.  They  claqued  him  loudly;  they  patted  him 
on  the  back  when  he  made  his  speeches  for  civil-service 
reform,  but  when  he  came  down  to  Ohio  for  renomination 
to  be  returned  to  the  Senate,  they  whistled  him  down  the 
wind.  Said  they:  It  will  strengthen  the  party,  but  it 
will  not  strengthen  us.  Our  constituents  will  look  unto 
us.  In  the  days  of  James  II.  he  got  into  difficulty  with 
the  bishops.  He  imprisoned  all  the  leading  bishops  in 
England.  Among  them  was  Trelawney,  from  Cornwali, 
Bishop  of  Bristol.  The  Cornishmen  were  very  much 
excited  because  their  friend  was  in  jail,  and  a distich  was 
sent  out,  the  burden  of  which  was  this* 

And  shall  Trelawney  die  ? 

And  shall  Trelav/ney  die  ? 


Townsend’s  nominating  speech. 


389 


Then  thirty  thousand  Comishmen 
Will  know  the  reason  why. 

And  in  this  case  strike  down  Mr.  Arthur  and  not  thirty 
thousand  Eepublicans,  but  thirty  times  thirty  thousand 
will  know  the  reason  why. 

Now,  my  friends,  I have  presented  substantially  the 
considerations  which  govern  me  in  ]:)roposing  the  action 
which  I intend  to  follow.  We  have  in  every  case  since  the 
Eepublican  party  has  been  formed  done  one  of  two  things: 
We  have,  when  our  President  has  finished  his  term,  renom- 
inated him,  except  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Hayes,  who  refused 
a renomination,  and  given  him  a second  term.  We  refused 
to  give  General  Grant,  much  as  we  regarded  him,  a third 
term.  These  are  traditions  of  the  party,  the  common 
understanding,  and  in  order  to  show  that  I take  the  com- 
mon understanding  of  the  party  I have  to  but  quote  a let- 
ter from  a most  distinguished  statesman  in  the  north-east- 
erly portion  of  the  Union,  written  the  twentieth  of  Decem- 
ber, 1880,  in  view'  of  the  incoming  administration  of  Mr. 
Garfield,  in  which  he  says,  speaking  of  the  administration. 
Not  at  all  directing  its  energies  for  re-election,  yet  com- 
pelling the  result  by  the  logic  of  events  and  the  imperious- 
ness, as  itjs,  of  the  situation.  So  said  that  great  states- 
man ; so  has  said  every  man  ; so  says  the  community  ; so 
will  say  the  voters  ; and  God  grant  that  this  convention 
may  adopt  such  a course  as  to  conciliate  the  solid  intelli- 
gence of  the  men  of  the  Eepublican  party,  and  that  vic- 
tory in  November,  so  important  to  the  well-being  of  this 
country,  may  again  perch,  as  it  has  for  twenty-four  years, 
upon  the  Eepublican  banner. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

JOHN  SHEEMAl^. 

JOHN  SHERMAN  was  born  at  Lancaster,  Ohio,  May 
10,  1823  ; among  eleven  children  of  the  family,  he 
was  the  eighth  son.  Taylor  Sherman,  his  grandfather,  a 
jurist  and  scholar  of  distinguished  ability,  was  born  in 
Connecticut,  and  married  Elizabeth  Stoddard,  a lineal 
descendant  of  Anthony  Stoddard,  who  came  to  the  shores 
of  New  England  during  the  seventeenth  century. 

Charles  Robert,  son  of  Taylor  Sherman  and  Elizabeth 
Stoddard  his  wife,  was  the  father  of  John  and  General  W. 
T.  Sherman ; he  was  born  at  Norwalk,  Connecticut,  and 
married  Mary  Hoyt,  of  Norwalk,  in  1810,  from  which  place 
he  removed  to  Lancaster,  Ohio,  and  died  from  an  attack  of 
chofera  which,  it  is  said,  came  upon  him  during  the  trial  of 
a case  over  which  he  presided  as  Judge.  John  Sherman 
v/as  taken  by  his  father^s  cousin  in  1831,  to  his  home  in 
Mount  Vernon,  Ohio,  and  for  four  years  remained  there  at 
school.  The 'family  of  eleven  children  had  scattered,  three 
remaining  with  their  mother,  and  friends  of  the  family 
used  their  influence  in  securing  homes  for  the  others. 
John  returned  to  Lancaster  when  about  twelve  years  of 
age,  and  entered  the  academy  there  in  order  to  prepare  for 
college  ; in  two  years  he  became  a Sophomore,  but  lacked 
the  means  necessary  to  continue  his  college  course,  and  he 
joined  an  engineer  corps  then  engaged  on  the  Muskingum 
improvement,  as  a rodman,  and  by  close  attention  to  his 
duties  was  promoted  to  the  charge  of  a section  of  work  at 
Beverly.  He  began  the  study  of  law  in  1839,  in  the  office 
of  Charles  T.  Sherman,  his  brother,  who  was  afterward 
Judge  of  the  United  States  District  Court,  and  in  1844 
he  entered  into  partnership  with  his  brother,  where  for 

890 


I 


Garfield’s  nominatikg  speech. 


391 


ten  years  he  practiced  law  most  assiduously,  laying  the 
foundation  of  after  political  honors  as  well  as  wealth. 
No  greater  tribute  was  ever  paid  an  honorable  man  than 
the  speech  of  James  A.  Garfield,  when  he  nominated  Mr. 
Sherman  for  President  in  the  Eepublican  National  Con- 
vention, at  Chicago,  111.,  1880.  We  print  the  speech  in 
full: 

SPEECH  OF  JAMES  A.  GARFIELD  NOMINATING  MR.  SHER- 
MAN FOR  PRESIDENT. 

^^Mr.  President: — I have  witnessed  the  extraordinary 
scenes  of  this  convention  with  deep  solicitude.  No  emo- 
tion touches  my  heart  more  quickly  than  a sentiment  in 
honor  of  a great  and  noble  character.  But  as  I sat  on  these 
seats  and  witnessed  these  demonstrations,  it  seemed  to  me 
you  were  a human  ocean  in  a tempest.  I have  seen  the 
sea  lashed  into  fury  and  tossed  into  spray,  and  its  grandeur 
moves  the  soul  of  the  dullest  man.  But  I remember  that 
it  is  not  the  billows,  but  the  calm  level  of  the  sea  from 
which  all  heights  and  depths  are  measured.  When  the 
storm  has  passed  and  the  hour  of  calm  settles  on  the 
ocean,  when  sunshine  bathes  its  smooth  surface,  then  the 
astronomer  and  surveyor  takes  the  level  from  which  he 
measures  all  terrestrial  heights  and  depths.  Gentlemen 
of  the  convention,  your  present  temper  may  not  mark  the 
healthful  pulse  of  the  people. 

When  our  enthusiasm  has  passed,  when  the  emotions 
of  this  hour  have  subsided,  we  shall  find  the  calm  level  of 
public  opinion,  below  the  storm,  from  which  the  thoilghts 
of  a mighty  people  are  to  be  measured,  and  by  which  their 
final  action  will  be  determined.  Not  here,  in  this  brilliant 
circle,  where  fifteen  thousand  men  and  women  are  assem- 
bled, is  the  destiny  of  the  Eepublic  to  be  decreed  ; not 
here,  where  I see  the  enthusiastic  faces  of  seven  hundred 
and  fifty-six  delegates  waiting  to  cast  their  votes  into  the 
urn  and  determine  the  choice  of  their  party ; but  by  five 


392 


LIFE  OE  JOHN  SHERMAK. 


million  Eepiiblican  firesides,  where  the  thoughtful  fathers, 
with  wives  and  children  about  them,  with  calm  thoughts 
inspired  by  love  of  home  and  love  of  country,  with  the 
history  of  the  past,  the  hopes  of  the  future,  and  the 
knowledge  of  the  great  men  who  have  adorned  and  blessed 
our  nation  in  days  gone  by, — there  God  prepares  the  ver- 
dict that  shall  determine  the  wisdom  of  our  work  to-night. 
Not  in  Chicago,  in  the  heat  of  June,  but  in  the  sober 
quiet  that  comes  between  now  and  November,  in  the 
silence  of  deliberate  judgment,  will  this  great  question  be 
settled.  Let  us  aid  them  to-night. 

^^But  now,  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  what  do  we 
want  ? Bear  with  me  a moment.  Hear  me  for  this  cause, 
and  for  a moment,  be  silent  that  you  may  hear.  Twenty- 
five  years  ago  this  Eepublic  was  wearing  a triple  chain  of 
bondage.  Long  familiarity  with  the  traffic  in  the  body 
and  souls  of  men  had  paralyzed  the  consciences  of  a 
majority  of  our  people.  The  baleful  doctrine  of  State 
sovereignty  had  shocked  and  weakened  the  noblest  and 
most  beneficent  powers  of  the  National  Government  and 
the  grasping  power  of  slavery  was  seizing  the  virgin  Ter- 
ritories of  the  West  and  dragging  them  into  the  den  of 
eternal  bondage.  At  that  crisis  the  Eepublican  party  was 
born.  It  drew  its  first  inspiration  from  the  fire  of  liberty 
which  God  has  lighted  in  every  man^s  heart,  and  which  all 
the  powers  of  ignorance  and  tyranny  can  never  wholly 
extinguish.  The  Eepublican  party  came  to  deliver  and  save 
the  Eepublic.  It  entered  the  arena  when  beleaguered  and 
assailed  Territories  were  struggling  for  freedom,  and  drew 
around  them  the  sacred  circle  of  liberty,  which  the  demon 
of  slavery  has  never  dared  to  cross.  It  made  them  free 
forever. 

Strengthened  by  its  victory  on  the  frontier,  the  young 
party,  under  the  leadership  of  that  great  man  who,  on  this 
spot,  twenty  years  ago,  was  made  its  leader,  entered  the 
national  capital  and  assumed  the  high  duties  of  the  gov- 


GAE^IELD^S  NOMINATING  SPEECH. 


393 


ernment.  The  light  which  shone  from  its  banner  dis- 
pelled the  darkness  in  which  slavery  had  enshrouded  the 
Capitol  and  melted  the  shackles  of  every  slave,  and  con- 
sumed, in  the  fire  of  liberty,  every  slave-pen  within  the 
sliadow  of  the  Capitol.  Our  national  industries,  by  an 
impoverishing  policy,  were  themselves  prostrated,  and  the 
streams  of  revenue  flowed  in  such  feeble  currents  that  the 
treasury  itself  was  well  nigh  empty.  The  money  of  the 
people  was  the  wretched  notes  of  2,000  uncontrolled  and 
irresponsible  state  bank  corporations,  which  were  filling 
the  country  with  a circulation  that  poisoned  rather  than 
sustained  the  life  of  business. 

The  Eepublican  party  changed  all  this.  It  abolished 
the  babel  of  confusion  and  gave  the  country  a currency  as 
national  as  its  flag,  based  upon  the  sacred  faith  of  the 
people.  It  threw  its  protecting  arm  around  our  great  in- 
dustries, and  they  stood  erect  as  with  new  life.  It  filled 
with  the  spirit  of  true  nationality  all  the  great  functions 
of  the  government.  It  confronted  a rebellion  of  unexam- 
pled magnitude,  with  a slavery  behind  it,  and,  under  God, 
fought  the  final  battle  of  liberty  until  victory  was  won. 
Then,  after  the  storms  of  battle,  were  heard  the  sweet, 
calm  words  of  peace  uttered  by  the  conquering  nation,  and 
saying  to  the  conquered  foe  that  lay  prostrate  at  its  feet, 
^This  is  our  only  revenge,  that  you  join  us  in  lifting  to  the 
serene  firmament  of  the  Constitution,  to  shine  like  stars 
forever  and  forever,  the  immortal  principles  of  truth  and 
justice,  that  all  men,  white  or  black,  shall  be  free^  and 
stand  equal  before  the  law.^  Then  came  the  questions  of 
reconstruction,  the  public  debt,  and  the  public  faith. 

^^In  the  settlement  of  these  questions  the  Eepublican 
party  has  completed  its  twenty -five  years  of  glorious  ex- 
istence, and  it  has  sent  us  here  to  prepare  it  for  another 
lustrum  of  duty  and  of  victory.  How  shall  we  do  this 
great  work  ? We  can  not  do  it,  my  friends,  by  assailing 
our  Eepublican  brethren.  God  forbid  that  I should  say 


394 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  SHEKMAK. 


one  word  to  cast  a shadow  upon  any  name  on  the  roll  of 
our  heroes.  This  coming  fight  is  our  ThermopylaB.  We 
are  standing  upon  a narrow  isthmus.  If  our  Spantan  hosts 
are  united  we  can  withstand  all  the  Persians  that  the 
Xerxes  of  Democracy  can  bring  against  us. 

Let  us  hold  our  ground  this  one  year,  for  the  stars  in 
their  courses  fight  for  us  in  the  future.  The  census  to  be 
taken  this  year  will  bring  reinforcements  and  continued 
power.  But,  in  order  to  win  this  victory  now,  v/e  want 
the  vote  of  every  Eepublican,  of  every  Grant  Eepublican 
in  America,  of  every  Blaine  man  and  every  anti-Blaine 
man.  The  vote  of  every  follower  of  every  candidate  is 
needed  to  make  our  success  certain;  therefore  I say,  gen- 
tlemen and  brethren,  we  are  here  to  calmly  counsel  to- 
gether, and  inquire  what  we  shall  do.  [A  voice  : ^Nom- 

inate Garfield. — Great  applause.] 

We  want  a man  whose  life  and  opinions  embody  all 
the  achievements  of  which  I have  spoken.  We  want  a 
man  who,  standing  on  a mountain  height,  sees  all  the 
achievements  of  our  past  history,  and  carries  in  his  heart 
the  memory  of  all  its  glorious  deeds,  and  who,  looking  for- 
ward, prepares  to  meet  the  labor  and  the  dangers  to  come. 
We  want  one  who  will  act  in  no  spirit  of  unkindness 
toward  those  we  lately  met  in  battle.  The  Eepublican  party 
offers  to  our  brethren  of  the  South  the  olive  branch  of 
peace,  and  wishes  them  to  return  to  brotherhood,  on  this 
supreme  condition,  that  it  shall  be  admitted,  forever  and 
for  evermore,  that  in  the  v/ar  for  the  Union,  we  were  right 
and  they  were  wrong.  On  that  supreme  condition  we  meet 
them  as  brethren,  and  no  other.  We  ask  them  to  share 
with  us  the  blessings  and  honors  of  this  great  Eepublic. 

Now,  gentlemen,  not  to  weary  you,  I am  about  to  pre- 
sent a name  for  your  consideration — the  name  of  a man 
who  was  the  comrade,  and  associate,  and  friend  of  nearly 
all  those  noble  dead  whose  faces  look  down  upon  us  from 
tliese  walls  to-night;  a man  who  began  his  career  of  public 


GARFIELD^S  KOMIISTATING  SPEECH. 


395 


service  twenty-five  years  ago,  whose  first  duty  was  cour- 
ageously done  in  the  days  of  peril  on  the  plains  of  Kansas, 
when  the  first  red  drops  of  that  bloody  shower  began  to 
fall  which  finally  swelled  into  the  deluge  of  war.  He 
bravely  stood  by  young  Kansas  then,  and,  returning  to  his 
duty  in  the  national  legislature,  through  all  subsequent 
time  his  pathway  has  been  marked  by  labors  performed  in 
every  department  of  legislation. 

You  ask  for  his  monuments.  I point  you  to  twenty- 
five  years  of  the  national  statutes.  Not  one  great  benefi- 
cent statute  has  been  placed  on  our  statute  books  without 
his  intelligent  and  powerful  aid.  He  aided  these  men  to 
formulate  the  laws  that  raised  our  great  armies  and  carried 
us  through  the  war.  His  hand  was  seen  in  the  workmanship 
of  those  statutes  that  restored  and  brought  back  the  unity 
and  married  calm  of  the  States.  His  hand  was  in  all  that 
great  legislation  that  created  the  war  currency,  and  in  a 
greater  work  that  redeemed  the  promises  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  made  the  currency  equal  to  gold.  And  when 
at  last,  called  from  the  halls  of  legislation  into  a high 
executive  office,  he  disjolayed  that  experience,  intelligence, 
firmness,  and  poise  of  character  which  has  carried  us 
through  a stormy  period  of  three  years.  With  one  half  the 
public  press  crying  ^Crucify  him!^  and  a hostile  Congress 
seeking  to  prevent  his  success — in  all  this  he  remained 
unmoved  until  victory  crowned  him. 

The  great  fiscal  affairs-of  the  nation  and  the  great  bus- 
iness interests  of  the  country  he  has  guarded  and  preserved, 
while  executing  the  law  of  resumption  and  effecting  its 
object  without  a jar,  and  against  the  false  prophecies 
of  one  half  of  the  press  and  all  the  Democracy  of 
this  continent.  He  has  shown  himself  able  to  meet  with 
calmness  the  great  emergencies  of  the  government  for 
twenty-five  years.  He  has  trodden  the  perilous  heights  of 
public  duty,  and  against  all  the  shafts  of  malice  has  borne 
his  breast  unharmed.  He  has  stood  in  the  blaze  of  Hhat 


896 


LIFE  OF  JOHK  SHERMA2ST. 


fierce  light  that  beats  against  the  throne/  but  its  fiercest 
ray  has  found  no  flaw  in  his  armor,  no  stain  on  his  shield. 

do  not  present  him  as  a better  Kepublican,  or  as  a 
better  man  than  thousands  of  others  we  honor,  but  I pre- 
sent him  for  your  deliberate  consideration.  I nominate 
John  Sherman,  of  Ohio.*^^ 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 


GEORGE  F.  EDMR:NrDS. 


r Richmond;,  Vermont,  on  the  28th  of  February,  1828, 


the  subject  of  this  sketch  was  born.  He  sprang 
from  a hard-working  family,  and  inherits  the  Quaker  gen- 
tleness of  his  mother.  His  father,  a strong,  active  old 
Puritan,  was  a man  of  thrift  and  good  sense,  and  while 
George  was  quite  young  he  placed  him  in  a public  school, 
and  afterwards  furnished  him  with  a tutor  at  home. 
Young  Edmunds  proved  an  apt  scholar,  and  soon  devel- 
oped a fondness  for  study,  and  easily  mastered  his  lessons, 
lie  chose  the  profession  of  law  while  in  his  teens,  and 
proved  that  his  aptness  as  a scholar  had  developed  a taste 
for  the  legal  profession,  lie  was  made  a practitioner  in 
1849,  when  he  arrived  at  the  age  of  twenty-one,  and 
entered  the  office  of  his  brother-in-law,  A.  13.  Maynard, 
where  he  remained  until  1851,  when  he  chose  Burlington 
as  his  home,  llis  readiness  as  a scholar,  his  flashes  of 
wit,  his  intellectual  attainments  were  all  the  subjects  of 
remark  while  quite  a boy,  and  he  soon  ranked  high  in  his 
chosen  profession  among  the  bright  men  of  his  day. 

In  the  summer  of  1852,  Mr.  Edmunds  was  united  in 
marriage  to  Miss  Susan  Marsh  Lyman,  a daughter  of  Hon- 
orable W}’llis  Lyman,  a lawyer,  of  Berlin,  Vt.,  and  a man 
of  fine  reputation.  After  some  five  years  of  devotion  to 
the  law,  Mr.  Edmunds  was  singled  out  as  a politician,  and 
honors  were  laid  at  his  door  without  the  seeking.  From 
1854  to  1859  he  was  a member  of  the  Legislature  of  Ver- 
mont, and  for  three  years  was  chosen  as  its  Speaker. 

He  entered  the  State  Senate  in  1861,  and  was  its  pre- 
siding officer  temporr,  and  took  his  seat  in  the  United 
States  Senate  April  5,  1866,  vice  Solomon  Foote,  deceased. 


398 


LIFE  OF  GEOKGE  F.  EDMUKDS. 


The  Legislature  elected  him  for  the  remainder  of  the 
term  ending  March  4th,  1869.  He  has  been  re-elected 
three  times,  and  is  one  of  the  very  few  men  who  are  in  that 
body  whose  tenure  of  office  is  secure — perhaps  there  is  no 
man  in  the  country  who  has  served  his  State  so  well  and 
has  displayed  greater  devotion  to  his  people  and  country, 
and  unless  disabled  physically  or  mentally,  or  elected  to  a 
liigher  office,  Vermont  will  undoubtedly  do  herself  the  high 
honor  of  continuing  her  distinguished  son  in  the  National 
Council  for  an  indefinite  period. 

He  was  elected  a member  of  the  Electoral  Commission 
in  1877,  and  in  consequence  of  his  great  legal  knowledge 
succeeded  Lyman  Trumbull  as  Chairman  of  the  Judiciary 
Committee,  a post  which  he  still  retains.  In  the  contest 
with  Andrew  Johnson,  he  proved  conservative  and  mod- 
erate, his  infiuence  being  exerted  to  allay  the  infiammation 
of  the  public  mind.  The  initiation  of  the  Electoral  Com- 
mission and  the  Pacific  Eailroad  Funding  bill  were  carried 
largely  through  his  efforts.  Senator  Edmunds  is  not  con- 
sidered an  eloquent  speaker,  but  he  is  fiuent,  powerful, 
clear  and  convincing.  He  is  a man  to  speak  to  thoughtful 
men,  and  convinces  by  the  symmetry  of  his  thoughts,  logic 
and  truth  which  pervades  his  utterances,  rather  than  a man 
to  sway  an  audience  with  flights  of  sentimental  oratory. 
He  is  ready  in  repartee  and  a master  in  the  skill  of  extempo- 
raneous argument;  is  noted  for  his  keen  sarcasm  and 
drastic  humor.  Unlike  most  men,  he  scarcely  ever  goes 
so  far  as  to  break  personal  relations  with  any  of  his  fellow- 
members  of  the  Senate  or  bar. 

Mr.  Edmunds  is  an  honest,  conscientious,  truth-loving 
man.  An  official  life  of  twenty-nine  years  lies  behind  him, 
clear,  luminous  and  pure;  no  dishonest  action,  no  corrupt 
practice  has  ever  stained  his  escutcheon.  His  highest  aim 
having  been  to  fitly  serve  his  people  and  his  Eepublic.  He 
is  unalterably  opposed  to  all  underhand  work  or  irregular 
proceedings,  and  no  man  alive  would  even  dare  to  approach 


SE2S^SE  OF  DUTY. 


399 


him  with  a dishonorable  proposition.  Earnest  in  purpose, 
pure  in  life,  grand  tribune  of  the  people  and  a statesman, 
no  favor  sways  him  and  no  fear  can  awe.  When  Senator 
Anthony^s  health  failed  his  brother  Senators  wished  to 
elevate  him  to  the  dignity  of  President  of  the  Senate,  but 
he  declined  to  act  only  so  long  as  absolutely  necessary.  He 
is  not  a politician,  and  never  seeks  office — honors  so  far 
have  sought  him,  and  so  it  will  be  until  the  end. 


IP^ET  SECOn^ID. 


Principles  and  Achievements 


0F  THU 

REPUBLICAN  PARTY 

PORTRAYING  ITS 

BRILLIAOT  HISTORY 

THROUGH  THE  ENTIRE 

PERIOD  OF  ITS  EXISTENCE. 


401 


PRINCIPLES  AND  ACHIEVEMENTS 


OF  THE 


REPUBLICAlSr  PARTY 


HE  grand  achievements  of  the  Nation  under  the 


administrations  of  the  Eepublican  party  form  one  of 
the  brightest  pages  in  universal  history.  In  a government 
resting  upon  the  will  of  the  people  and  deriving  its 
powers  from  their  consent,  the  study  of  the  underlying 
principles  which  have  moved  the  masses  from  time  to 
time,  as  the  old  gave  place  to  the  new  in  political  adminis- 
tration, must  forever  inspire  the  mind  of  the  loyal  citizen 
with  the  keenest  interest.  And  when,  as  in  this  instance, 
the  principles  of  a party  continue  to  exert  a controlling 
influence  upon  the  Nation,  and,  as  living  issues,  demand 
our  consideration,  it  is  a crime  to  be  ignorant  concerning 


For  the  quarter  of  a century  the  Eepublican  party  has 
been  upon  the  successful  side  of  every  great  national 
question.  The  principles  of  its  advocacy  have  been  vic- 
torious at  the  ballot-box  and  in  the  arbitrament  of  the 
sword.  The  people  have  bowed  to  the  self-evident  right- 
eousness of  its  principles  and  the  expediency  of  its  meas- 
ures. It  is  not  pretended  that  this  party  of  the  people 
has  made  no  mistakes;  but  these  are  trivial  if  compared 
with  the  vastness  of  its  enterprises  and  the  grandeur  of 


CHAPTEE  I. 


INTRODUCTION. 


them, 


4.03 


404 


REPUBLICAi^  ACHIEYEMEOTS. 


their  results.  No  party  in  the  history  of  nations  ever 
accomplished  more  or  left  less  in  its  record  to  be  regretted. 

To  strengthen  the  wavering,  convince  the  honest  and 
stimulate  the  patriotic  in  the  support  of  the  Eepublican 
party,  we  present  a brief  array  of  its  brilliant  past  achieve- 
ments and  its  present  glorious  purposes. 


CHAPTEE  II. 

GROWTH  OF  REPUBLICAN  PRINCIPLES. 

The  framers  of  the  Constitution  found  it  impossible  to 
secure  the  adoption  of  that  instrument,  without  intro- 
ducing into  it  three  provisions  in  the  interest  of  the  per- 
petuation of  human  slavery. 

1.  That  the  African  slave  trade  should  not  be  abolished 
by  law  before  1808. 

2.  That  slaves  fleeing  from  their  masters  should  be 
surrendered  upon  demand,  and, 

3.  That  in  the  apportionment  upon  population  of 
representation  in  Congress  and  in  the  Electoral  College, 
three  fifths  of  the  colored  population  should  be  counted. 

And  thus  our  forefathers,  against  the  protest  of  many 
of  the  wisest  and  best  men  of  that  period,  sowed  the 
seeds  which  eventually  sprang  up  and  produced  a slave 
oligarchy  which  held  such  sway  over  the  Nation  that  its 
power  could  be  overcome  only  by  the  vigorous  efforts  of  the 
greater  part  of  a century.  The  clause  in  the  Constitution 
defining  the  date  at  which  African  slave  trade  must  not  be 
disturbed,  caused  the  importation  into  the  United  States 
of  as  many  as  three  hundred  thousand  slaves  between  the 
time  of  the  formation  of  the  Constitution  and  the  year 
1808.  The  vast  number  of  slaves  in  the  country  produced 
in  the  slave-holding  States,  a wealthy  class  of  land-owners 
whose  exemption  from  w'ork  afforded  the  amplest  fields  for 
the  study  of  government  and  the  practice  of  statesman- 
ship. With  this  advantage,  they  entered  the  halls  of  Con- 
gress with  commanding  mien,  and  exerted  an  influence 
not  warranted  by  the  number  of  their  constituency. 

On  the  other  hand,  while  this  power  was  domineering 
in  high  places,  there  was  silently  working  among  the 

405 


406 


REPUBLICAN'  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


masses,  and  especially  in  the  North,  the  voice  of  con- 
science, which  was  destined  to  overthrow  that  which  was 
backed  by  the  influence  of  money  and  time-honored  cus- 
tom. The  flrst  notable  awakening  of  this  silent  influence 
made  its  appearance  when  Missouri  knocked  at  the  door 
of  the  Union  for  admission  as  a State.  Hitherto,  the 
commonwealths  admitted  into  the  Union  had  alternated 
as  free  States  and  slave  States,  thus  balancing  in  the 
national  senate  the  influence  supporting  slavery  and  that 
opposing  it.^  Should  Missouri  be  admitted  as  a free  State, 
the  slave  power  would  lose  ascendency.  The  struggle  was 
protracted  and  flerce,  and  resulted  in  drawing  a line  at 
latitude  thirty-six  degrees  and  thirty  minutes,  wliicTi  was 
hoped  to  dedicate  the  region  north  of  it  to  perpetual  lib- 
erty, and  was  presumed  to  allow  for  the  domain  south  of 
the  line  the  organization  of  States,  sustaining  or  discarding 
the  right  to  hold  slaves  as  the  people  might  decide.  Such, 
indeed,  were  the  provisions  allowed  by  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise; but  it  was  only  a temporary  smothering  of  those 
sentiments  which  must  ultimately  result  in  triumph.  This 
agitation  witnessed  the  flrst  bold  advocacy  of  the  doctrine 
known  as  Nulliflcation,  of  which  John  C.  Calhoun  was 
champion,  and  which  was  based  upon  the  idea  that  the 
United  States  is  a confederation,  and  not  a Nation.  This 
position,  taken  by  a statesman  and  thoroughly  believed 
by  him,  relieved  his  conscience  from  compunction  while 
avowing  the  supremacy  of  his  State,  and  her  right  to 
withdraw  from  the  Union.  Connection  with  the  Union 
was  desirable  to  the  slave-holder  as  long  as  the  govern- 
ment protected  his  slaves,  but  should  that  protection  be 
v/ithdrawn,  he  preferred  a separation  from  the  union  of 
States.  This  idea  was  held  in  reserve  till  its  carrying  out 
should  become  the  only  alternative. 

The  government  had  not  been  in  existence  one  third  of 
a century  before  it  was  seen  that  the  slave  system,  if  con- 
fined to  original  boundaries,  would  die  of  its  own  weight. 


GEOWTS  OF  EEPUBLICAi^  PEIKCIFLES. 


407 


Accordingly,  as  a means  of  perpetuating  this  institution, 
the  slave  oligarchy  became  earnest  advocates  of  the 
annexation  of  territory  in  the  west  and  south.  Meanwhile 
in  1833,  the  national  anti-slavery  society  was  formed.  This 
society  poured  into  Congress  petition  after  petition  pray- 
ing for  the  abolition  of  slavery  or  some  amelioration  of  the 
condition  of  those  who  were  held  to  perpetual  bondage. 
These  petitions  were  received  with  such  disfavor  by  those 
who  opposed  them  that  the  right  of  petition  became  a 
political  issue,  and  one  for  which  the  Whig  party  waged 
unrelenting  war.  Those  who  labored  for  the  overthrow  of 
slavery  were  called  Abolitionists,  and  at  first  were  most 
unpopular  in  nearly  every  section  of  the  Union ; yet  their 
cause  was  so  just  and  their  efforts  so  persistent  that  their 
ranks  steadily  advanced  and  drew  largely  from  opposing 
organizations.  The  Abolitionists  organized  the  Liberty 
party  in  1840,  which  in  1843  enunciated  a platform  at 
Buffalo,  New  York,  based  on  the  principles  of  universal 
justice  and  interpreting  the  Constitution  as  granting  to  the 
general  Government  no  power  to  establish  or  continue 
slavery  anywhere.  The  same  year  there  appeared  a division 
in  the  Democratic  ranks  of  New  York,  and  the  breach 
widened  from  year  to  yeai\  The  liberal  wing,  known  as 
Barnburners,  united  with  the  Liberty  party  in  1848,  and 
the  combination  was  thereafter  known  as  the  Free- Soil 
part}^,  advocating  under  a new  name  and  in  a great 
measure,  the  principles  of  the  Abolitionists.  It  was  com- 
posed principally  of  those  who  could  not  operate  with  the 
two  great  political  parties  of  the  day  in  their  efforts  to 
hold  at  bay  the  question  which  was  really  uppermost  in  the 
mind  of  every  statesman.  The  series  of  platforms  enun- 
ciated from  time  to  time  by  the  Whig  and  Democratic 
parties  so  covered  up  this  all-important  question  that  they 
were  enabled  to  retain  within  their  party  lines  vast 
numbers  who  were  opposed  to  slavery,  but  desired  its  dis- 
cussion kept  beyond  the  pale  of  politics.  At  length  the  com- 


408 


EEPTJBLICAK  ACHIEYEMEKTjg. 


promise  measures  of  1850^  which  embraced  what  had  been 
the  features  of  the  omnibus  bill,  became  laws  of  the  land. 
These  measures  provided  for  a fugitive  slave  law  so 
obnoxious  in  the  free  States  that  some  of  the  Legislatures 
passed  what  was  known  as  personal-liberty  bills  designed 
to  counteract  the  law  for  the  recovery  of  escaping  slaves. 
Two  years  after  these  measures  met  the  approbation  of 
Congress  the  Whig  party,  in  national  convention,  passed  a 
resolution  in  support  of  the  compromises,  thus  publicly 
committing  the  party  to  the  support  of  a law  sustaining 
the  system  of  slavery.  This  resolution  rent  the  party  in 
twain,  and  its  members  sought  affiliation  in  other  congenial 
organizations.  The  Whig  candidate  was  defeated,  and 
before  another  presidential  campaign  rolled  around  the 
Whig  party  was  no  more.  It  lived  as  long  as  it  steered 
clear  of  the  question  of  slavery,  but  the  moment  it  engaged 
to  support  that  incubus  the  ties  that  bound  it  together 
were  torn  asunder.  Now  occurred  a momentous  event 
which  gave  the  advocates  of  universal  freedom  a sure 
place  of  anchorage.  The  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  became  a 
law.  It  virtually  annulled  the  Missouri  Compromise  on 
the  ground  that  the  latter  was  unconstitutional,  and  threw 
open  to  slavery  the  vast  stretches  of  territory  north  of  the 
line  which  had  been  held  as  a sacred  boundary  for  over 
thirty  years. 

The  bill,  as  especially  advocated  by  Senator  Douglas, 
provided  for  the  organization  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska  into 
territories,  so  that  the  people  should  be  allowed  to  decide 
for  themselves  the  questions  of  their  domestic  institutions. 
The  Free-Soil  party  and  Anti-Slavery  Whigs  contested  the 
movement  at  every  step.  Their  efforts  were  in  vain,  and 
the  territories  were  organized.  Defeat  in  Congress  was  no 
cause  for  the  cessation  of  efforts.  The  flames  of  political 
strife  were  kindled  high,  and  a rapid  amalgamation  of  all 
the  forces  opposing  slavery  at  once  set  in.  Just  what  to 
do  v/as  not  exactly  known;  yet  the  restless  divisions  oppos- 


GEOWTH  OE  REPUBLICAN  PRINCIPLES. 


409 


ing  the  Democratic  party  were  a unit  in  their  antagonism 
to  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  and  from  1854  to  1855  the 
Anti-Nebraska  partisans  put  forward  candidates  whom 
they  supported  under  different  party  names.  It  was  in 
these  times  that  anti-slavery  men  belonging  to  the  differ- 
ent parties  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  triumph  of 
their  cause  could  be  secured  only  through  the  formation 
of  a new  party,  which  could  act  without  the  embarrass- 
ment of  a pro-slavery  wing.  In  the  early  months  of  1854, 
at  a political  meeting  in  Wisconsin,  a resolution  was 
adopted,  providing  that  if  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  should 
pass  they  would  throw  old  party  organizations  to  the  winds, 
and  organize  a new  party  on  the  sole  issue  of  the  non- 
extension of  slavery.  On  the  20th  of  March  of  the  same 
year,  the  opinion  Avas  expressed,  at  another  political  meet- 
ing, that  the  new  party  would  probably  receive  the  name 
of  Eepublican.  The  Detroit  Tribune  favored  the  disband- 
ing of  the  Free-Soil  and  Whig  parties,  and  the  organization 
of  a neAV  party  composed  of  all  the  opponents  of  slavery 
extension.  In  July,  1854,  a mass  convention  was  held  in 
Michigan,  which  adopted  a platform  opposing  the  exten- 
sion of  slaveiy,  and  gave  to  the  neAV  party  the  name  of 
EcpublicanyX  Meeting  with  encouraging  success  at  State 
elections,  the  new  organization,  from  a small  beginning, 
increased  rapidly  in  numbers  and  drew  into  its  fold,  by 
degrees,  all  those  who  opposed  the  extension  of  slaA^ery 
into  the  territories.  Thus,  by  the  fusion  of  Whigs,  Free- 
Soilers,  Anti-Nebraska  Democrats,  and  Anti-SlaArery  Amer- 
icans, the  Eepublican  party  was  organized  and  formed  a 
fitting  political  home  for  the  various  partisans  of  whom 
it  was  composed.  With  pride  and  consciousness  of  right, 
it  appropriated  all  that  was  good  of  its  germinating  prede- 
cessors, and  hinged  its  fortunes  upon  the  great  question  of 
the  non- extension  of  slavery,  and  resolved  to  inscribe  upon 
its  banner  all  that  Avas  involved  in  Free  Soil,  Free  Speech, 
Free  Labor  and  Free  Men.^^ 


CHAPTEK  III. 

FEEE  SOIL^  EKEE  SPEECH,  FKEE  LABOR  AKD  FREE  MEH. 

Long  before  the  organization  of  the  Eepublican  party 
the  seeds  from  which  it  grew  had  been  strewn  with 
liberal  hands.  The  three  items  in  the  caption  of  this 
chapter  had  been  introduced  into  the  anti-slavery  platform 
adopted  at  Utica,  New  York,  June  22,  1848;  and  the 
Liberty  party,  1843,  basing  its  declarations  on  the  ordi- 
nance of  1787,  resolved,  in  regard  to  the  territories  of  the 
United  States,  that  ^^the  soil  itself was  legally  ^^incapac- 
itated to  bear  any  other  than  freemen.  In  the  first  plat- 
form of  the  Eepublican  party,  Philadelphia,  June  17,  1856, 
it  was  afllrmed  that  Congress  held  constitutional  and 
sovereign  authority  over  all  the  territories  of  the  United 
States,  and  that  it  was  both  the  right  and  the  duty  of 
Congress  to  receive  Kansas  as  a free  State.  This  doctrine 
was  emphasized  in  the  Second  National  Convention  of  the 
Eepublican  party.  May  17,  1860,  Chicago,  by  a resolution 
declaring  ^^that  the  normal  condition  of  all  the  territory 
of  the  United  States  was  that  of  freedom, and  demand- 
ing that  Congress  should  assert  and  enforce  this  doctrine 
against  all  opposition. 

And  when  the  wild  whirlwind  of  rebellion  swept  across 
the  South,  basing  itself  on  slave  labor,  and  bringing  the 
thew  and  sinew  of  its  four  millions  of  bondmen  to  bear, 
indirectly,  against  the  life  of  the  Nation,  Eepublicans  saw 
that  the  supreme  hour  had  come.  The  question  of  Eree- 
Soil  as  applied  to  the  territories  dropped  out  of  sight.  In 
the  providence  of  God  deliverance  for  the  whole  land  was 
at  hand. 

It  is  difficult  now  to  realize  that  this  should  ever  have 
figured  as  an  issue  in  Ameiican  politics.  But  the  reader 

410 


FEEE  LABOB  AKD  FREE  IIEiT. 


411 


of  history  will  find  that  the  dominant  slave  power  had 
succeeded  in  banishing  the  right  of  petition  and  the  liberty 
of  speech  accompanying  that  right  from  the  halls  of  Con- 
gress! For  a number  of  years  the  infamous  ^^Twenty- 
first  Eule  was  enforced.  It  was  introduced  by  Charles 
G.  Atherton  (Democrat)  from  New  Hampshire^  1838,  and 
provided  that  every  petition,  memorial,  resolution,  prop- 
osition, or  paper  touching  or  relating  in  any  way  or  in  any 
extent  whatever  to  slavery  or  the  abolition  thereof,  shall, 
on  presentation,  without  any  further  action  thereon,  be 
laid  upon  the  table,  without  being  debated,  printed,  or 
referred/^  ^^Free  Speech  meant  the  right  to  be  heard 
anywhere  and  on  any  subject  inside  or  outside  of  Congress. 
The  Republican  doctrine  always  recognized  that  right, 
denying  to  no  citizen  the  right  to  be  heard.  * * 

And  thus  in  the  inevitable  march  of  Republican  prin- 
ciples, slavery  was  abolished  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
April,  1862;  and  September,  22,  1862,  a proclamation  by 
the  President  threatened  emancipation,  provided  the  States 
in  rebellion  did  not  return  to  their  allegiance  to  the  Gov- 
ernment. This  was  regarded  as  but  a feint  by  the  Union- 
ists, and  treated  with  contempt  by  the  Rebels.  But  the 
long-deferred  moment  arrived,  and  emancipation  as  a 
political  necessity  or  war  measure,  was  proclaimed  Janu- 
ary 1,  1863.  However,  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  not 
blotted  from  our  statutes  till  June,  1864.  On  the  famous 
Emancipation  Proclamation  President  Lincoln  invoked 
the  considerate  judgment  of  mankind  and  the  gracious 
favor  of  God.^^  Mankind  have  approved  and  God  has 
blessed  this  greatest  act  of  the  greatest  of  Republican 
Presidents. 

This  phrase  passed  into  politics  as  a gem,  uttering  at 
once  the  universally-conceded  principle  in  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  that  ^^all  men  are  created  free,^’  and 
demanding  its  application  to  all  classes  of  society  except 
criminals.  The  Abolitionists  had  no  well-matured  plans 


412 


EEPUBLICAK  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


of  emancipation  for  the  slave,  but  were  striking  hard 
blows  against  a fearful  evil  almost  as  old  as  sin  itself,  and 
embodying  the  ^^sum  of  all  villainies.'’^  When  the  Eepub- 
lican  party  was  organized,  it  fell  heir  to  all  the  moral  forces 
which  had  hitherto  been  dreaded  by  the  advocates  of  the 
peculiar  institution^^  of  the  South.  Added  to  these 
were  the  prudential  considerations  which  told  all  men  who 
did  not  desire  victory  for  the  slave  oligarchy,  that  the 
balance  of  power  in  the  United  States  Senate  depended 
upon  the  success  of  the  Eepublican  party  and  the  admis- 
sion of  Kansas  as  a free  State. 

The  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  and  the  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  May  30,  1854,  threw  the  vast 
domain  stretching  west  from  Missouri  to  California,  and 
once  pledged  to  freedom,  back  into  the  angry  discussions 
of  slavery  and  anti-slavery  parties.  Questions  once  settled 
by  compromise  were  to  be  fought  over  again  at  the  ballot- 
box.  The  excitement  throughout  the  country  never  ceased 
until  it  burst  in  the  thunders  of  civil  war.  The  fact  that 
large  numbers  of  the  people  had  lost  confidence  in  the 
sincerity  of  the  Democratic  leaders  could  no  longer  be 
concealed.  To  save  the  country  north  of  thirty-six  de- 
grees tliirty  minutes  to  liberty,  the  Eepublican  party 
Lecame  a necessity.  Buchanan  recognized  the  Lecompton 
Constitution  in  his  message,  February,  1858,  and  the  free- 
dom of  the  territory  of  the  west  was  imperiled.  The 
Eepublican  party  grew  into  power  in  a day.  All  classes 
and  grades  of  opposition  to  slavery  were  consolidated  into 
one  as  the  result  of  the  encroachments  of  the  slave  power, 
wdth  which  compromises  had  ceased  to  have  any  legal  or 
moral  force.  The  precise  feeling  and  position  of  the  young 
and  growing  party  of  freedom,  at  the  time  of  its  organiza- 
tion, was  never  more  tersely  or  popularly  expressed  than  by 
Mr.  Lincoln,  in  his  opening  speech  in  his  celebrated  canvass 
with  Senator  Douglas;  said  he,  believe  this  government 
cannot  endure  permanently  half  slave,  half  free.  I do  not 


FREE  LABOR  AKD  FREE  MEN. 


413 


expect  the  Union  to  be  dissolved;  I do  not  expect  the  house 
to  fall;  but  I do  expect  it  will  cease  to  be  divided.  It  will 
become  all  one  thing  or  all  the  other.  Either  the  oppo- 
nents of  slavery  will  arrest  the  farther  spread  of  it  and 
place  it  where  the  public  mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  that 
it  is  in  the  course  of  absolute  extinction,  or  its  advocates 
will  push  it  forward  till  it  shall  become  alike  lawful  in  all 
the  States,  old  as  well  as  new,  north  as  well  as  south. 
This  utterance  was  the  key-note  of  his  campaign,  and 
eventually  made  him  President. 


CHAPTEE  IV. 


KOK-EXTEKSIOiT  OF  SLAYERT. 

HI  LE  the  great  body  of  the  men  who  united  to 


form  the  Eepublican  party  entertained  the  opinion 
that  human  slavery  was  a violation  of  the  inherent  rights 
of  mankind,  and  totally  inconsistent  with  the  genius  and 
principles  of  our  system  and  form  of  government,  they  were 
not  disposed  to  set  at  defiance  the  guarantees  of  the  Con- 
stitution, originally  engrafted  for  the  protection  of  this 
institution,  but  they  were  earnestly  devoted  to  the  princi- 
ple that  wherein  Congress  had  the  power  to  limit,  or 
abolish  slavery,  the  same  should  be  done. 

Washington,  Jefferson,  and  other  great  revolutionary 
spirits  of  the  South,  deplored  the  existence  of  slavery,  and 
looked  forward  to  the  time  when  it  would  be  abolished. 
They,  however,  gave  their  adhesion  to  the  compromises  in 
the  Constitution  inserted  for  the  protection  of  that  institu- 
tion. 

The  spirit  of  slavery  is  intensely  aggressive;  and  not  only 
was  slavery  used  as  a system  of  labor,  but  as  a great  power 
in  politics  and  the  social  relations.  Men  came  to  believe 
that  slavery  was  of  divine  origin — that  it  was  the  true 
relation  ordained  of  God,  between  the  white  and  black 
races;  and  so  the  laws  of  the  States  were  enacted  with  the 
view  to  its  perpetuation,  and  a policy  for  the  National 
Government  was  established  looking  to  its  constant  exten- 
sion. The  admission  of  new  States  was  timed  so  as  to 
maintain  the  balance  of  power  between  the  sections,  and 
thus  preserve  to  slavery,  in  connection  with  its  northern 
allies,  the  control  of  the  Senate. 

The  contest  in  the  presidential  election  of  1860,  mainly 
turned  upon  the  question  of  the  extension  of  slavery  into 


414 


KON-EXTEKSIOi^  OF  SLAYERY. 


415 


the  Territories,  and  of  the  right  of  slave-holders  to  the 
protection  of  the  Constitution  in  emigrating  with  their 
slaves  into  the  Territories. 

Without  entering  upon  a minute  discussion  in  regard 
to  the  attitude  of  parties  upon  this  question,  it  is  well 
understood  that  the  Slavery  Propaganda  maintained  the 
right,  under  the  Constitution,  of  taking  their  slaves  into 
the  Territories,  and  holding  them  there  as  other  property; 
and  that  neither  Congress  nor  the  Territorial  Legislatures 
had  any  power  or  authority  to  interfere  with  the  status 
of  slavery  in  the  Territories  during  the  existence  of  the 
Territorial  form  of  government. 

The  Ecpublican  party  maintained  the  position  that, 
while  they  had  no  constitutional  right  to  interfere  with 
slavery  in  the  States  where  it  existed  by  virtue  of  State 
laws,  they  insisted  that  Congress  had  power  over  the 
Territories,  and  that  laws  should  be  passed  to  prohibit  the 
extension  of  slavery  into  any  of  the  Territories  of  the 
Union. 

Lincoln,  with  prophetic  vision,  foresaw  and  predicted 
that  this  Government  could  not  continue  half  slave  and 
half  free.  He  believed  that  ultimately  slavery  would 
cease  to  exist,  and  that  the  Union  would  be  maintained 
for  the  protection  of  the  rights  and  interests  of  a great 
and  free  people.  He  did  not  propose  to  wage  an  unlawful 
warfare  against  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  existed;  but 
he  believed  in  the  right  of  discussion,  and  expected  to  see 
created  through  this  means  a public  sentiment.  South  as 
well  as  ISTorth,  in  favor  of  the  final  extirpation  of  this  state 
of  society  and  labor,  which  he  believed  to  be  wrong. 

These  sentiments  were  fully  indorsed  by  the  men  w’ho 
elevated  Abraham  Lincoln  to  the  presidential  chair.  It 
was  in  no  spirit  of  aggression  that  he  and  they  conducted 
the  campaign  of  1860,  but  they  were  voicing  the  progress- 
ive spirit  of  the  age  when  they  declared  against  the 
further  extension  of  slavery. 


416 


REPUBLICAN  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


The  opposition  to  this  attitude  of  the  Eepublican  party 
was  as  fierce  and  malignant  as  though  the  party  had 
declared  in  favor  of  the  immediate,  abolition  by  Congress 
of  slavery  in  the  States.  It  was  not  enough  for  the  friends 
of  slavery  that  that  institution  was  safe  in  the  States  where 
it  existed,  and  was  to  be  left  subject  to  the  will  of  the 
people  of  those  States  respectively.  All  civilized  govern- 
ments throughout  the  world  maintained  the  doctrine  that 
the  state  of  slavery  was  subject  to  local  law,  and  was  not  a 
natural  condition  of  society;  the  friends  of  slavery  set  this 
doctrine  at  defiance  and  demanded  the  right  to  import  into 
the  Territories  of  the  Union  the  laws  of  the  States  which 
placed  fetters  upon  the  colored  race.  And  so,  when 
Lincoln  was  elected  president  of  the  United  States,  accord- 
ing to  the  Constitution  and  forms  of  law,  the  leaders  of  the 
South  determined  to  break  up  the  Union;  not  because 
slavery  in  the  slave  States  was  to  be  interfered  with ; not 
because  slaves  fleeing  from  their  masters  would  not  be 
returned  upon  demand  made  according  to  law;  not  because 
there  was  danger  of  a reduction  of  the  representation  of  the 
slave-holding  States  in  Congress  and  in  the  Electoral 
College,  by  deducting  from  their  total  population  the 
slaves  authorized  by  the  Constitution  to  be  counted;  but 
because  there  was  a demand  upon  the  part  of  the  freedom- 
loving  people  of  the  United  States  that  slavery  should  not 
be  extended  beyond  the  bounds  which  it  then  occupied. 


CHAPTEE  V. 


PKESEEVATIOi^  OF  THE  UHIOH  — REVIEW  OF  SECESSION 
MOVEMENTS. 

The  three  hundred  thousand  slave  owners  had  grown 
into  a slave  power  that  controlled  the  South  in  1857. 
At  this  time  the  South  controlled  the  Democratic  party, 
and  this  party  controlled  the  Union.  But  the  course  of 
events  was  turning  against  them.  Prior  to  1845  an  equi- 
librium between  the  sections  was  maintained  by  admitting 
as  many  new  Southern  States  as  new  Northern  States;  but 
after  that  time  five  new  Northern  States  were  added  to  the 
Union,  and  others  were  almost  ready  for  application,  while 
there  were  no  new  Southern  States  to  counterbalance  them. 
From  1820  to  1848  there  had  been  as  many  Senators  from 
the  slave  States  as  from  the  free  States.  In  1852  the  latter 
had  thirty-two  Senators  and  the  former  only  thirty.  The 
impossibility  of  maintaining  an  equality  in  the  Senate  pro- 
duced alarm  in  the  South.  To  this  fear  of  the  slaveholders 
there  was  another,  cause  of  doubt  as  to  their  continuance 
in  power.  The  power,  energy  and  resources  of  the  free 
States  were  overmatching  the  efforts  of  the  South  in  Kan- 
sas ; and  if  Kansas  could  not  be  made  a slave  State,  the 
advocates  of  slavery  saw  but  three  courses  to  pursue  : the 
cession  of  Cuba  to  the  Union,  as  territory  for  slave  States  ; 
the  acquisition  of  territory  south  of  Texas  as  material  for 
the  same  purpose  ; or  the  re-opening  of  the  African  slave 
trade.  If  these  attempts  should  fail,  they  desired  a sepa- 
ration from  the  free  States,  and  the  establishment  of  an  in- 
dependent government  that  w^ould  secure  slavery  from  all 
attacks  and  restrictions. 

27 


417 


418 


REPUBLICAi^^  achievements. 


SECESSION. 

The  Legislature  of  South  Carolina  having  met  to  choose 
electors,  remained  in  session  till  the  election  of  Lincoln 
was  assured.  It  then  called  a convention  of  the  State 
to  consider  the  mode  and  measure  of  redress.  The  con- 
vention passed,  unanimously,  the  following  : An  ordi- 

nance to  dissolve  the  union  between  the  State  of  South 
Carolina  and  other  States  united  with  her  under  the  com- 
pact entitled,  ^ The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of 
America.  Copies  of  this  ordinance  were  forwarded  to 
the  other  slaveholding  States,  and  Governor  Pickens  issued, 
December  24,  a proclamation  embodying  the  substance  of 
the  ordinance.  South  Carolina  was  relied  upon  by  disun- 
lonists  to  take  the  initiative  in  the  work  of  secession  and 
to  fire  the  southern  heart.  Other  slave  States,  unwilling 
to  abandon  their  smaller  sister, rapidly  followed  her 
example. 

The  Legislature  of  Georgia  met  November  8,  1860,  and 
on  the  18th  called  a convention  and  appropriated  $1,000,- 
000  to  arm  the  State.  On  the  3d  of  December  the  Legis- 
lature adopted  resolutions  proposing  a conference  of  the 
Southern  States  at  Atlanta  on  the  20th  of  the  following 
February.  The  convention  met  January  17, 1861,  and  re- 
ceived commissioners  from  South  Carolina  and  Alabama. 
Eesolutions  wei^e  adopted  declaring  it  the  right  and  duty 
of  Georgia  to  secede.  On  the  19th  the  ordinance  of  seces- 
sion was  passed  — ayes  208,  nays  89.  Two  days  afterward 
Senators  and  Eepresentatives  from  Georgia  withdrew  from 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  On  the  24th  dele- 
gates were  elected  to  a southern  Congress  at  Montgomery, 
Alabama,  and  on  the  28th  commissioners  to  other  slave- 
holding States  were  elected.  The  following  day  the  con- 
vention adopted  an  address  to  the  South  and  the  world, 
after  which  it  adjourned.  It  re-assembled  in  March  and 
ratified  the  ^^Confederate  Constitution^^ — ayes  96,  nays  5. 


PRESEEVATIOK  OE  THE  UKIOK. 


419 


On  the  20th  of  the  month  an  ordinance  was  passed  author- 
izing the  Confederate  government  to  occupy,  use,  and  pos- 
sess the  forts,  navy  yards,  arsenals,  and  custom  houses 
within  the  limits  of  said  State.  April  26,  Governor  Brown 
issued  a proclamation  ordering  the  repudiation,  by  the  cit- 
izens of  Georgia,  of  all  debts  due  Northern  men-  Such, 
with  slight  modifications,  were  the  stej)s  taken  by  every 
State  that  seceded  before  the  close  of  March,  1861.  Hav- 
ing completed  these  acts,  the  seceded  States  began  opera- 
tions under  the  Confederate  Constitution.  Mississippi 
passed  the  ordinance  of  secession  January  9, 1861 ; Florida, 
January  10;  Alabama,  January  11;  Louisiana,  January 
25 ; Texas,  February  1 ; and  Arkansas,  March  18.  No 
other  State  seceded  till  after  the  beginning  of  hostilities 
in  Lincoln's  administration.  When  a State  seceded  it 
appointed  commissioners  to  visit  other  slaveholding  States 
to  confer  regarding  the  most  efficient  measures  for  tlie 
cause  of  secession.  South  Carolina  appointed  eight  com- 
missioners, Alabama  eight,  Georgia  two,  and  Mississippi 
fourteen. 

THE  CONFEDERATE  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 

Between  the  election  of  Lincoln  and  his  inauguration, 
a portion  of  the  cabinet  were  aiding  the  cause  of  secession 
in  every  practical  way.  They  were  not  molested  by  the 
President,  for  he  stated  that  the  executive  had  no  authority 
to  decide  what  should  be  the  relations  between  the  federal 
government  and  a seceded  State.  During  the  year  preced- 
ing the  election  of  Lincoln  the  transfer  of  United  States 
arms  to  the  South  had  been  quietly  going  on  under  the 
direction  of  Mr.  Floyd,  Secretary  of  War.  The  Mobile 
Advertiser  upon  the  subject,  says  : 

During  the  past  year  135,430  muskets  have  been 
quietly  transferred  from  the  northern  arsenal  at  Springfield 
alone,  to  those  in  the  Southern  States.  We  are  much 
obliged  to  Secretary  Floyd  for  the  foresight  he  has  thus 


420 


REPUBLICAN  ACHIEYEMEKTS. 


displayed  in  disarming  the  ISTorlh  and  equipping  the  South 
for  this  emergency.  There  is  no  telling  the  quantity  of 
arms  and  munitions  which  were  sent  South  from  other 
Northern  arsenals.  There  is  no  doubt  but  that  every  man 
in  the  South  who  can  carry  a gun  can  now  be  supplied  from 
private  or  public  sources.  The  Springfield  contribution 
alone  would  arm  all  the  militia  men  of  Alabama  and 
Mississippi.'^ 

The  transfer  of  arms  was  conducted  quietly  from  the 
last  of  1859  till  the  last  of  1860  ; but  when  Lincoln  was 
elected  all  measures  connected  with  secession  were  pushed 
with  uncommon  vigor.  The  Senators  from  the  States 
farthest  south  controlled  the  movements  of  secession,  and 
aided  by  the  telegraph  they  accomplished  their  purpose 
with  a rapidity  to  which  history  affords  no  parallel.  Their 
leading  object  was  to  organize  a new  national  government 
through  which  they  could  rally  the  outright  secessionists, 
obtain  the  allegiance  of  the  doubtful,  and  coerce  those 
who  should  refuse  compliance.  Jefferson  Davis,  Senator 
from  Mississippi,  was  head  of  the  senatorial  group  conduct- 
ing the  work  of  secession.  The  Legislature  of  his  State, 
January  19,  1861,  adopted  resolutions  inviting  a congress 
of  delegates  from  the  seceding  States  to  provide  for  a south- 
ern confederacy,  and  to  establish  a provisional  government 
therefor.  The  proposal  was  at  once  accepted,  and  delegates 
appointed  through  the  State  conventions.  The  provisional 
congress  thus  constituted  met  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  on 
the  4th  of  February,  v/ith  delegates  from  South  Carolina, 
Alabama,  Georgia,  Florida,  Louisiana,  and  Mississippi. 

Texas  delegates  were  not  chosen  until  February  14.  A 
provisional  constitution  was  adopted  on  the  8th  of  Feb- 
ruary, and  the  next  day  Jefferson  Davis,  of  Mississippi, 
and  Alexander  H.  Stevens,  of  Georgia,  were  chosen 
provisional  President  and  Vice-President.  They  were 
inaugurated  on  the  18th.  Executive  departments  were 
established,  a confederate  regular  army  was  oganized,  and 


REVIEW  OF  SECESSION  MOVEMENTS. 


421 


provisions  for  borrowing  money  were  made.  The  per- 
manent constitution  was  adopted  March  11. 

The  provisional  congress  consisted  of  but  one  House, 
and  legislated  mainly  for  the  regulation  of  civil  service 
under  the  new  government.  Postmasters  were  instructed 
to  make  their  final  accounting  to  the  federal  government 
May  31,  thereafter  accounting  to  the  Confederate  States.'’^ 
Civil  and  military  officers  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  on  joining  the  confederacy,  received  offices  in  the 
confederate  service  equal  in  rank  to  those  they  had  left,  or 
else  higher  positions.  The  provisional  congress  adjourned 
on  the  16th  of  March,  but  re-assembled  at  Montgomery  at 
the  call  of  President  Davis,  in  consequence  of  the  efforts 
which  the  Federal  government  was  making  to  enforce  its 
authority  in  the  South. 

In  the  mean  time  Congress  had  met,  December  3,  1860, 
and  the  opinion  of  the  President  on  the  question  of  seces- 
sion was  made  known  to  the  country.  In  his  message  to 
Congress  he  stated  his  inability  to  find  officers  in  the  south 
to  execute  process  against  offenders,  and  expressed  the 
opinion  that  it  was  impossible,  legally,  under  such  circum- 
stances, to  coerce  the  obedience  of  a State  ; such,  he  said, 
was  also  the  opinion  of  the  attorney-general.  The  Presi- 
dent appealed  to  Congress  to  institute  a constitutional 
amendment  recognizing  the  rights  of  the  Southern  States 
in  regard  to  slavery  in  the  territories;  but  he  argued  against 
secession  and  revolution,  and  expressed  a determination 
^^to  collect  the  revenue  in  the  ports  of  South  Carolina  by 
means  of  a naval  force,  and  to  defend  the  public  property.” 
The  closing  portion  of  the  message  is  to  the  effect  that 
secession  is  wrong,  but  he  knew  not  what  to  do,  for  he  did 
not  believe  that  Congress  could  constitutionally  coerce  a 
state. 

THE  CRITTENDEN  COMPROMISE. 

Congress  was  occupied  chiefly  in  considering  propositions 
for  conciliation.  The  request  in  tlie  President's  message 


422 


REPUBLICAN  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


to  amend  the  Constitution  in  the  interest  of  slavery  in  the 
territories  was  referred  to  a committee  of  thirteen.  Mr. 
Crittenden,  of  Kentucky,  submitted  a joint  resolution 
proposing  certain  amendments  to  the  Constitution,  but  the 
committee  rejected  the  compromise,  and  reported  that 
they  were  unable  to  agree  upon  any  general  plan  of  ad- 
justment.^^ Mr.  Crittenden  seeing  that  the  requisite  two- 
thirds  vote  of  Congress  on  his  amendment  could  not  be 
obtained,  submitted  to  the  Senate  a joint  resolution  which 
might  be  passed  by  a majority  of  both  Houses.  It  was  to 
the  effect  that  his  rejected  amendment  be  referred,  by  an 
ordinary  act  of  Congress,  to  a direct  vote  of  the  people  of 
the  several  States.  This  proposition,  with  its  modified 
form,  was  before  Congress  till  the  last  day  of  the  session, 
when  it  was  defeated  in  the  Senate  by  a vote  of  nineteen 
in  the  affirmative  and  twenty  in  the  negative.  The  leading 
provisions  of  the  Crittenden  compromise  were  that  north  of 
the  parallel  of  36  degrees  and  30  minutes,  slavery  should  be 
prohibited;  that  south  of  this  line  it  should  be  recognized 
and  never  interfered  with  by  Congress,  and  slaves  rescued 
from  officers  after  arrest  should  be  paid  for  by  the  Federal 
government.  The  provisions  were  to  be  incorporated  in 
the  Constitution  and  never  altered  or  amended  during  the 
existence  of  the  Union.  The  comj)romise  was  one  of  con- 
flicting claims,  and  could  not  receive  the  support  of  either 
party. 

Other  propositions  were  presented,  but  none  received 
the  sanction  of  both  Houses  except  a constitutional  amend- 
ment prohibiting  Congress  from  interfering  with  slavery 
in  the  States.  This  amendment  was  adopted  by  the 
legislatures  of  Ohio  and  Maryland,  but  the  attention  of 
other  States  was  drawn  from  it  by  the  rapid  occurrence  of 
exciting  and  important  events. 

THE  PEACE  CONVENTION. 

At  the  invitation  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia, 


PRESERVATION  OF  THE  UNION. 


428 


commissioners  from  thirteen  free  and  seven  border  States 
assembled  in  a peace  convention^  February  4,  18G1.  The 
133  delegates  composing  the  convention  endeavored  to  pre- 
sent to  Congress  such  recommendations  as  would  prevent 
the  border  States  from  seceding,  and  bring  back  to  the 
Union  the  cotton  States  that  had  withdrawn.  The  com- 
mittee to  which  the  matters  under  consideration  were 
referred,  reported  that  the  Constitution  should  be  amended 
so  as  to  include  the  following:  In  all  the  present  territory 

of  the  United  States  north  of  the  parallel  of  36  degrees  and 
30  minutes  of  north  latitude,  involuntary  servitude,  except 
in  punishment  of  crime,  is  prohibited.  In  all  the  present 
territory  south  of  that  line,  the  status  of  persons  held  to 
involuntary  service  or  labor,  as  it  now  exists,  shall  not  be 
changed;  nor  shall  any  law  be  passed  by  Congress  or  the 
territorial  legislature  to  hinder  or  prevent  the  taking  of 
such  persons  from  any  of  the  States  of  tliis  Union  to  said 
territor}^,  nor  to  impair  the  rights  arising  from  said 
relation;  but  the  same  shall  be  subject  to  judicial  cogniz- 
ance in  the  Federal  courts,  according  to  the  course  of  the 
common  law.  When  any  territory  north  or  south  of  said 
line,  within  such  boundary  as  Congress  may  prescribe,  shall 
contain  a population  equal  to  that  required  for  a member 
of  Congress,  it  shall,  if  its  form  of  government  be  republi- 
can, be  admitted  into  the  Union  on  an  equal  footing  with 
the  original  States,  with  or  without  involuntary  servitude, 
as  the  Constitution  of  such  State  may  provide. 

On  the  twenty- seventh  of  February  the  proposed 
amendment  was  adopted  by  the  convention  and  communi- 
cated to  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  by  Mr. 
Tyler,  chairman  of  the  convention  and  ex-President  of  the 
United  States.  Mr.  Crittenden,  an  earnest  avdocate  of  the 
amendment,  endeavored  to  bring  the  Senate  to  a vote  upon 
the  question,  but  in  this  he  was  unsuccessful.  The  recom- 
mendation of  the  convention  met  with  less  favor  in  the 


424 


KEPUBLICAK  ACHIEYEMEl^TS. 


House  than  in  the  Senate.  Leave  to  present  it  was  not 
eyen  allowed  to  the  Speaker. 

The  refusal  to  pass  any  compromise  heightened  the 
excitement  in  the  South  and  enabled  earnest  secessionists 
to  wield  an  influence  for  disunion  in  places  where  there 
was  a reluctance  to  secede.  The  following  telegraphic 
manifesto  was  sent  from  Washington,  December  22,  1860, 
by  Eobert  Toombs: 

Fellow  Citizens  of  Georgia:  I came  here  to  secure  your  constitu- 

tional rights,  or  to  demonstrate  to  you  that  you  can  get  no  guarantee 
for  these  rights  from  your  northern  confederates.  The  whole  subject 
was  referred  to  a committee  of  thirteen  in  the  Senate  yesterday.  I 
was  appointed  on  the  committee  and  accepted  the  trust.  I submitted 
propositions,  which,  so  far  from  receiving  decided  support  from  a single 
member  of  the  Republican  party  on  the  committee,  were  all  treated  with 
either  derision  or  contempt.  The  vote  was  then  taken  in  committee 
on  the  amendments  to  the  Constitution,  proposed  by  Hon.  J.  J.  Crit- 
tenden, of  Kentucky,  and  each  and  all  of  them  were  voted  against, 
unanimously,  by  the  black  Republican  members  of  the  committee.  In 
addition  to  these  facts  a majority  of  the  black  Republican  members  of 
the  committee  declared  distinctly  that  they  had  no  guarantees  to  offer, 
which  was  silently  acquiesced  in  by  the  other  members. 

The  black  Republican  members  of  this  committee  of  thirteen  are 
representative  men  of  their  party  and  section,  and,  to  the  ^ extent  of 
my  information,  truly  represent  the  committee  of  thirty-three  in  the 
House,  which,  on  Tuesday  adjourned  for  a week,  without  coming  to 
any  vote,  after  solemnly  pledging  themselves  to  vote  on  all  propositions 
then  before  them  on  that  date.  That  committee  is  controlled  by  black 
Republicans,  your  enemies,  who  only  seek  to  amuse  you  with  delusive 
hope  until  your  election,  in  order  that  you  may  defeat  the 
friends  of  secession.  If  you  are  deceived  by  them,  it  shall  not  be  my 
fault.  I have  put  the  test  fairly  and  frankly.  It  is  decisive  against 
you;  and  I now  tell  you,  upon  the  faith  of  a true  man,  that  all 
further  looking  to  the  North  for  security  for  your  constitutional  rights 
in  the  Union  ought  to  be  instantly  abandoned.  It  is  fraught  with 
nothing  but  ruin  to  yourselves  and  your  posterity. 

Secession  by  the  fourth  of  March  next  should  be  thundered  from 
the  ballot-box  by  tlie  unanimous  voice  of  Georgia  on  the  second  day 
of  January  next.  Such  a voice  will  be  your  best  guarantee  for  lib- 
erty, security,  tranquillity,  and  glory. 


Robert  Toombs. 


REVIEW  OF  SECESSION  MOVEMENTS. 


425 


While  compromise  measures  were  being  uselessly 
debated,  disunionists  were  pressing  the  work  of  secession 
with  energy  and  ability.  Time,  which  should  have  been 
spent  in  making  the  federal  government  ready  to  assert 
its  supremacy,  was  wasted  in  dallying  with  theoretical 
cures  for  incurable  evils.  Senators  and  representatives 
from  the  South,  while  debates  on  compromises  were  in 
progress,  would  occasionally  withdraw  from  Congress, 
thus  announcing  that  another  State  had  seceded  without 
waiting  for  conciliation.  When  a sufficient  number  of 
Congressmen  had  withdrawn  to  leave  a Republican  majority 
in  both  houses,  Kansas  was  admitted  into  the  Union  under 
the  Wyandot  free-state  constitution,  and  Nevada,  Col- 
orado, and  Dakota  were  erected  into  Territories,  ^^even 
giving  the  South  the  benefit  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision 
therein. A tariff  for  the  protection  of  manufactures 
became  a law  in  1861 ; this  is  known  as  the  Morrill  tariff. 
The  electoral  votes  were  counted  in  February,  and  were 
found  to  be  180  for  Lincoln  and  Hamlin,  72  for  Breckin- 
ridge and  Lane,  39  for  Bell  and  Everett,  and  12  for 
Douglas  and  Johnston.  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  were  there- 
fore declared  elected.  After  the  electoral  vote  was 
counted.  Congress  authorized  a loan  and  an  issue  of  treas- 
ury notes,  and  adjourned  March  3,  1861.  The  following 
day  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  took  the  oath  of  office. 

The  administration  of  Lincoln,  as  foreseen  by  all,  was 
to  be  a stormy  period  in  American  politics.  However,  the 
far-reaching  sweep  of  events,  soon  to  transpire,  was  scarcely 
within  the  vision  of  the  most  prophetic  eye.  The  country 
everywhere  felt  a sense  of  insecurity.  In  Washington  the 
friends  of  the  President-elect,  apprehensive  of  danger, 
took  steps  to  provide  for  his  personal  safety.  It  was 
believed  they  had  discovered  a conspiracy  to  assassinate 
Mr.  Lincoln  while  going  through  Baltimore.  Reposing 
implicit  confidence  in  the  people,  it  w\as  difficult  for  him 
to  understand,  after  his  triumphal  passage  through  three 


426 


KEPUBLICAK  ACHIEVEMEOTS. 


great  States,  that  such  a purpose  to  thwart  the  decision  of 
the  ballot-box  should  exist  anywhere  in  the  Union.  But 
evidence  thickened  and  he  passed  Baltimore,  in  disguise, 
arriving  at  Washington  about  the  time  he  was  expected  to 
leave  Harrisburg. 

From  February  23d  till  March  4th  was  spent  in  the  cap- 
ital. He  was  cordially  received  by  Mr  Buchanan  and 
introduced  to  his  cabinet,  then  in  session.  The  members 
of  the  peace  congress  visited  him,  and  distinguished  citi- 
zens and  official  bodies  welcomed  him. 

Monday  morning,  the  4th  of  March,  1861,  a vast  con- 
course, of  every  party  and  shade  of  political  opinion, 
thronged  the  city.  And  although  a spark  would  have 
kindled  the  passion  of  the  hour  into  a flame,  the  inaugu- 
ration was  accomplished  deliberately  and  without  blood- 
shed. 

The  ceremonies  of  inauguration,  always  impressive, 
were  surrounded  with  painful  solicitude.  The  vast  crowd 
witnessed  the  unprecedented’  spectacle  of  a number  of 
vacant  places  among  the  members  of  the  Senate  and 
House,  occasioned  by  resignations  to  join  the  rising 
southern  confederacy.  The  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court 
were  there.  Chief  Justice  Taney  attracting  attention 
because  of  his  known  pro-slavery  principles.  Many  offi- 
cers of  the  army  and  navy,  ministers  from  foreign  courts, 
and  distinguished  party  leaders,  noted  with  critical  eye  every 
movement  in  the  historic  scene. 

Mr.  Lincoln  appeared,  accompanied  by  the  retiring 
President,  Mr.  Buchanan,  and  by  Mr.  Douglas,  whose 
friendship  at  that  time  could  not  be  too  highly  appre- 
ciated. The  oath  of  office  was  administered  by  Chief 
Justice  Taney,  Hannibal  Hamlin  having  already  received 
the  oath  of  office  as  Vice-President,  and  the  newly  elected 
Senators  having  been  sworn  in. 

INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 

No  man  had  ever  approached  so  great  an  occasion  with 


PKESEEVATIOi^  OF  THE  UHIOH. 


427 


more  ability.  Firmness,  prudence  and  humility  were  so 
equally  blended  in  the  address  that,  for  a time,  it  dis- 
armed his  enemies,  and  his  friends  were  not  quite  sure  of 
the  strength  of  his  purpose  till  they  had  given  his  words  a 
calm  consideration.  Its  influence  was  paciflc.  For  a 
moment  all  parties  were  stilled.  The  abolition  element 
at  the  north,  felt  that  it  was  too  conciliatory  ; the  seces- 
sionists were  incensed  by  the  very  calmness  which  per- 
vaded it ; the  masses  throughout  the  northern  and  west- 
ern States  approved,  and  the  Border  States  were  satis- 
fied. But  few  comprehended  its  grasp  on  the  possibilities 
that  lay  in  the  Nation^s  pathway.  He  re-affirmed  the  dis- 
tinguishing feature  of  the  platform  on  which  he  was  nom- 
inated, which  declared  the  right  of  each  State  to  order 
and  control  its  own  domestic  institutions  according  to  its 
own  judgment  exclusively,’^  but  construed  the  articles  of 
association  of  1774,  the  Declaration  of  Independence  of 
1776,  the  Articles  of  Confederation  of  1778,  with  the  Con- 
stitution of  1787,  so  as  to  make  it  ^‘impossible”  for  a 
State  “lawfully,”  “upon  its  own  mere  motion  to  get  out 
of  the  Union ;”  and  promised  that  the  Union  of  all  the 
States,  would,  under  the  Constitution,  “defend  and  main- 
tain itself,”  while  all  the  power  confined  in  him  should  be 
used  “to  hold,  occupy,  and  possess  the  property  and 
places  belonging  to  the  government.” 

ATTEMPTED  ADJUSTMENT  OF  DIFFICULTIES. 

Mr.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State,  received,  as  early  as  the 
11th  of  March,  “through  the  kind  offices  of  a distin- 
guished Senator,”  a request  from  Mr.  John  Forsyth,  of 
Alabama,  and  Mr.  Martin  J.  Crawford,  of  Georgia,  for  an 
unofficial  interview ; but  the  nature  of  the  proposed  inter- 
view was  such  that,  from  “ considerations  of  public  pol- 
icy,” it  was  respectfully  declined.  This  was  followed  by 
a written  communication  from  these  gentlemen,  then  in 
Washington,  under  date  of  March  12th,  sealed,  and  deliv- 


428 


REPUBLICAIsr  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


ered  on  the  13th  to  Mr.  Seward^s  assistant.  This  was 
intended  as  an  official  document.  In  it  Messrs.  Forsyth 
and  Crawford  claimed  to  be  accredited  commissioners  of 
the  Confederate  States  of  America^  to  the  government  of 
the  United  States.-^^  They  represented  that  seven  States 
had  withdrawn  from  the  United  States^  and  formed  a 
government  of  their  own.^^  They  said  the  Confederate 
States  constituted  an  independent  nation,  de  facto  and  dc 
jure,  possessing  a government  perfect  in  all  its  parts,  and 
endowed  with  all  means  of  self-support  f and  closed  by 
requesting  a speedy  interview,  that  they  might  present 
their  credentials  to  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  lay  before  him  the  mission  with  which  they  had  been 
entrusted,  for  the  future  welfare  of  the  two  nations.’’^ 

To  this  bold  declaration  Secretary  Seward  replied, 
stating  that  he  had  the  honor  to  submit  to  them  a copy 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's  inaugural  address,  a simple  reference  to 
which  would  satisfy  those  gentlemen  that,  guided  by  the 
principles  therein  laid  down,  the  secretary  was  altogether 
prevented  from  admitting  or  assuming  that  the  States 
referred  to  by  them  had,  in  law  or  in  fact,  withdrawn 
from  the  federal  Union,  or  that  they  could  do  so  in  the 
manner  assumed.  He  also  refused  to  appoint  a day  on 
which  they  might  present  their  credentials,  and  refused  to 
recognize  them  as  diplomatic  agents,^^  or  to  ^^hold  cor- 
respondence with  them.^^  He  closed  by  assuring  them 
that  the  President  had  been  consulted,  and  that  he 
declined  any  official  intercourse  with  them. 

This  correspondence  seems  sufficiently  explicit,  and 
shows  the  determined  purpose  on  both  sides  that  no  con- 
cessions were  to  be  made.  But  there  were  yet  at  Wash- 
ington, and  high  in  civil  and  political  circles,  some  who 
entertained  hopes  of  some  kind  of  amicable  adjustment, 
whether  through  compromise  or  by  disunion  does  not 
clearly  appear.  Prominent  among  these  was  John  A. 
Campbell,  a citizen  oi  Alabama,  and  member  of  the 


BEVIEW  OE  SECESSlOK  MOVEMENTS. 


429 


Supreme  Court.  Judge  Campbell  interposed  bis  friendly 
offices  in  behalf  of  the  claims  of  Messrs.  Forsyth  and 
Crawford,  and  seems  to  have  thought,  at  one  time,  he 
would  be  successful.  He  addressed  Secretary  Seward, 
under  date  of  April  13,  complaining  that  certain  conver- 
sations with  reference  to  sending  supplies  to  Fort  Sumter 
had  led  him  to  expect  a different  result  in  the  action  of 
the  government.  His  impression  Avas  that  Fort  Sumter 
would  have  been  peaceably  envacuated,  and  he  had  assured 
the  aforesaid  confederate  commissioners  that  no  measure 
^^prejudicious^^  to  the  southern  confederate  States  was  con- 
templated on  the  15th  of  March.  He  claimed  that  the 
southern  leaders  were  acting  under  the  impression  that 
systematic  duplicity  had  been  exercised  toward  them, 
in  which  impression  he  seemed  to  fully  share  ; and  con- 
cluded by  demanding  an  explanation. 

To  this  no  reply  was  made,  since  it  would  have  been, 
indirectly,  giving  an  account  of  the  government  for  its 
actions  to  Messrs.  Forsyth  and  Crawford. 

In  the  meantime,  these  gentlemen  having  failed  to 
obtain  an  audience  as  the  representatives  of  a distinct 
nation,  addressed  another  letter  to  Secretary  Seward, 
April  9,  in  which  they  claimed  for  the  confederacy  the 
rights  springing  from  a manifest  and  accomplished  rev- 
olution ; and  accepting  for  their  government  and  people, 
as  they  expressed  it,  ^^the  gauge  of  battle,’^  which  they 
claimed  had  been  thrown  down  by  the  United  States  Avhen 
it  refused  them  official  recognition. 

Whatever  misunderstanding  existed  in  regard  to  nego- 
tiations for  peace,  or  in  regard  to  possessing  and  holding 
the  United  States  forts  on  the  southern  coast,  is  easily 
explained  by  the  fact  that  the  parties  were  working  at 
cross  purposes.  One  was  demanding  peace  and  the  Union; 
the  other  asked  peace  with  disunion.  And  if,  as  claimed, 
the  President  wavered  as  to  the  propriety  of  maintaining 
the  garrison  in  Fort  Sumter,  it  could  haA^e  been  but  a 


430 


HEPUBLICAK  ACHlETEMEKTS. 


question  of  policy  as  to  that  particular  place,  as  no  word 
or  act  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  which  has  come  to  us  through  his- 
tory, contradicts  his  avowed  purpose  that  the  Union  should 
maintain  itself. 

During  this  period,  and  for  some  time  after,  many 
officers  of  the  regular  army,  following  the  example  of 
seceding  States  and  resigning  congressmen,  dropped  their 
uniforms  and  obligations,  and  assumed  commands  in  the 
fastly  forming  Confederate  army.  They  justified  their 
action  on  their  claim  to  State  citizenship,  through  the 
doctrine  of  State  sovereignty,  Everywhere  in  the  South 
the  idea  prevailed  that  allegiance  to  a State  was  paramount 
to  any  obligation  to  the  national  government.  On  this 
plea,  officers  of  the  army,  to  the  number  of  about  two 
hundred,  with  General  Eobert  E.  Lee  at  their  head, 
wheeled  into  line  with  the  southern  battalions.  General 
David  E.  Twiggs,  second  in  rank  among  the  officers  of 
the  United  States  army,  and  commandant  of  the  depart- 
ment of  Texas,  during  Buchanan^s  administration,  was 
notably  influential  in  his  active  co-operation  with  the 
secession  cause. 


THE  BORDER  STATES. 

While  a majority  of  the  people  in  the  border  States  of 
Maryland,  Virginia,  Kentucky,  and  Missouri,  together 
with  those  of  Korth  Carolina,  Tennessee,  and  Arkansas, 
were  in  sympathy  with  the  South,  they  did  not  believe  in 
secession.  One  obvious  reason  for  this  was  the  fact  that 
in  the  event  of  a war  for  the  restoration  of  the  Union, 
their  territory  would  evidently  be  the  battle  field.  Besides, 
there  were  large  sections  of  these  States  where  slaves  were 
few,  and  the  people,  consequently,  did  not  feel  the  interest, 
pecuniarily,  in  making  slavery  the  corner-stone  of  a new 
empire  that  was  elsewhere  expressed.  But  there  were 
enough  Secessionists,  wealthy  and  influential,  to  contribute 
men  and  money  in  answer  to  the  calls  of  President  Davis, 


PRESERVATION  OE  THE  UNION. 


431 


and  to  keep  their  demand  for  disunion  constantly  and 
imperiously  before  the  public.  This  pervading  sentiment 
of  sympathy  with  and  preference  for  the  Souths  at  the 
same  time  hesitating  to  join  the  rebellion,  was  nowhere 
better  expressed  than  in  the  language  of  Governor  Hicks, 
of  Maryland.  He  had  been  memorialized  by  a large 
number  of  citizens,  among  them  ex- Governor  Pratt, 
demanding  a call  of  the  Legislature  to  express  the  views 
and  position  of  Maryland  on  the  situation.  He  answered 
November  27,  I860,  refusing  to  convene  the  Legislature, 
and  January  3,  following,  in  an  address  to  his  people, 
said:  have  been  told  that  the  position  of  Maryland 

should  be  defined,  so  that  both  sections  could  understand 
it.  Do  any  really  misunderstand  her  position  ? Who 
that  wishes  to  understand  it  can  fail  to  do  so  ? If  the 
action  of  the  Legislature  would  be  simply  to  declare  that 
Maryland  is  with  the  South  in  sympathy  and  feeling ; 
that  she  demands  from  the  North  the  repeal  of  offensive 
unconstitutional  statutes,  and  appeals  to  it  for  new  guar- 
antees ; that  she  will  wait  a reasonable  time  for  tlie  North 
to  purge  her  statute  books,  so  as  to  do  justice  to  her 
Southern  brethren,  and,  if  appeals  are  vain,  will  make 
her  common  cause  with  her  sister  border  States  in  resist- 
ance to  tyranny,  if  need  be,  it  would  only  be  saying  what 
the  whole  country  well  knows,  and  what  may  be  said 
much  more  effectually  by  her  people  themselves,  in  their 
meetings,  than  by  the  Legislature,  chosen  eighteen  months 
since,  when  none  of  these  questions  were  raised  before 
them.  That  Maryland  is  a conservative  Southern  State  all 
know  who  know  anything  of  her  people  or  her  history.^’ 
But  the  Maryland  Legislature  was  at  last  convened  by 
Governor  Hicks,  meeting  at  Fredericksburg.  By  a unani- 
mous vote  in  the  Senate,  and  a majority  of  53  to  13,  it 
refused  to  secede.  But  a State  board  of  safety,  with  con- 
siderable powers,  was  appointed.  Its  members,  with  one 
exception,  were  in  sympathy  with  the  South.  On  the  10th 


432 


KEPUBLICAK  ACHIEVEMEKTS. 


of  May,  1861,  the  Legislature  passed  resolutions  declaring 
that  Maryland  desired  and  consented  to  the  recognition 
of  the  independence  of  the  Confederate  States ; that  the 
war  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  was  unconstitutional ; 
hut  recognizing  the  obligations  of  Maryland  to  the  Union, 
and  praying  the  President,  in  the  name  of  God,  to  stop 
the  unholy  war. 

But  Maryland  never  seceded,  and  her  course,  however 
viewed,  was  a consistent  State  sovereignty  example. 

The  Legislature  of  Delaware  convened  January  2,  1861. 
Governor  Burton,  in  his  message,  held  the  Abolitionists 
responsible  for  all  the  trouble,  and  asserted  that  the  North 
should  retire  from  her  untenable  position  immediately. 
Mr.  Dickenson,  a commissioner  from  Mississippi,  addressed 
the  Senate  and  House  jointly  in  favor  of  secession.  But 
they  passed  a resolution,  unanimously,  disapproving  of 
Mr.  Dickenson^s  remedy  for  existing  difficulties. 

The  Missouri  Legislature  passed  a law,  January  16,  1861, 
calling  a State  convention,  which  met,  and  on  the  9th  of 
March  resolved  that  there  was  no  adequate  cause  to  impel 
Missouri  to  dissolve  her  connection  with  the  federal  Union. 
But  the  Legislature  took  active  steps  to  provide  against 
danger  by  appointing  a strong  military  police  force  for  the 
city  of  St.  Louis  ; and  Governor  Jackson  issued  a call, 
June  11th,  for  50,000  volunteers  to  drive  out  the  federal 
troops  as  invaders  of  the  soil  of  Missouri.  In  the  mean- 
time Captain  Lyon  and  Colonel  Blair  had  taken  control  of 
St.  Louis  and  vicinity  at  the  head  of  6,000  troops.  Gov- 
ernor Jackson,  General  Price,  and  thousands  of  Missouri- 
ans retired  southward,  fighting  as  they  retreated. 

Governor  Magoffin  called  the  Legislature  of  Kentucky 
together.  They  met  January  17,  1861,  but  refused  to 
issue  a call  for  a convention.  It  was  decidedly  a Union 
Legislature,  a majority  of  whom  were  in  favor  of  a peace 
congress  at  Washington.  The  election  for  delegates  to  a 
peace  convention,  held  May  4,  gave  50,000  Union  major- 


REVIEW  OF  SECESSION  MOVEMENTS. 


433 


ity.  A states-rights  convention  was  called  to  meet  at 
Frankfort,  March  22,  but  accomplished  nothing.  Finally, 
on  the  election  of  congressmen  to  the  extra  session,  called 
by  President  Lincoln,  nine  Unionists  and  one  Secessionist 
were  elected.  The  vote  was  92,365  for  the  Union,  and  but 
36,995  against  it. 

The  Arkansas  convention  was  visited,  March  16,  1861, 
by  W.  S.  Oldham,  bearing  a letter  from  President  Davis. 
Said  letter,  of  March  the  9th,  was  an  argument  in  favor 
of  secession.  A vote  resulted  in  thirty-nine  against  seces- 
sion to  thirty-five  in  favor  of  it  ; but  as  a compromise  it 
was  agreed  to  submit  the  question  of  secession  to  the  peo- 
ple for  ratification  or  rejection  on  the  first  Monday  in 
August.  But  before  the  time  came,  the  convention 
re-assembled  and  voted  sixty-nine  to  one  in  favor  of  seces- 
sion. The  fact  that  South  Carolina  had  fired  on  Sumter, 
and  war  was  imminent,  explains  the  swift  change  that 
came  over  that  convention. 

BOMBARDMENT  OF  FORT  SUMTER. 

It  was  necessary  that  sectional  feeling  should  be  excited 
to  its  highest  pitch  in  order  to  consolidate  the  South. 
This  fact  was  foreseen  by  many  of  the  Southern  leaders, 
but  the  reaction  which  it  occasioned  at  the  North  was  far 
greater  than  they  anticipated.  It  is  possible  that  the 
South  lost  more  than  she  gained  by  firing  on  Fort  Sumter. 

President  Lincoln  notified  Governor  Pickens,  of  South 
Carolina,  that  supplies  would  be  sent  to  Fort  Sumter 
peaceably,  or  otherwise,  if  necessary.  This  fact  was  at 
once  reported  to  the  authorities  at  Montgomery,  and  on 
the  tenth  of  April,  1861,  the  Confederate  Secretary  of 
War  authorized  General  Beauregard  to  demand  the  evacu- 
ation of  the  fort,  with  liberty  to  proceed  according  to  his 
own  judgment  in  case  of  refusal.  At  two  o^clock  p.m.. 
General  Beauregard  demanded  the  evacuation  of  the  fort, 
on  the  ground  that  the  Confederate  States  could  no  longer 
28 


434 


EEPUBLICAI^  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


permit  a fortification  beyond  its  control  within  reach  of 
one  of  its  harbors.  Major  Anderson^  commanding  Fort 
Sumter,  declined  to  evacuate  it;  and,  in  reply  to  a demand 
as  to  when  he  would  be  willing  to  evacuate,  replied  that 
he  would  do  so  at  noon  on  the  fifteenth,  providing  he  did 
not  receive  controlling  instructions  from  his  government 
or  additional  supplies.  This  answer  is  explained  by  the 
fact  that  the  garrison  would  soon  have  to  succumb  on 
account  of  starvation,  a fact  known  to  the  Southern 
authorities,  and  to  the  public  generally.  The  reason  for 
the  immediate  attack  on  the  fort,  then,  lies  in  the  fact 
that  there  was  probability  of  help  for  the  little  garrison. 
At  3:20  a.m.,  on  the  twelfth  of  April,  General  Beaure- 
gard, acting  under  orders  from  Montgomery,  opened  fire 
for  the  reduction  of  the  fort. 

The  Southern  leaders  were  pleased  to  regard  the  Presi- 
dent’s determination  to  supply  a garrison  of  the  United 
States,  in  one  of  its  own  forts,  at  all  ha^iards,  as  virtually 
an  act  of  offensive  war  against  the  South;  but  the  fact 
remains  that  the  active  bombardment  of  a United  States 
fort,  for  hours,  by  authority  of  the  Confederate  Secretary 
of  War,  before  a shot  was  fired  in  defense,  was  under- 
stood by  the  masses  of  the  people  as  a demonstration  of 
the  purpose  of  the  South  to  initiate  war.  This  conviction 
was  so  deep  that  no  amount  of  argument  could  ever 
change  the  opinion  of  the  country  in  regard  to  it. 

Eoger  A.  Pryor  had  said  at  Eichmond,  Va.,  in  a nota- 
ble speech,  ^‘1  will  tell  you,  gentlemen,  what  will  put 
Virginia  into  the  Southern  Confederacy  in  less  than  an 
hour  by  Shrewsbury  clock — strike  a blow!  The  very 
moment  that  Hood  is  shed,  old  Virginia  ivill  make  common 
cause  with  her  sister  States  of  the  South” 

Mr.  Gilchrist,  a member  of  the  Alabama  Legislature, 
said,  in  conversation  with  Jefferson  Davis  and  other  nota- 
bles: Unless  you  sprinkle  blood  in  the  faces  of  the 

people,  Alabama  loill  be  bach  in  the  Union  in  ten  days” 


PRESERVATION  OF  THE  UNION. 


435 


This  was  uttered  the  day  before  the  batteries  were  opened 
on  Port  Sumter. 

This  willingness  for  the  gauge  of  battle^’  was  now 
satisfied.  A ^^blow^’  had  been  struck!  Blood  had  been 
sprinkled  in  the  faces  of  the  people  It  was  hailed 
with  delight  throughout  the  South.  It  flashed  through 
the  North,  arousing  the  people  everywhere  to  face  the 
reality  of  internecine  war. 

LINCOLN'S  CALL  FOR  75,000  TROOPS. 

Fort  Sumter  had  surrendered  to  the  disunion  forces  on 
the  13th  of  April,  1861.  The  proclamation  of  the  Presi- 
dent calling  for  75,000  volunteer  troops,  to  suppress  ^^com- 
binations" that  obstructed  the  execution  of  the  laws  of 
the  United  States  in  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama, 
Florida,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Texas,  was  issued 
Monday,  the  13th,  and  was  received  throughout  the  North 
and  West  as  a most  righteous  measure. 

The  President  ordered  the  lawless  combinations,  alluded 
to  in  his  proclamation,  to  disperse  within  twenty  days,  and 
called  an  extra  session  of  Congress  to  convene  on  the  4th 
of  July.  His  Secretary  of  War  issued  to  each  State,  except 
California  and  Oregon,  a circular  stating  the  quota  of  men 
each  was  required  to  furnish.  The  governors  of  the  free 
States,  except  those  on  the  Pacific  coast,  were  all  Eepubli- 
cans,  except  Governor  Sprague,  of  Rhode  Island,  who  was 
a conservative.  He  quickly  furnished  the  men  asked  for 
by  the  President,  and  volunteered  to  go  with  them  to 
Washington.  The  governors,  the  press,  and  the  people  of 
the  North,  as  a rule,  were  satisfied  that  the  national  honor 
required  vindication,  and  the  75,000  troops  were  furnished 
with  alacrity. 

REPLY  OF  SOUTHERN  GOVERNORS. 

The  governors  of  the  border  States  responded  in  terms 
haughty  and  defiant.  Governor  Letcher,  of  Virginia, 


436 


BEPUBLICAH  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


accused  the  President  of  inaugurating  civil  war  for  the 
purpose  of  subjugating  the  South,  saying,  ^^The  militia  of 
Virginia  will  not  be  furnished  to  the  powers  at  Washington 
for  any  such  purpose  as  they  have  in  view.’’  Governor 
Ellis,  of  North  Carolina,  characterized  the  call  for  troops 
as  a violation  of  the  Constitution  and  a usurpation  of 
power,”  and  closed  by  saying:  ^^You  can  get  no  troops 
from  North  Carolina.” 

Governor  Magoffin,  of  Kentucky,  replied  : Kentucky 

will  furnish  no  troops  for  the  wicked  purpose  of  subduing 
her  sister  Southern  States.” 

Governor  Harris,  of  Tennessee  said  : Tennessee  will 

not  furnish  a single  man  for  coercion,  but  50,000  if  need 
be,  for  the  defense  of  our  rights  or  of  our  Southern  breth- 
ren.” 

Governor  J ackson,  of  Missouri,  in  emphatic  language, 
responded  : Your  requisition  is  illegal,  unconstitutional, 

revolutionary,  inhuman,  diabolical,  and  can  not  be  com- 
plied with.”  Governor  Eector,  of  Arkansas,  curtly  said  : 
None  will  be  furnished.  The  demand  is  only  adding 
insult  to  injury.” 

Governor  Burton,  of  Delaware,  in  his  proclamation  of 
April  26,  recommended  the  formation  of  volunteer  com- 
panies for  the  protection  of  the  lives  and  property  of  the 
people  of  Delaware  against  danger  from  any  source.  His 
idea  was  that  they  should  not  be  subject  to  the  President, 
but  were  at  liberty  to  tender  him  their  services  for  the 
defense  of  the  capital,  and  to  support  the  Constitution  and 
laws.”  In  the  same  line  of  policy.  Governor  Hicks,  of 
Maryland,  issued  a call  for  troops.  May  14,  stating  that  the 
four  regiments  would  be  detailed  to  serve  within  the  limits 
of  Maryland,  or  for  the  protection  of  Washington. 

The  condition  of  affairs  was  unprecedented.  No  such 
state  of  political  Interests  had  been  anticipated,  certainly 
not  provided  for,  by  the  Constitution.  The  interpretation 
of  our  organic  lav/  had  always  varied  according  to  the 


KEVIEW  OF  SECESSION  MOVEMENTS. 


437 


school  of  politics  or  immediate  interests  with  which  states- 
men and  jurists  had  been  identified.  This  administration 
was  to  be  sustained  by  a Eepublican  majority;  and  for  the 
first  time  in  the  history  of  the  country,  we  were  in  a war, 
with  a loose  constructionist  party  in  power.  The  facts 
indicated  many  and  startling  changes. 

The  Constitutional  Union  party  dissolved  soon  after  the 
election  of  Lincoln.  Some  of  its  members  entered  the 
Democratic  party,  others  the  Eepublican  ; but  a large  por- 
tion of  them  became  confederates.  The  Breckinridge 
Democrats  of  the  south  entered  the  confederacy ; those  of 
the  north  joined  the  Douglas  wing.  Some  from  each 
division  of  the  party  became  Eepublicans. 

The  Democratic  party  had  usually  been  in  accord  with 
the  south  upon  national  issues,  but  had  never  gone  with 
them  to  the  extent  of  admitting  the  right  of  secession. 
Individuals  like  C.  L.  Vallandigham,  of  Ohio,  had  done 
much,  however,  to  encourage  a feeling  of  security  at  the 
south,  and  possibly  of  a hope  that  northern  Democrats 
would  assist  them.  But  if  such  ideas  were  entertained 
they  were  soon  dispelled  by  the  logic  of  events.  ^^War 
Democrats  became  a term  to  designate  a large  element  of 
that  party  who  were  determined  to  support  the  Eepubli- 
can administration  in  putting  down  the  rebellion  ; while 
a great  many  Democrats,  feeling  that  all  minor  issues  were 
swallowed  up  in  the  one  great  question  of  how  to  save  the 
country,  at  once  made  common  cause  with  the  Eepublicans. 
And  in  this  way  the  latter  party,  already  dominant,  con- 
trolled all  national  legislation. 

Among  Democrats  of  a national  reputation.  Senator 
Douglas  was  pre-eminent.  He  said,  at  Chicago,  on  the 
1st  of  May:  There  are  only  two  sides  to  this  question. 

Every  man  must  be  for  the  United  States  or  against  it. 
There  can  be  no  neutrals  in  this  war ; only  patriots  or 
traitors.’^  He  declared  it  to  be  ^^the  duty  of  every  Amer- 
ican citizen  to  rally  around  the  flag  of  his  country. 


438 


REPUBLICAN  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


The  fusion  of  Democrats  with  the  Eepublicans  led  to 
the  style  and  title  of  the  Union  party  and  this  was, 
for  a time  very  popular.  The  strict  construction  theories 
of  the  Democratic  party,  which  had  been  detrimental  in 
former  times,  were  abandoned.  The  tide  set  in  favor  of 
changes  and  interpretations  new  to  a war  regime  ; and  the 
peace  Democrats,  as  a curb,  were  but  the  necessary  con- 
servative element  to  steady  the  work  of  human  progress. 
The  Constitution  came  through  the  war  unimpaired.  Had 
it  not  been  for  the  constant  opposition  to  a liberal  con- 
struction of  its  terms,  the  necessity  of  consistency  might 
have  dropped  out  of  sight. 

REPUBLICAN  PARTY  IN  POWER. 

Congress  met  July  4,  1861,  in  compliance  with  the  call 
of  the  President  the  preceding  April.  The  Eepublicans 
were  in  a majority  in  both  Houses.  The  House  of  Eepre- 
sentatives  organized  by  electing  Galusha  A.  Grow,  of 
Pennsylvania,  Speaker,  and  Emerson  Etheridge,  a sup- 
porter of  Bell  for  President,  but  an  avowed  Unionist,  for 
Clerk.  On  the  next  day  the  President  delivered  his  mes- 
sage. He  claimed  to  have  yielded  all  that  could  have  been 
done  without  relinquishing  the  government.  He  said, 
^‘^the  States  have  their  status  in  the  Union,  and  they  have 
no  other  legal  status  ; if  they  break  from  this,  they  can 
only  do  so  against  law  and  by  revolution.-’^  The  policy  of 
the  border  States,  he  said,  would  not  give  the  disunionists 
a disunion  of  their  own.  He  expressed  the  profoundest 
sorrow  that  necessity  compelled  him  to  use  the  war  power 
to  defend  the  government.  He  asked  Congress  for  at 
least  four  hundred  thousand  men  and  four  hundred  mill- 
ion dollars. 

The  message  was  a compliment  to  the  President’s  fast 
growing  reputation.  The  friends  of  the  Union  were  en- 
tirely satisfied  with  it. 

In  the  Senate  ten  of  its  members,  having  vacated  their 


PRESEEVATION  OF  THE  UNIOK. 


439 


seats,  were  formally  expelled  July  the  11th.  The  House 
at  once  began  the  work  of  the  session  by  a resolution  to 
consider  no  measures  except  those  relating  to  the  military, 
naval,  and  financial  proceedings  of  the  government. 

Notice  was  given  on  the  first  day  of  the  session,  by  Mr. 
Wilson,  chairman  of  the  committee  on  military  affairs,  in 
the  Senate,  that  at  the  earliest  convenience  he  would  intro- 
duce four  bills  and  a joint  resolution.  They  were  accord- 
ingly introduced. 

The  first  was  a bill  authorizing  the  President  to  call  out 
five  hundred  thousand  volunteers,  and  appropriating  five 
hundred  million  dollars  to  the  support  of  the  war.  It  was 
reported  back  from  the  committee  on  military  affairs,  July 
6,  and  passed  the  Senate  ; Powell,  of  Kentucky,  and  Polk 
and  Johnson,  of  Missouri,  voting  against  it. 

The  bill  reported  from  the  House  military  committee  by 
Mr.  Blair,  came  up  in  the  committee  of  the  whole,  on  the 
13th,  and  brought  out  a repetition  of  all  the  arguments 
elsewhere  referred  to,  and  gave  full  notice  to  the  country 
of  the  complexion  of  legislation  to  be  expected.  An 
amendment  by  McClernand,  of  Illinois,  reducing  the 
appropriation  to  one  hundred  million  dollars  was  rejected, 
and  an  amendment  by  Vallandigham,  of  Ohio,  proposing 
a cessation  of  hostilities,  and  the  appointment  of  peace 
commissioners,  was  also  lost;  but  with  a proviso,  intro- 
duced by  Burnett,  of  Kentucky,  that  the  army  should  not 
be  used  in  holding,  after  subjugation,  as  a conquered  foe, 
any  sovereign  State  now  or  lately  one  of  the  United 
States,  the  bill  passed  the  House. 

The  Senate  bill,  with  the  House  bill  as  an  amendment, 
was  agreed  to  by  the  House  on  the  16th  ; but  the  Senate 
not  concurring,  a conference  of  committees  resulted  in  the 
House  receding,  and  the  Senate  bill  became  a law  by  the 
President's  signature,  July  22. 

Thus  the  Senate  prevailed  in  this  first  legislation  of 
this  memorable  Congress ; but  the  divergence  of  temper 


440 


REPUBLICAN  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


in  the  two  branches  became  more  apparent^  when,  on  the 
13th,  Mr.  Wilson^s  bill,  adding  eleven  new  regiments  to 
the  regular  army,  and  increasing  the  strength  of  the  old 
regiments,  passed  the  Senate.  Mr.  Blair  reported  it,  sub- 
stantially, to  the  House,  but  creating  a volunteer  instead 
of  a regular  force  out  of  the  recruits.  He  stated  that  the 
House  military  committee  were  unanimously  opposed  to  an 
increase  of  the  regular  army.  On  the  22d  the  Senate 
refused  to  concur  with  the  House,  on  the  ground  that  the 
change  destroyed  the  purpose  of  the  bill.  A committee 
of  concurrence  from  each  branch  took  the  matter  under 
advisement,  the  House  receded,  and  the  bill  became  a law. 

On  the  10th  Mr.  Wilson^s  third  bill  was  reported  to  the 
Senate,  providing  for  the  better  organization  of  the  army. 
Before  its  passage,  Mr.  Powell,  from  Kentucky,  moved  to 
amend  by  adding  that  no  part  of  the  army  and  navy  of 
the  United  States  should  be  used  to  subject  sovereign 
States,  or  to  abolish  or  to  interfere  with  slavery.'’^  Mr. 
Lane,  of  Kansas,  offered  to  amend  by  adding  the  words 
unless  a military  necessity  shall  exist  for  the  purpose  of 
maintaining  the  Constitution  which,  together  with  all 
other  amendments,  failed,  and  the  bill  passed.  The  House 
amended  it,  the  Senate  refused  to  concur,  and  the  bill 
became  a law  August  3. 

^hus  provisions  on  a gigantic  scale  were  made  for  the 
prosecution  of  the  war.  But  the  resolution  of  Mr.  Wil- 
son, brought  forward  in  the  Senate  as  early  as  July  10, 
to  give  the  same  legality  and  validity  to  the  President's 
proclamations  and  orders  as  if  they  had  been  issued  under 
the  previous  and  express  authority  of  Congress, was  not 
quite  so  successful. 

This  resolution  referred  to  and  recited  the  official  acts 
of  the  President  since  the  adjournment  of  Congress  on 
the  4th  day  of  March  last.^^  Among  them  were  the  procla- 
mation, April  15,  calling  for  75,000  men;  the  proclamation, 
April  19,  blockading  the  Southern  ports  ; and  one  on  the 


REVIEW  OF  SEOESSIOK  MOVEMENTS. 


441 


27th^  blockading  the  ports  of  Virginia  and  N'orth  Caro- 
lina ; the  order  for  suspension  of  the  writ  of  habeas  cor- 
pus in  Maryland;,  addressed  to  the  commanding  general  of 
the  U.  S.  Army,  April  27 ; the  calling  out  of  additional 
forces  to  the  volunteers,  and  increasing  the  regular  army 
and  navy.  May  3 ; and  the  suspension  of  the  writ  of 
habeas  corpus  in  Florida,  May  10. 

Considerable  debate  followed,  but  the  bill  was  not 
pressed  to  a final  issue;  the  chief  objection  lying  in  the 
suspension  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  at  Baltimore, 
Md.,  and  in  Florida.  But  the  occasion  brought  out  many 
strong  declarations  of  indorsement,  notably  that  of  An- 
drew Johnson,  of  Tennessee.  And  he  further  distin- 
guished himself  by  introducing  a bill,  which  became  a 
law,  making  provision  for  arming  loyal  men  in  disloyal 
States.  Two  millions  of  dollars  were  appropriated  for 
that  purpose,  but  Secretary  Stanton  assumed  the  respon- 
sibility of  a loan  from  that  fund  to  Governor  Morton,  of 
Indiana,  to  aid  him  in  equipping  troops  at  a time  when 
the  willing  dispersion  of  his  Legislature  had  left  him 
without  money. 

August  the  fifth  a bill  was  introduced  into  the  Senate, 
from  the  committee  on  military  affairs,  increasing  the  pay 
of  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates  from  eleven  to 
fifteen  dollars  per  month.  Mr.  Wilson  offered  an  amend- 
ment, whereby  all  the  acts  of  the  President  with  reference 
to  the  army  and  navy  were  made  legal  and  valid.  Mr. 
Stevens,  in  the  House,  succeeded  with  an  amendment  by 
which  the  pay  of  the  soldiers  was  reduced  from  fifteen  to 
thirteen  dollars  per  month.  Mr.  Vallandigham  moved  to 
strike  out  that  portion  of  the  bill  referring  to  the  orders 
and  proclamations  of  the  President,  but  was  signally  de- 
feated. This  bill,  as  amended  by  the  House,  was  laid  on 
the  table  in  the  Senate. 

A new  bill  fixing  the  wages  of  the  soldiers  at  thirteen 
riolhirs  per  month  was  at  once  introduced  in  the  Senate  by 


442 


KEPUBLICAK  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


Mr.  Wilson,  and  amended  on  his  own  motion,  so  as  to 
legalize  and  make  valid  all  the  acts  of  the  President 
regarding  the  army  and  navy,  and  in  calling  out  the 
volunteers.  This  became  a law,  and  practically  accom- 
plished all  that  Mr.  Wilson^s  original  resolution  intended. 
It  marked,  as  opposition  members  noted,  a great  change 
in  the  feelings  of  many  members  of  Congress.  All  who 
were  determined  to  preserve  the  Union,  and  assert  tlie 
supremacy  of  the  national  government  over  every  foot  of 
its  soil,  saw  that,  without  the  vigorous  and  timely  steps  of 
the  Administration  in  using  the  war  power,  there  would 
have  been  nothing  left  to  legislate  about  except  the  frag- 
ments of  a once  glorious  country. 

On  the  same  date  the  tariff  act,  increasing  the  duties 
on  imports,  was  passed.  Bills,  authorizing  a loan  of  two 
hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  dollars,  and  many  minor 
matters  connected  with  the  regulation  of  the  army  and 
navy,  were  but  the  details  in  carrying  out  the  great  pur- 
pose declared  in  the  war  measures  already  recited.  The 
House,  by  a vote  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-one  to  five, 
pledged  itself  to  vote  any  amount  of  men  and  money 
necessary  to  put  down  the  rebellion;  and  by  a vote  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty-one  to  two  it  adopted  the  following: 

^‘Resolved,  ly  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  That  the  present  deplorable  war  has  been  forced 
upon  the  country  by  the  disunionists  of  the  Southern 
States,  now  in  revolt  against  the  constitutional  govern- 
ment, and  in  arms  around  the  capital. 

It  was  also  resolved,  July  22d:  ^‘  That  in  this  national 
emergency.  Congress,  banishing  all  feelings  of  mere  pas- 
sion or  resentment,  will  recollect  only  its  duty  to  the 
whole  country;  that  this  war  is  not  waged  on  their  part  in 
any  spirit  of  oppression,  or  for  any  purpose  of  conquest 
or  subjugation,  or  purpose  of  interfering  with  or  over- 
throwing the  rights  or  established  institutions  of  those 
States,  but  to  defend  and  maintain  the  supremacy  of  the 


PKESEKVATIOK  OF  THE  UKION. 


443 


Constitution,  and  to  preserve  the  Union  with  all  its  dig- 
nity, equality  and  rights  of  the  several  States  unimpaired; 
and  that  as  soon  as  these  objects  are  accomplished,  the  war 
ought  to  cease/^ 

In  these  resolutions  Congress  but  voiced  the  sentiments 
of  the  majority  of  the  people,  and  was  in  full  accord 
with  the  inaugural  address  of  the  President,  and  of  the 
platform  on  which  he  was  elected.  Having  thus  vigor- 
ously undertaken  the  war,  the  Eepublican  party  prose- 
cuted it  to  the  end,  and  preserved  the  Union  from  the 
most  gigantic  conspiracy  ever  initiated  in  the  annals  of 
the  world. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


EXTIKPATIOK  OF  SLAVERY. 

Means  for  dispensing  with  the  institution  of  slavery 
were  inaugurated  under  Jackson^s  administration  in 
1833,  by  the  Anti-Slavery  society.  This  society  advanced 
in  influence  and  power  and  won  adherents  with  such  steady 
increase  that  in  1839  those  advocating  its  sentiments 
resolved  to  organize  themselves  into  a political  party, 
known  as  the  Abolition  party,  taking  its  name  from  its 
advocates,  who  were  endeavoring  to  secure  the  abolition  of 
slavery.  The  Abolitionists  operated  in  their  great  cause 
under  different  party  names.  In  1840  they  belonged  to 
the  Liberal  party,  and  subsequently  their  organization 
was  known  as  the  Free-Soil  party.  As  measure  after 
measure  in  the  interests  of  slavery  made  their  appearance, 
the  adherents  of  the  cause  of  freedom  grew  in  strength, 
and  ultimately  became  the  dominant  party.  The  fugi- 
tive slave  law  had  always  grated  harshly  upon  the  ears  of 
a vast  number  in  the  free  States.  This  law  was  opposed 
by  a large  majority  of  the  Whigs  in  the  north,  and  when 
their  party  in  convention  decided  to  support  the  enact- 
ment, the  organization  fell  to  pieces.  The  agitation  over 
this  law  was  followed  up  by  the  excitement  over  the  Dred 
Scott  decision,  made  by  the  Supreme  Court,  declaring  that 
any  person  whose  ancestors  were  imported  into  this  coun- 
try and  held  as  slaves,  had  no  right  to  sue  in  a court  in 
the  United  States,  thus  denying  the  right  of  citizenship 
to  slaves,  or  to  the  defendants  of  slaves.  Chief  Justice 
Taney  at  the  same  time  declared  that  the  framers  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  did  not  include  the  Negro 
race  in  declaring  that  all  men  are  created  equal ; that  the 

444 


EXTIRPATIOiSr  OF  SLAVERY. 


445 


patriots  of  the  Kevolutioii  regarded  the  Negro  race  as  so 
far  inferior  that  they  had  no  rights  or  privileges  but  such 
as  those  who  held  the  power  and  the  government  might 
choose  to  grant  them.  The  Chief  Justice  further  declared 
that  since  slaves  were  property,  all  acts  restricting  slaves 
were  unconstitutional,  and  there  was  no  authority  in  Con- 
gress or  the  local  Legislature  for  preventing  the  spread  of 
slavery  over  the  v/hole  Union.  The  Northern  States  were 
startled  by  this  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  for  the 
mass  of  the  people  in  the  free  States  regarded  the  slaves 
as  a kind  of  property  whose  secure  position  was  guaran- 
teed only  by  the  State  laws  which  made  them  property. 
The  Democratic  party  through  its  Executive  assumed  that 
this  was  a final  decision,  and  that  slavery  now  being 
nationalized,  would  cease  to  be  a factor  in  politics.  This 
decision  was  the  last  attempt  made  to  decide  the  struggle 
by  form  of  law  between  slavery  restriction  and  slavery 
extension,  and  henceforth  the  course  of  events  tended 
rapidly  to  a settlement  of  the  difficulty  by  the  force  of 
arms. 

About  this  time  slaveholders  began  to  discuss  the 
opening  nf  the  African  slave  trade.  This  was  occasioned 
in  a measure  by  the  bitter  opposition  put  forth  against 
slavery  in  the  north.  Kansas  for  a number  of  years  was 
the  battle  ground  between  the  contending  forces  of  freedom 
and  slavery.  John  Brown,  of  that  State  went  to  Virginia 
and  engaged  in  an  insurrection  in  the  interests  of  freeing 
the  slaves,  but  he  was  soon  brought  to  trial  and  executed, 
under  the  laws  of  Virginia.  The  Democratic  National 
Convention  of  1860  met  in  Charleston,  and  the  party  was 
divided  on  the  question  of  slavery  This  organization 
which  had  so  long  been  dominant  was  dismembered,  and  a 
portion  of  its  ranks  were  ready  to  declare  for  secession. 

After  the  election  of  Lincoln,  civil  war  was  precipitated 
for  the  purpose  of  preserving  the  institution  of  slavery. 
Since  this  was  the  corner-stone  on  which  the  confederacy 


446 


REPUBLICAN  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


was  bas.ed^  it  was  apparent  to  the  Eepublican  party  that 
the  destruction  of  this  institution  was  a necessary  prelude 
to  the  overthrow  of  the  Eebellion.  The  question  occupied 
the  attention  of  President  Lincoln,  and  was  the  one  thought 
uppermost  in  his  mind.  He  first  suggested  the  idea  of 
compensated  emancipation.  Agreeably  to  his  suggestion, 
made  a second  time  and  the  subject  of  a special  message, 
March  2d,  1862,  Mr.  Conkling  introduced  into  the  House  a 
resolution  drafted  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  advocating  compensated 
emancipation,  and,  after  the  suspension  of  the  rules,  passed 
by  a vote  of  97  to  36;  it  passed  the  Senate  April  3d,  by  a vote 
of  32  to  10.  The  Eepublicans  as  a rule  voted  for  it,  and  the 
Democrats  against  it;  and  this  was  true  even  of  those  in 
the  border  States.  Noting  the  fact,  and  desirous  to  please 
those  in  his  judgment  most  interested,  the  President 
invited  the  Senators  and  Eepresentatives  of  the  border 
States  to  the  executive  mansion,  and  read  to  them  a care- 
fully prepared  argument  on  gradual  emancipation  as  a 
means  of  breaking  the  lever  of  the  disunion  power. 

In  a well- written  response,  the  border  State  members  of 
Congress,  to  the  number  of  twenty,  after  assuring  him 
that  they  would  never  falter  in  their  devotion  to  the  Union 
while  they  had  a State  to  defend  and  a Government  that 
protected  them,  said  that  the  right  to  hold  slaves  was  a 
right  appertaining  to  all  the  States  of  the  Union.  They 
estimated  the  value  of  slaves  in  these  border  States  at  nearly 
five  hundred  millions  of  dollars;  and  while  the  scheme 
was  impracticable  they  were  yet  willing  to  submit  to  it. 
Having  failed  in  his  effort  to  introduce  compensated  eman- 
cipation, the  President,  duringthesummer  of  1862,  decided 
to  try  the  virtue  of  a proclamation.  It  declared,  September 
22d,  1862,  that  ^^on  the  first  day  of  January,  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-three, 
all  persons  held  as  slaves  within  any  State  designated, 
or  any  part  of  a State  the  people  whereof  shall  be 
then  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States,  shall  be  then 


EXTIRPATIOK  OF  SLAVERY. 


447 


thenceforward  and  forever  free/^  This  recognized  the 
right  of  property  in  slaves  in  all  States  and  parts  of 
States  not  in  rebellion.  This  proclamation  made  no  im- 
pression upon  the  confederates,  who  compared  the  same 
to  ^‘'The  Pope’s  Edict  against  a Comet. Following  this, 
January  1st,  1863,  Mr.  Lincoln  performing  the  great  act 
of  his  life,  issued  his  Emancipation  Proclamation  for  all 
slaves  in  the  country.  The  measure  was  quite  unanimous- 
ly supported  by  the  Eepublicans,  and  more  or  less  censured 
by  the  Democrats.  The  proclamation  liberated  three 
millions  of  slaves,  and  from  the  day  of  its  issue  the  Confed- 
eracy began  to  wane.  The  movement  had  touched  the 
chord  of  sympathy  among  lovers  of  freedom  in  the  whole 
world,  and  was  regarded  as  a moral  aid  to  the  success  of 
the  Union  arms.  The  proclamation  announced  that  all 
persons  held  as  slaves  should  be  free,  and  that  the  Execu- 
tive Government  of  the  United  States  would  recognize  and 
maintain  the  freedom  of  said  i)ersons.  The  first  was  but 
the  work  of  a man,  of  a single  person,  while  the  latter  was 
the  work  of  a Nation. 

Successful  legislation  was  seen  to  be  necessary  to  insure 
the  freedom  of  those  who  had  been  liberated  by  emancipa- 
tion. It  was  felt  that  enactments  in  their  behalf  should 
culminate  in  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  and  on 
the  14th  of  December,  1863,  a bill  providing  for  the  sub- 
mission to  the  States  of  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution 
was  presented  to  the  House  by  Mr.  Ashley,  of  Ohio.  This 
measure,  and  others  similar  to  it,  were  introduced  and 
amended  to  read  as  follows:  Article  13,  Section  1.  Neither 

slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a punishment 
for  crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted, 
shall  exist  within  the  United  States,  or  in  any  place  subject 
to  their  jurisdiction.  Section  2.  Congress  shall  have  power 
to  enforce  this  article  by  appropriate  legislation. 

This  amendment  was  brought  up  for  consideration  by 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and,  after  due  delibera- 


448 


JtEPUBLlCAH  ACHIEVEMEKTS. 


tion^  received  the  requisite  vote  for  its  enactment.  Thus 
the  Kepublican  party  supporting  its  great  emancipator  in 
the  Executive  chair,  enacting  vigorous  laws  to  suppress  the 
Eebellion,  and  waging  a great  war  in  the  interests  of  its 
principles,  brought  about  the  extirpation  of  slavery  and 
freed  the  country  from  its  burden  of  cruelty  and  national 
shame. 


OHAPTEE  VII. 


THE  WAK  PARTY. 

IT  is  a fact  of  history  that  no  party  in  any  nation  was 
ever  deposed  from  home  rule  and  legislative  power  while 
successful  in  military  operations.  The  party  victorious  in 
war  is  naturally  dominant  in  time  of  peace.  Military  pres- 
tige gives  to  that  party  which  exercises  it  in  behalf  of  its 
country  the  homage  of  the  hearts  of  the  people.  By  fail- 
ing to  encourage  the  war  to  preserve  the  Union,  the  Dem- 
ocrats lost  control  of  the  Government,  so  that,  although  • 
aided  by  the  Solid  South,^^  they  have  yet  been  beaten  on 
every  field  of  contest.  The  Eepublicans,  as  the  Union 
party  and  the  War  party,  placed  themselves  in  the  position 
to  be  called  the  saviors  of  the  Nation.  No  representative 
convention  of  the  Democratic  party  ever  resolved  in  favor 
of  the  prosecution  of  the  war  against  the  great  rebellion. 

On  the  contrary,' the  ^^7^wisdom  of  that  party  in  the  Chi- 
cago convention  of  ^64  declared  the  war  a failure,  advised 
conciliation,  and  promised  to  protect  the  soldiers  ^^in 
the  event  of  the  country  attaining  power  ! In  opposition 
to  the  ^^not-another-man-or-dollar  policy  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  the  Eepublicans,  in  every  meeting,  from  town 
hall  to  capitol,  urged  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  ex- 
pressed faith  in  the  final  triumph  of  the  Union  arms.  In 
the  darkest  hour  of  our  history,  when  assembled  at  Balti- 
more, June  7,  1864,  they  said  in  their  national  platform. 

It  is  the  highest  duty  of  every  American  citizen  to  main- 
tain, against  all  their  enemies,  the  integrity  of  the  Union 
and  the  paramount  authority  of  the  Constitution  and  laws 
of  the  United  States.'’^  And  rising  to  the  full  responsibil- 
ity of  the  occasion,  they  further  said:  ^^Eesolved,  that  we 
29  449 


450 


BEPUBLICAK  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


approve  the  determination  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  not  to  compromise  with  rebels^  nor  to  offer  any  terms 
of  peace  except  such  as  may  be  based  on  an  unconditional 
surrender  of  their  hostility,  and  a return  to  their  just  alle- 
giance to  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  and 
that  we  call  upon  the  Government  to  maintain  this  posi- 
tion, and  to  prosecute  the  war  with  the  utmost  possible 
vigor  to  the  complete  suppression  of  the  rebellion.^^  So 
that,  while  history  has  a voice  or  truth  a tongue,  the  Ke- 
publican  party  will  be  known  as  the  Great  War  Party! 

What  an  inspiration  to  young  men  casting  their  first 
votes  or  to  those  who  have  never  yet  voted  on  the  winning 
side!  Whatever  the  Stars  and  Stripes  represent;  whatever 
the  Constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  Nation  mean;  what- 
• ever  our  liberty  and  its  guarantees  are  worth;  whatever  the 
victory  of  our  armies  and  navy  over  treason  has  secured  to 
us  and  to  humanity;  these  are  the  measure  of  the  merit 
and  honor  of  the  principles  and  achievements  of  the  Eepub- 
lican  party. 

The  party  that  saved  the  country  will  continue  to  con- 
trol it.  When  the  Democratic  party  was  the  war  party 
prosecuting  the  battles  of  the  country  against  Mexico,  and 
resolving  in  favor  of  the  present  war  and  the  next,’^ 
they  were  overwhelmingly  dominant  in  our  party  politics, 
except  as  the  phenomenal  war  record  of  some  such  indi- 
vidual as  General  Zachary  Taylor  brought  him  con- 
spicuously to  the  attention  of  the  world. 

Added  to  its  unsullied  war  record  is  the  distinguishing 
fact  that  the  Eepublican  party  has  been  on  the  right  side  of 
every  great  legal,  moral  and  humanitarian  question  sprung 
in  American  politics  since  it  had  an  existence.  Its  life- 
long foe,  under  the  name  of  Democracy,  has  nothing  to 
offer  except  a record  made  abortive  by  the  repudiation  of 
its  promises,  and  suspicious  by  its  consideration  for  the 
enemies  of  the  Government.  And  when  by  the  inexorable 
demands  of  public  utility  it  has  been  compelled  to  accept 


THE  WAR  RARTY. 


451 


the  declarations  of  Eepublican  policy^  and  in  some  degree 
to  adopt  its  measures  of  expediency,  it  has  followed  the 
tide  of  Eepublican  victory  a good  deal  as  the  disciples 
followed  the  Savior,  ^^a  great  way  off 


CHAPTEE  VIIL 


A SOUND  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 

HE  Eepublican  party  from  the  first  was  imbued  with  a 


determination  to  carry  forward  the  Government,  and 
to  enforce  its  rights  and  prerogatives  over  every  foot  of  soil 
subject  to  the  Constitution.  After  the  disaster  at  Bull 
Eun,  the  formidable  character  of  the  rebellion  began  to  be 
fully  appreciated,  and  the  subjugation  of  the  South  was 
regarded  as  a hopeless  undertaking  by  many  at  the  North; 
the  rebels  were  full  of  courage,  and  had  the  satisfaction  of 
seeing  the  Government  without  money.  Loans  to  the  full 
extent  possible  had  been  obtained  from  the  banks,  and  yet 
to  supply  the  army,  pay  and  equip  the  soldiers,  improve 
and  man  the  navy  swallowed  up  all  and  left  the  admin- 
istration facing  the  yawning  chasm  of  a national  bankruptcy. 

Determined  as  the  friends  of  the  country  were,  and 
hopeful  as  they  had  been,  they  had  no  adequate  ideas  of 
the  resources  of  the  Eepublic.  The  figures,  which  became 
familiar  as  household  words  during  the  administration  of 
Mr.  Lincoln,  would  have  stupefied  the  boldest  if  they  had 
been  presented  at  its  commencement. 

The  policy  of  the  Government  had  hitherto  been  to 
depend  upon  the  taxation  of  foreign  commodities,  and  to 
make  this  tax  as  light  as  possible.  The  revision  of  our 
national  customs  laws  under  what  is  known  as  the  Morrill 
Tariff,  April  1,  1861,  worked  admirably,  increasing  the 
receipt  of  customs,  notwithstanding  the  falling  off  of 
importations,  because  it  doubled  the  duties  imposed. 

The  special  session  of  Congress  July  4,  1861,  was  the 
beginning  of  the  new  era  of  financial  achievements.  The 
Eepublican  party,  fresh  and  untried,  had  to  meet  the 


452 


A SOUND  NATIONAL  CUKRENCY. 


453 


responsibilities  of  a preparation  for  war  on  a scale  hitherto 
unknown  in  the  western  hemisphere.  The  treasury  had 
been  empty  and  the  Government  in  debt  at  the  close  of 
Mr.  Buchanan^s  administration,  so  that  treasury  notes 
sufficient  to  liquidate  outstanding  liabilities  were  issued. 
The  fifty  millions  per  annum  resulting  from  the  Morrill 
tariff  was  totally  inadequate  for  the  most  pressing  demands 
upon  the  treasury. 

President  Lincoln  asked  Congress  for  400,000  men  and 
$400,000,000.  A bill  was  reported  in  harmony  with  Sec- 
retary Chasers  recommendation,  authorizing  a loan  of 
$250,000,000.  A tax  of  $20,000,000  was  levied  on  the 
States,  distributively,  and  a three  per  cent  assessment 
passed  upon  all  incomes  over  $800,  which  was  soon  super- 
seded by  a broader  system  of  internal  revenue. 

When  the  bill  providing  for  a loan  of  $250,000,000 
seven  per  cent  twenty-year  bonds  was  reported  from  tlie 
committee  of  the  whole,  one  hour  was  given  to  its  discus- 
sion, and  chiefiy  occupied  by  Mr.  Vallandigham  in  a speech 
in  opposition  to  the  bill,  when  it  passed  the  House  by  a 
vote  of  105  to  5.  The  Senate  passed  it  without  debate, 
but  with  some  amendments,  which  were  concurred  in  by 
the  House,  and  it  received  the  President's  signature  July 
17.  Some  Democrats  concurred  in  this  measure,  but  it 
was  essentially  the  beginning  of  the  vast  responsibilities 
assumed  by  Eepublicans.  The  Act  provided  for  the  bor- 
rowing of  $100,000,000  abroad.  It  soon  became  evident 
that  money  kings  were  fearful,  and  that  England  at  least 
was  pleased  with  our  embarrassments.  The  difficulty  of 
commanding  coin  for  our  vast  financial  operations  was  fast 
becoming  an  impossibility.  Therefore,  other  means  besides 
disposing  of  bonds  for  coin  had  to  be  found.  Specie  pay- 
ments were  suspended  by  the  banks,  and  simultaneously  a 
bill  was  reported  in  the  House  from  the  committee  of  the 
whole,  authorizing  the  issuance  of  $150,000,000  legal  ten- 
der treasury  notes.  This  bold  measure  met  with  opposition 


454 


REPUBLICAlSr  ACHIEVEMEKTS. 


even  from  some  Kepublicans;  but,  borne  on  by  the  exigen- 
cies of  the  hour,  it  was  hurried  to  a vote,  passing  by  a 
majority  of  93  to  59.  The  ninety-three  affirmative  votes 
were  all  Eepublican.  In  the  Senate  it  was  amended  so  that 
the  interest  on  the  national  debt  was  to  be  paid  in  coin, 
which  seemed  to  be  a necessity,  and  a motion  to  strike  out 
the  legal  tender  clause  was  lost  by  a vote  of  17  to  23.  Of 
the  twenty-three,  twenty  were  Eepublicans.  The  bill  then 
passed  the  Senate  by  a vote  of  30  to  7,  and  was  approved 
February  25. 

The  legal  tender  notes  proving  popular  with  the  people, 
an  additional  $150,000,000  were  added  by  act  of  July  7, 
1862.  July  1st  an  income  tax  was  established  that  reached 
almost  all  classes  of  the  people.  J uly  14th  the  tariff  was 
largely  increased,  and  every  available  stitch  of  canvas 
seemed  to  be  spread  to  catch  the  favoring  gale,  if  any 
should  come.  The  financial  policy  of  the  Eepublican  party 
was  established.  It  has  been  criticized,  but  the  wonder  is 
that  the  party  succeeded  as  well  as  it  did.  At  the  first 
available  moment  the  income  tax  was  dropped,  and  the 
import  duties  reduced  to  the  lowest  point  compatible  with 
safety.  Internal  revenue  was  confined  to  luxuries,  and  the 
tariff  modified  to  suit  the  changing  attitude  of  the  affairs 
of  the  Nation. 

It  has  been  asserted,  and  never  successfully  contradicted, 
that  the  low  tariff  of  the  Democratic  administrations  imme- 
diately preceding  the  accession  of  the  Eepublican  party  to 
power,  had  encouraged  imported  goods,  discouraged  home 
manufactures  and  sent  our  coin  abroad  to  pay  the  pauper 
labor  of  Europe  and  fill  the  purses  of  foreign  corporations 
and  capitalists.  The  revival  in  some  degree  of  the  doctrine 
of  a protective  tariff  was  entered  upon  simply  as  a financial 
necessity;  but  with  the  present  experience  of  the  country 
its  wisdom  and  utility  have  been  so  amply  demonstrated 
that  no  human  foresight  can  predict  a change.  With 
slight  modifications,  adapted  to  the  wants  of  particular 


A SOUND  NATIONAL  CURRENCY. 


455 


classes  and  particular  industries,  the  present  Eepublican 
tariff  system  will  permanently  remain. 

NATIONAL  BANKS. 

No  great  commercial  and  manufacturing  country  in 
modern  times  has  been  able  to  transact  its  business  by 
the  medium  of  coin  alone.  Some  kind  of  a banking 
system,  issuing  redeemable  currency,  has  always  been  a 
necessity.  The  only  question  for  the  Eepublican  party  to 
decide,  therefore,  was,  whether  to  continue  the  Demo- 
cratic State  banks,  or  to  adopt  a national  banking  system, 
which  should  be  directly  under  the  coiitrol  of  the  govern- 
ment. 

The  latter  was  chosen,  and  a bill  reported  by  the 
finance  committee  in  the  Senate,  authorizing  a system 
of  national  banks,  to  be  founded  on  the  principle  that 
every  dollar  of  circulation  would  represent  real  capital 
actually  invested  in  national  stocks.  The  vote  stood 
23  to  21.  Three  democrats  voted  in  the  affirmative.  It 
passed  the  House  without  amendment,  receiving  the 
President's  signature,  February  25,  1863. 

This  principle  furnishes  the  soundest  basis  possible  for 
a circulating  medium,  and  the  strength  of  the  system  is 
such  that  with  such  modifications  as  the  wisdom  of  Con- 
gress, fresh  from  the  people,  shall  from  time  to  time 
suggest,  it  is  likely  to  remain  permanent.  Certain  it  is 
that  our  people  have  enjoyed  the  luxury  of  a currency  of 
uniform  value  throughout  the  country,  and  one  which, 
under  the  fostering  care  of  the  Eepublican  party,  has  for 
years  been  at  par  with  gold. 

SPECIE  RESUMPTION. 

The  chimerical  idea  of  a fiat  money,  or  irredeemable 
currency,  never  lodged  in  the  Eepublican  mind.  Con- 
sequently they  made  provision  for  returning  to  specie 
payments.  With  the  history  of  the  Hamiltonian  system 
before  them,  and  the  failure  of  the  system  of  1816  well 


456 


REPUBLICAN  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


remembered,  the  Eepublicans  were  enabled  to  avoid  some 
of  the  defects  that  had  marred  the  workings  of  a national 
system  of  currency  under  former  administrations.  They 
guarded  against  political  favoritism,  and  against  the 
possibility  of  a consolidation  of  the  national  banking 
capital,  and  fixed  the  date  of  specie  resumption  for 
January  1,  1879. 

The  Democratic  party,  aided  by  a large  defection  from 
the  Eepublican  ranks,  attacked  the  administration  fiercely 
during  the  canvass  of  1878,  affirming  the  impossibility  of 
resumption  at  the  time  fixed  by  law,  and  charging  the 
financial  crisis  then  impending,  with  untold  imaginary 
future  evils,  upon  the  Eepublican  party.  Never  did  the 
coolness  and  sagacity  of  the  Eepublican  leaders  shine  with 
greater  brilliancy  than  when  this  cloud  broke  and  the  sun 
of  financial  prosperity  was  revealed  high  above  the  polit- 
ical horizon.  The  logic  of  success  had  crowned  the  admin- 
istration, and  the  Democrats  who  had  resolved  in  their 
national  platform  of  1856,  ^^That  Congress  had  no  power 
to  charter  a national  bank,^^  were  left  to  adjust  themselves 
as  best  they  could  to  the  new  lease  of  power  which  had 
been  secured  to  the  Eepublican  party. 


CHAPTEE  IX. 


AMENDMENTS  TO  THE  CONSTITUTION. 

IT  is  very  difficult  to  write  a law  upon  which  men  may  not 
place  conflicting  constructions  ; and  still  more  difficult 
to  write  a law  that  will  be  as  good  for  one  generation  as 
another.  It  is  only  where  perfection  in  theory  has  been 
attained  that  this  can  be  done.  And  since  the  little 
Swiss  cantons  clustered  together  furnished  the  only  speci- 
men of  a free  government,  and  our  fathers  were  practi- 
cally on  untried  ground,  the  forming  of  a Constitution 
was  a very  responsible  and  delicate  affair.  A thorough 
acquaintance  with  English  law  enabled  our  representatives 
to  adjust  the  powers  and  functions  of  State  after  the 
model  of  Great  Britain,  with  the  exception  that  the  offices, 
being  all  elective,  the  government  is  much  nearer  the 
people,  and  it  can  consequently  be  relied  upon  to  do  their 
bidding,  and  not  to  be  the  conservator  of  old  policies  or 
traditions.  Each  successive  administration  is  not  only 
free  from  its  predecessors,  but  fresh  from  the  people. 
Our  government  therefore  is  necessarily  a progressive  one, 
provided  the  people  progress.  To  meet  the  demands 
which  thus  sprang  up  from  time  to  time  new  elements 
had  to  be  introduced  into  our  organic  law.  It  had  been 
provided  that,  by  a resolution  in  Congress  submitted  to 
the  States  and  ratified  by  three  fourths  of  them,  the  Con- 
stitution could  be  amended.  And  this  submission  of  the 
States  to  a constitutional  amendment,  because  three 
fourths  of  them  had  approved  it,  always  demonstrated 
that  there  was  no  such  reserved  sovereignty  as  some 
politicians  aver.  The  defeated  State  bows  to  the  three 
fourths  majority  per  force  of  the  Constitution;  a fact 

457 


458 


REPUBLICAN  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


showing  clearly  that  no  contingency  could  arise  where  any 
State  could  lawfully  withdraw  from  the  Union.  If  com- 
pelled to  submit  to  an  organic  law  which  it  did  not  ratify, 
it  is  clear  that  there  is  (and  from  the  beginning  has  been) 
a sovereignty  higher  than  any  individual  State.  The 
reserved  rights  of  the  States  could  not  contemplate  the 
nature  of  possible  amendments  which  might  be  ratified  by 
the  requisite  majority  of  States,  so  there  was  a concession 
which  might  eventually  change  the  fundamental  compact 
of  the  Union,  and  no  reservation  of  the  right  of  a single 
sovereign  State  to  nullify  or  rebel  was  recognized  when 
the  government  was  formed. 

The  Constitution  was  freely  and  healthfully  criticised 
before  its  adoption  by  the  States.  The  people  recognized, 
as  self-evidently  correct,  many  of  the  suggestions  which 
were  thus  thrown  before  the  public.  For  instance,  the 
demand  for  a specific  ^^Bill  of  Eights, by  which  the 
organic  law  of  the  land  should  assure  to  every  citizen 
his  right  to  equality  and  protection  in  all  that  pertained 
to  his  life,  liberty  and  property.  Among  the  clear  and 
well-defined  demands,  it  was  suggested  that  provision 
should  be  made  for  trial  by  jury  in  civil  cases,  and  in 
criminal  cases  upon  the  presentment  of  a grand  jury ; 
that  all  criminal  trials  should  be  in  public,  and  that  the 
accused  should  be  permitted  to  meet  his  witnesses  in  open 
court.  In  the  well-chosen  words  of  another,  that  the 
Nation  should  establish  no  religion,  but  grant  freedom  of 
conscience  in  the  worship  of  God  to  all ; that  excessive 
bail  should  not  be  required,  nor  cruel  or  unnecessary  pun- 
ishments at  any  time  inflicted ; that  all  citizens  should 
have  the  right  to  bear  arms,  but  that  no  one  should  be 
compelled  to  bear  arms  in  military  duty,  whose  religion 
made  him  a non-combatant ; that  all  persons  should  have 
the  right  of  petition  for  the  redress  of  grievances ; that 
general  warrants  of  search  should  never  be  granted,  and 
when  specially  granted  it  should  be  upon  an  oath  of  inf  or- 


AMENDMENTS  TO  THE  CONSTITUTION. 


459 


mation  ; that  soldiery  should  be  enlisted  only  for  limited 
periods,  nor  quartered,  in  time  of  peace,  on  private  prop- 
erty without  consent  of  its  owner  ; that  mutiny  bills 
should  continue  in  force  not  longer  than  two  years ; that 
causes  once  passed  upon  in  court  should  not  again  be  liable 
to  action,  except  in  accordance  with  the  rules  of  common 
law ; and  that  powers  not  delegated  to  the  Nation  were 
reserved  to  the  individual  States. 

These  propositions  were  very  popular,  in  the  main,  and 
the  more  they  were  discussed  the  more  acceptable  and 
necessary  did  they  appear.  So  popular  did  the  forcible 
discussion  make  them  that  the  first  Congress,  after  due 
care,  embodied  them  in  a ^^Bill  of  Eights, which,  being 
submitted  to  the  States,  ten  out  of  twelve  of  its  articles 
were  ratified  by  the  required  number  of  States,  and  at 
once  incorporated  into  the  Constitution.  In  fact,  some  of 
the  States  acted  upon  these  amendments  simultaneously 
with  tlieir  ratification  of  the  Constitution  itself.  Here 
we  see  in  the  beginning  the  omnipotence  of  the  people  by 
whose  voice  all  things  are  decreed  and  executed  that  trans- 
pire in  a Eepublican  government.  Nor  was  it  to  be 
expected  that  questions  of  constitutional  law  were  all  dis- 
posed of  at  once,  or  that  such  a document  would  not 
become  the  text-book  for  many  a partisan  debate.  During 
the  first  century  of  our  national  existence,  the  questions 
of  close  and  liberal  construction  of  the  Constitution  were 
debated  by  men  as  clear-headed,  logical,  and  analytical  as 
ever  criticized  a Eoman  pandect  or  an  English  statute. 
When  finally  one  school  of  our  politics  threw  down  the 
gauge  of  battle,^^  and  the  guns  that  played  on  Fort 
Sumter  echoing  from  the  lakes  to  the  gulf  summoned  all 
the  clans  to  that  final  test  of  human  governmental  poli- 
cies, the  arbitrament  of  the  sw^ord,  all  philosophical  quib- 
blings  and  rhetorical  flourishes  that  had  by  turns  amused 
or  fired  a nation  were  brushed  avside,  and  the  State  sover- 
eignty slave  oligarchists  went  dov/n  to  rise  no  more.  Se- 


460 


•REPUBLICAi^  i^.CHIEVEMEOTS. 


rene  in  mid-heaven  the  stars  and  stripes  were  kissed  by 
the  breezes  from  Alaska  to  the  Carolinas,  and  in  the  new 
era  of  American  progress  it  was  discovered  that  the  Con- 
stitution was  not  broad  enough  for  all  men  to  stand  upon, 
nor  clear  enough  to  protect  every  citizen  of  the  Eepublic 
in  the  enjoyment  of  his  liberties. 

The  Constitution  is  so  sacred  a thing  that,  wisely,  the 
fathers  arranged  its  safeguards  and  hedged  in  the  way  to 
amendments  and  changes  so  that  it  became  a difficult  task 
to  add  or  subtract  from  that  document,  which,  after  nearly 
a century  of  successful  power,  was  deemed  by  many  as 
sacred  almost  as  the  Bible  itself.  But  the  effort  to  intro- 
duce an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  after  so  long  a period  of  unquestioned  authoritative- 
ness came,  strangely  enough,  from  the  straigh test -sect  of 
the  strict  constructionists.  On  the  very  eve  of  the  Kebell- 
ion,  and  as  a final  test  of  their  power  in  Congress,  before 
taking  their  leave  of  the  Capitol,  a resolution  was  intro- 
duced by  them  to  this  effect:  ^^Eesolved,  * * * That 
the  following  article  be  proposed  to  the  Legislatures  of  the 
several  States  as  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  whicli,  when  ratified  by  three  fourths  of 
said  Legislatures,  shall  be  valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes 
as  a part  of  said  Constitution,  namely: 

Art.  13.  No  amendment  shall  be  made  to  the  Consti- 
tution which  will  authorize  or  give  to  Congress  the  power 
to  abolish  or  interfere,  within  any  State,  with  the  domestic 
institutions  thereof,  including  that  of  persons  held  to 
labor  or  service  by  the  laws  of  said  State. 

Thus  did  they  give  evidence  that  the  shadow  of  a cloud 
rested  on  the  Constitution,  and  that  it  must  be  explained 
away,  if  not  by  fair  speeches,  then  by  amendments;  and  if 
the  slave  power  could  not  amend  the  Constitution,  some 
other  power  would.  This  was  practically  the  last  effort  of 
the  Southern  leaders  in  Congress,  and  when  it  liad  died 
amidst  the  shouts  of  derision  in  the  halls  of  the  Capitol 


AMENDMENTS  TO  THE  CONSTITUTION. 


461 


they  were  ready  to  shake  the  dust  from  their  shoes,  and, 
gathering  their  chivalric  dignity  about  them,  bid  Washing- 
ton farewell  until  they  should  return  at  the  head  of 
victorious  legions  to  possess  every  foot  of  soil  which  had 
ever  been  held  to  slavery. 

The  property  or  chattel  character  of  the  Negro  made  him 
the  subject  of  emancipation,  and  legally  secured  the  right 
of  the  government  to  strike  the  chains  from  every  slave 
which,  as  property,  was  held  to  aid  and  abet  his  masters  in 
rebellion.  So  clear  was  this  as  a legal  proposition  that 
Jefferson  Davis  not  only  recommended  to  the  Confederate 
Congress  the  arming  of  the  slaves,  but  admitted  that  he 
was  in  favor  of  this  measure,  even  if  it  resulted  in  the 
giving  to  the  Negro  and  slave  that  citizenship  which  he 
should  peril  his  life  to  destroy ! Thus  did  the  shrewd 
politician  and  statesman  see  the  inevitable.  In  fact  it  is  but 
just  to  say  that  this  arch-rebel  saw  the  handwriting  on  the 
wall  in  advance  of  many  Northern  statesmen.  He  pro- 
posed to  the  assembled  Congress  of  the  South  the  arming 
and  emancipation  of  their  slaves  rather  than  subjugation 
by  the  government. 

Thus  was  the  Anglo-Saxon  mind  being  educated  not 
only  by  the  radical  utterances  of  the  avowed  Abolitionists 
of  the  Northern  States,  but  by  the  cautious  proclamations 
of  President  Lincoln  and  the  dernier  projiositions  of  the 
rebel  chief  magistracy.  Every  emancipation  proposition, 
whether  from  Clay,  Lincoln  or  Davis,  whether  in  peace  or 
as  the  result  of  war,  was  a recognition  of  the  manhood 
of  the  slave ; and  the  recognition  of  the  manhood  of  four 
millions  of  our  citizens,  hitherto  regarded  as  but  the  chat- 
tels of  the  auctioneer's  block,  necessitated  the  amend- 
ments to  the  Constitution,  which  are  now,  perhaps,  forever 
and  unquestionably  settled  in  that  document,  forming  a 
part  of  the  advance  movement  of  the  Nation  under  the 
leadership  of  Eepublicanism. 

Oddly  enough  the  Thirteenth  amendment,  when  it 


462 


BEPUBLICAH  ACHIEVEMEKTS. 


came,  was  the  opposite  of  the  one  proposed  one  month  be- 
fore the  guns  of  the  rebellion  notified  the  world  that  peace 
between  rival  factions  in  American  politics  was  at  an  end. 

The  proclamations  of  President  Lincoln  bearing  on  eman- 
cipation, of  1862,  1863,  together  with  the  acts  of  Congress, 
known  as  ^^Confiscation  Acts,^^  in  1861  and  1862,  had 
gradually  led  the  mind  to  the  comprehension  of  the  inev- 
itable result  of  the  logic  of  events.  The  New  Yearns  gift 
of  freedom  to  all  the  slaves  within  the  territory  of  the 
United  States,  January  1,  1863,  was  in  every  sense  a 
legal  and  justly  conferred  law,  already  withheld  long, 
waiting  for  the  maturity  of  thought  which  so  grave  a 
matter  required  among  the  great  masses  of  the  people, 
without  whose  endorsement  the  letters  of  the  President 
were  traced  in  sand.  But  it  came  in  ^^the  fullness  of 
time,^^  received  the  approbation  of  all  loyal  men,  and  laid 
the  foundation  for  the  thirteenth  amendment  which  is 
couched  in  these  words:  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary 

servitude,  except  as  a punishment  for  crime  whereof  the 
party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall  exist  within  the 
United  States,  or  any  place  subject  to  their  jurisdiction.^^ 
The  act  also  provides  that  Congress  shall  have  full  power 
to  enforce  it  by  appropriate  legislation.^^ 

By  joint  resolution  of  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  the 
thirteenth  amendment  to  the  Constitution  was  submitted 
to  the  various  States  for  their  action  thereon.  Having 
originated  in  the  Senate  in  February,  1861,  it  passed  that 
body  April  8th,  of  the  same  year;  but  it  was  not  called 
up  in  the  House  for  debate  till  June  following,  when  the 
discussion  proved  unsatisfactory  and  the  resolution  defeat- 
ed. It  was  called  up  again  in  December  of  the  same  year, 
and  lingered  before  that  body,  with  occasional  discussions, 
till  January  31,  1865,  when  it  passed  the  House. 

The  debates  during  the  three  years  which  this  measure 
had  occupied  the  attention  of  Congress,  had  been  bitter, 
crude  and  embarrassed  by  the  constantly  changing  atti- 


AMENDMENTS  TO  THE  CONSTITUTION. 


463 


tude  of  military  affairs ; but  eventually  the  Democrats 
settled  their  opposition  into  a question  as  to  the  legality 
of  the  act.  The  Fifth  Article  of  the  Constitution,  pro- 
vids  that  ‘Hwo  thirds  of  loth  Houses  shall  be  neces- 
sary to  propose  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution.  The 
Democrats  contended  that  the  Eebel  States  not  being 
represented  in  the  vote  there  was  not  a two  thirds  major- 
ity of  all  the  members  entitled  to  represent  the  States  ; on 
the  contrary  the  Eepublicans  assumed  that  two  thirds 
of  both  Houses  meant  two  thirds  of  the  members  when 
in  actual  session  ; that  when  Congress  was  lawfully  assem- 
bled a two  thirds  vote  was  a legal  majority  for  the  purpose 
of  amending  the  Constitution.  In  this  they  were  evi- 
dently right.  Two  thirds  of  ‘^both  Houses  can  only 
mean  Congress  when  assembled  lawfully  as  a body  for 
work;  and  if  by  their  rebellion  any  of  the  States  failed 
to  have  a legislative  voice  in  the  Houses  of  Congress  at 
that  time,  it  was  but  the  legitimate  result  of  their  own 
political  crimes.  They  had  lost  justly  their  power  in  the 
National  Legislature. 

But  the  question  of  ratification  by  the  individual  States 
was  a more  serious  one.  According  to  the  fifth  article  of 
the  Constitution,  an  amendment  thereto  must  be  ratified  by 
the  Legislatures  of  three  fourths  of  the  States.  It  doubt- 
less could  have  been  successfully  held,  that  the  loyal  States 
constituted  the  government,  and  that  they  were  competent 
by  a three  fourths  majority  of  their  Legislatures  to  ratify 
the  amendments  ; but  the  Government  preferred  to  adopt 
the  broad  ground  that  three  fourths  of  all  the  Legislatures, 
including  those  who  had  forfeited  their  rights  by  rebellion 
ought  to  be  obtained.  This  accorded  with  the  feelings  of 
the  conservative  element,  and  was  not  specially  objection- 
able to  any.  By  it  the  reconstructed  State  governments 
were  enabled  to  contribute  to  the  ratification  of  the  thir- 
teenth amendment,  thus  giving  the  requisite  three  fourths 
of  all  the  Legislatures  of  all  the  States.  However,  the 


464 


BEPUBLICAK  ACHIEVEMEKTS. 


nineteen  loyal  States  supporting  it,  being  the  constitu- 
tional three  fourths  of  those  States  who  had  not  been 
reduced  to  a territorial  condition  by  rebellion,  were  con- 
sidered an  ample  guarantee  for  the  amendment  of  the 
organic  law  of  the  country  ; and  with  the  approval  of  the 
Legislatures  of  the  reconstructed  State  governments,  every 
possible  guarantee  was  given,  which  the  condition  of  the 
government  and  the  States  would  permit.  So  that  this 
period  of  Eepublican  legislation  is  marked  by  that  pru- 
dent and  wise  forethought  which  left  nothing  undone 
which  might  contribute  to  the  fairness  of  its  record  and 
the  certitude  of  all  the  steps  taken  by  the  goyernment 
under  its  administration. 

The  objects  of  the  fourteenth  amendment  were  to 
enfranchise  the  blacks,  suppress  any  disposition  in  the 
States  to  discriminate  against  any  part  of  their  population 
by  the  undue  apportionment  of  representatives,  establish 
the  validity  of  the  public  debt,  and  forbid  the  assumption 
of  the  rebel  debt. 

The  discussions  upon  this  amendment  when  proposed 
in  Congress  followed  practically  in  the  line  of  the  debates 
in  the  previous  amendments.  No  serious  objections  seemed 
to  lie  against  the  amendment  itself,  except  the  almost 
universal  Democratic  objection  to  the  enfranchisement  of 
the  inferior  race/^  And  when  finally  reported  from  the 
committee  by  the  Hon.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  April  30, 
1866,  it  was  given  till  the  10th  of  May  following,  and 
passed  under  the  call  of  the  previous  question.  It  was 
amended,  slightly,  in  the  Senate,  which  amendments  were 
concurred  in  by  the  House,  and  by  the  20th  of  June 
forwarded  to  the  executives  of  the  various  States. 

At  this  time  the  steady  triumph  of  Eepublican  recon- 
struction measures  was  briefly  checked  by  the  chief  execu- 
tive, Andrew  Johnson,  whose  policy  of  reconstruction  was 
not  in  harmony  with  that  accepted  by  the  loyal  masses  and 
being  carried  out  by  their  representatives  in  Congress. 


AMENDMENTS  TO  THE  CONSTITUTION. 


465 


March  2,  1867,  Congress  declared  that  no  legal  govern- 
ment existed  in  any  of  the  rebellious  States,  except  that  of 
Tennessee,  whose  Legislature  had  already  ratified  the  four- 
teenth amendment ; at  the  same  time  placing  them  under 
a military  rule,  and  preseribing  that  their  State  constitu- 
tions should  be  submitted  to  Congress,  and  that  they  should 
recognize  the  fourteenth  amendment  as  a condition  of 
admission  to  representation  in  Congress. 

The  opposition  to  the  enfranchisement  of  the  colored 
race,  together  with  the  opposition  of  the  Executive  to  the 
manner  of  reconstruction  adopted  by  Congress,  made-  this 
a long  and  memorable  struggle.  It  appeared  at  one  time 
that  the  requisite  three  fourths  of  all  the  States, might 
not  give  in  their  adhesion  to  this  policy,'  and  feeling  the 
security  of  their  position  if  they  should  act  only  by  virtue 
of  the  required  three  fourths  of  all  the  States  true  to  the 
Union/’  Congress  passed  a joint  resolution  declaring  the 
fourteenth  amendment  adopted,  and  ordering  its  publica- 
tion by  the  Secretary  of  State.  The  day  following,  Georgia 
approved  the  amendment,  thus  giving  it  a technical  full- 
ness of  ratification;  but  its  validity  had  already  been 
established,  because  this  is  a political,  not  a judicial 
question,  and  Congress  is  the  supreme  judge  of  its  validity. 

One  thing  was  clearly  discovered  during  this  trying 
ordeal,  that  Congress  is  the  great  depository  of  the  will  of 
the  people.  Executives  may  thwart,  and  Judges  may  em- 
barrass legislation,  but  the  redress  of  grievances  comes 
to  the  people  through  a Congress  of  their  own  ehoosing. 

The  fifteenth  amendment  was  a necessity  arising  out  of 
the  determined  opposition  of  some  of  the  Southern  States, 
which  defied  the  penalties  of  the  fourteenth  amendment 
and  attempted  to  set  aside  a constitutional  provision  of 
law.  Without  further  penalties  for  its  violation,  the  four- 
teenth amendment  could  not  be  enforced. 

A fifteenth  amendment  was  submitted  providing  that, 
The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote,  shall 
80 


466 


REPUBLICAISr  ACHIEVEMEOTS. 


not  be  denied  or  abridged  by  the  Uni  Led  States,  or  by  any 
State,  on  account  of  race,  color  or  previous  condition  of 
servitude/^  Thus  to  citizenship  was  not  only  added  en- 
franchisement, but  protection. 

The  temper  of  the  two  great  political  parties  with 
reference  to  this  legislation  is  best  seen  in  Indiana,  where 
the  Democratic  members  all  resigned  their  seats  in  the 
Legislature,  thereby  hoping  to  break  a quorum.  But  the 
Speaker  ruled  that  a majority  of  all  the  votes  present  in 
open  session  was  sufficient  to  pass  the  amendment,  because 
no  member  or  proportion  of  members  were  specified  in  the 
Constitution,  except  a majority.  He  might  have  added, 
that  the  Democratic  members  having  resigned,  their  seats 
were  vacant,  and  they  were  unknown  in  that  Legislature. 

Enough  is  now  known  to  demonstrate  that  all  amend- 
ments are  legally  within  the  power  of  the  people,  unless 
they  shall  conflict  with  the  Constitution  itself. 

The  wide  sweep  of  events  transpiring  under  Eepublican 
administration  is  such  as  to  bewilder  the  casual  ob- 
server. As  in  the  exploration  of  a new  country  surprises  are 
always  waiting  to  reward  the  scientific  explorer,  so  we  are 
always  rewarded  by  a careful  study  of  the  achievements  of 
the  Eepublican  party.  Of  the  many  chapters  Avritten  and 
indelibly  impressed  into  the  history  of  the  Nation,  that  of 
the  constitutional  amendments  stands  preeminent.  There 
had  been  debate  and  doubt  as  to  the  meaning  of  this 
organic  document.  As  interpreted  by  Eepublicans,  it 
needed  no  change,  but  to  put  all  controversies  forever  at 
rest,  and  to  prevent  the  possibility  of  any  complications 
by  the  legislation  which  the  logic  of  events  have  forced  on 
the  States,  it  was  deemed  prudent  to  refer  all  serious  ques- 
tions of  dispute  back  to  the  ballot,  that  when  this  precious 
document  came  again  from  the  furnace  of  thought,  it 
might  indeed  express  the  will  of  the  American  people. 
The  thirteenth,  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  amendments  are 
the  work  of  the  Eepublican  party.  The  sum  of  all  the 


AMEIs^DMEKTS  TO  THE  CONSTITUTION. 


467 


wisdom  and  of  all  the  experience  in  the  world  upon  the 
subject  of  governmental  prerogatives  is  this:  A nation 
may  lawfully  perform  any  act  that  does  not  destroy  its 
compacts  of  international  law  or  conflict  with  the  dictates 
of  humanity^  in  order  to  self-preservation.  By  this  rule 
slavery  had  been  abolished^  and  the  three  million  of  human 
beings  thrown  out  into  the  world  without  protection  and 
without  political  existence  had  to  be  provided  for.  This 
work  of  protection  and  deflning  their  status  was  under- 
taken. Some  question  has  been  sprung  as  to  the  legality 
of  the  thirteenth  amendment;  but  it  will  scarcely  ever  be 
disturbed  for  the  want  of  formality  in  its  enactment.  The 
usages  of  the  land  have  sanctioned  and  established  it 
beyond  the  possibility  of  any  trouble  over  any  technicality 
of  law  or  order.  As  to  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth 
amendments,  they  have  never  been  questioned.  These 
are  to  be  the  instruments  of  political  regeneration  in  the 
South.  A vast  population,  by  a series  of  events  entirely 
beyond  their  control,  have  been  thrown  on  American 
soil,  and  clothed  with  the  habiliments  of  freedom.  By 
the  same  unchangeable  past,  they  have  been  located  in  the 
Southern  States,  and  there  they  are  likely  to  remain. 
The  constitutional  amendments  recognize  and  compel 
the  recognition  of  the  manhood  of  this  large  element  of 
our  population.  And  where  State  or  local  prejudices  of 
race,  color  or  religion  prevent  the  enjoyment  of  civil 
rights  by  the  citizen,  it  becomes  the  duty,  and  is  clearly 
the  prerogative,  of  the  Nation  to  interfere  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  weak  and  the  preservation  of  the  helpless. 
By  this  policy  the  government  has  already  advanced  the 
interests  of  the  South,  financially,  morally,  and  intellect- 
ually. The  work  of  regeneration  is  necessarily  slow  on 
account  of  the  prejudices  of  a large  portion  of  the  domi- 
nant race.  But  the  United  States  cannot  afford  to  be 
numbered  among  the  old,  proscriptive,  and  tyrannical 
establishments  descended  from  the  days  of  the  Ceesars. 


468 


REPUBLICAN  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


Her  destiny  is  to  stand  foremost  in  the  new  era  of  liberty 
and  equality  among  mankind.  In  the  hands  of  the  Kepub- 
lican  party,  this  shall  be  accomplished.  Our  Nation  is 
grand  and  generous  enough  to  forgive  the  faults  of  the 
past,  and  determined  and  strong  enough  to  compel  into 
the  highway  of  political  virtue  every  member  of  its  federal 
compact.  There  is  no  party  or  power  to  which  this  com- 
plete  work  of  the  new  era  of  American  politics  can  safely 
be  committed  except  the  Eepublican  party.  It  knows 
best,  for  it  holds  the  men  who  brought  these  issues  to  the 
front;  it  can  accomplish  most,  because  its  traditions  are 
in  perfect  accord  with  the  work  which  the  near  future 
demands.  * * ^ 


CHAPTEE  X. 


THE  Uiq’ITED  STATES  A HATIOK. 

HE  Republican  party  of  to-day  embodies  all  the  pro- 


gressive and  reformatory  elements  and  principles  that 
have  distinguished  the  best  administrations  of  all  the  par- 
ties which  have  ever  had  control  of  the  government.  It 
was  developed  early  in  the  history  of  the  Republic  that 
two  schools  of  politics,  if  not  a necessity,  were  at  least 
inevitable  in  a free  government,  and  that  any  excesses 
into  which  a majority  was  disposed  to  enter,  would  be 
subject  to  fearful  criticism  from  the  minority.  But  it 
was  not  till  the  close  of  the  Jeffersonian  period  that  the 
clashing  interests  of  localities  and  the  turbulent  feelings 
of  individuals  began  to  recognize  that  submission  to  the 
will  of  the  majority  in  the  application  of  the  principles  of 
a party  which  has  resulted  in  the  splendid  compactness  of 
our  modern  organizations. 

The  marshaling  of  the  hosts  for  the  great  struggles 
that  have  characterized  American  politics  in  recent  times 
was  founded  upon  two  theories  concerning  the  nature  of 
the  government  of  the  United  States  as  to  its  organic 
functions.  One  theory  being  that  the  States  were  indi- 
vidually sovereign,  and  that  that  sovereignty  had  been 
maintained  in  the  reserved  rights  of  the  States  ; that 
by  virtue  of  this  sovereignty  a State  could  nullify  a federal 
law,  or  withdraw  from  the  Union,  which  was  understood 
to  be  a co-partnercy.  The  distinguished  John  C.  Cal- 
houn, United  States  Senator  from  South  Carolina,  was 
the  ablest  advocate  of  this  theory.  It  was  repudiated  by 
Jackson,  but  still  cherished  by  the  hosts  of  Democracy. 
It  made  the  great  Rebellion  a possibility.  Xo  National 
Convention  of  the  Democratic  party  has  ever  repudiated 


469 


470 


REPUBLICAN  ACHIEVEMENTS, 


it.  It  was  officially  recognized  by  James  Buchanan,  the 
last  of  Democratic  presidents,  and  was  the  opaque  body 
that  eclipsed  the  sun  of  political  righteousness  to  the  Dem- 
ocratic party  of  the  North  during  the  years  in  which  the 
Nation^s  life  hung  in  the  balance. 

The  other  theory  is  that  the  United  States  is  a Nation, 
in  forming  which  the  individual  States  have  relinquished 
the  right  to  nullify  the  acts  of  the  Supreme  Legislature, 
or  to  withdraw  from  the  Federal  compact ; that  national 
legislation  when  not  constitutional  is  to  be  so  adjudged  by 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  but  when  simply 
objectionable  to  individual  States,  or  to  sections  of  the 
country,  can  be  corrected  only  by  an  appeal  to  Congress 
itself.  Of  this  theory  Daniel  Webster,  ^^the  expounder 
of  the  Constitution,^^  was  the  strongest  advocate.  On  it 
the  Eepublican  party  is  built.  It  saved  the  government, 
and  made  the  reconstruction  of  the  subjugated  States  pos- 
sible. 

The  secession  idea  had  been  a dream  of  the  slave  hold- 
ing power  from  the  earliest  troubles  with  the  large  and  grow- 
ing Free  Soil  element  at  the  North.  And  the  fact  that 
the  slavery  element  held  the  balance  of  power  in  all  gen- 
eral conventions  of  the  Democratic  party  enabled  them  to 
throw  the  country  into  confusion  at  will,  by  the  threat  of 
secession.  They  not  only  claimed  it  as  a right  to  be  exer- 
cised at  will  by  the  States,  but  they  flattered  themselves 
that  cotton  was  king,^^  and  that  geographical  and  busi- 
ness relations  would  compel  the  territory  of  the  Missis- 
sippi Valley  States  all  to  go  with  them.  Thus  they  would 
found  an  Empire  whose  corner  stone  should  be  human 
slavery. 

In  1856  the  Democratic  party  spent  its  force  against  the 
Know-Nothings  on  one  hand  and  the  Abolitionists  on  the 
other.  Planting  itself  on  the  organic  laws  establishing 
the  Territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas,’^  as  the  ''‘'only  sound 
and  safe  solution  of  the  slavery  question,^’  it  was  more  de- 


THE  UInITED  states  A HATIOH. 


471 


cidedly  pro-slavery  than  at  any  previous  time  in  its  history. 
Ten  days  later,  June  17th,  the  young  Eepublican  party  in 
answer  to  a call  for  a Convention  of  ^^all  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  without  regard  to  past  political  differences 
or  divisions,  who  are  opposed  to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise,’^  assembled  at  Philadelphia,  and  resolved 
that  the  Constitution  confers  upon  Congress  sovereign 
power  over  the  Territories  of  the  United  States  for  their 
government.”  Thus  forming  the  issue  squarely  as  to  the 
authority  of  the  government  over  the  Territories.  This, 
with  the  rapidly  developing  power  of  the  Northwestern 
States  in  Congress,  would  effectually  limit  the  spread  of 
slavery.  So  at  this  juncture  the  two  parties  stood  con- 
fronting each  other.  The  Democratic  party  rejoicing  in 
the  apparent  triumph  of  human  slavery,  the  Eepublicans 
denouncing  the  invasion  of  Kansas  by  ^^an  armed  force,” 
and  demanding  that  it  should  be  admitted  as  a free  State. 

In  1872  the  Eepublicans  resolved  that  complete  liberty 
and  exact  equality  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  civil,  political 
and  public  rights  should  be  established  and  effectually 
maintained  throughout  the  Union  by  efficient  and  appro- 
priate State  and  Federal  legislation.”  They  re- affirmed 
their  political  faith  and  appealed  to  the  suppression  of 
the  Eebellion,  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves,  and  the 
establishment  of  citizenship  and  suffrage  for  all,  as  a record 
upon  which  they  could  well  afford  to  stand.  And  in  the 
second  plank  of  their  platform  asserted,  ^^The  recent 
amendments  to  the  National  Constitution  should  be 
cordially  sustained,  because  they  are  right,  not  merely  tol- 
erated because  they  are  law,  and  should  be  carried  out 
according  to  their  spirit  by  appropriate  legislation,  the 
enforcement  of  which  can  safely  be  entrusted  only  to  the 
party  that  secured  those  amendments.” 

In  1876,  looking  back  with  pride  upon  its  past  achieve- 
ments, the  Eepublican  party  laid  down  the  doctrine:  The 

United  States  of  America  is  a nation,  not  a league.”  And 


472 


REPUBLICAK  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


ill  1880  they  said:  ^^The  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
is  a supreme  law,  and  not  a mere  contract;  out  of  confed- 
erate States  it  made  a sovereign  nation.  Some  powers  are 
denied  to  the  nation,  while  others  are  denied  to  States;  but 
the  boundary  between  the  powers  delegated  and  those 
reserved  is  to  be  determined  by  the  national  and  not  by  the 
State  tribunals.''^  These  utterances  are  sufficiently  explicit 
to  stand  for  all  time  to  come.  The  question  of  the  right 
of  peaceable  secession  was  forever  settled  by  the  sword;  and 
the  wisdom  of  the  party  in  power  has  given  every  possible 
constitutional  guarantee  consistent  with  the  liberties  of 
individual  States  that  it  shall  be  preserved.  The  civil 
power  will  wisely  gather  and  store  the  fruits  of  the  victories 
over  the  great  Eebellion.  Such  is  the  policy  of  the  Eepubli- 
can  party.  And  its  great  rival,  the  Democratic  party,  though 
never  admitting  it  to  be  right  in  principle,  accepted  the 
inevitable,  and  said,  in  its  platform  of  1868,  that  the  ques- 
tions of  slavery  and  secession  had  been  settled  for  all  time 
to  come  ^^by  the  war.^^  Thus  tardily  following  in  the 
footsteps  of  the  Eepublicans,  their  opponents  have  vindi- 
cated the  permanence  of  their  achievements.  There  have 
been  many  to  oppose  and  censure,  the  ballot  and  the  bullet 
have  been  appealed  to  in  vain,  the  school  of  politics  in 
which  the  Eepublican  party  was  cradled  and  by  which  it 
grew  and  is  yet  supported  is  not  only  triumphant,  but 
destined  to  rule  with  a firm  and  liberal  hand  until  this 
whole  question  of  the  philosophy  of  our  government  shall 
be  so  well  established  that  none  dare  to  dispute  it. 


CHAPTER  XL 


RECOKSTKUCTION  BY  CONGRESS. 

HE  question  of  the  power  of  Congress  over  the  Terri- 


tories was  a subject  of  much  bitter  discussion.  After 
the  cession  by  Virginia  of  the  great  Northwest  territory 
to  the  government  in  1787,  followed  by  the  purchase  of 
Louisiana  from  the  French  in  1803,  and  the  ceding  of 
Florida  by  Spain  in  1819,  together  with  the  acquisitions 
of  territory  following  the  Mexican  war,  the  United  States 
held,  as  a Nation,  one  of  the  largest  uninhabited  tracts  of 
land  on  the  globe.  The  precise  process  by  which  this 
magnificent  domain  should  be  carved  into  States  would, 
perhaps,  have  presented  no  great  difficulty  had  it  not  been 
for  the  interests  of  the  slave  power. 

The  theory  of  John  C.  Calhoun  was  that.the  Constitu- 
tion carried  slavery  into  all  territory  of  the  United 
States,  where  it  had  not  been  prohibited  by  law.  On  the 
night  of  the  passage  of  the  Kansas  Nebraska  Bill,  Senator 
Seward  in  a masterly  speech  said  : I am  now,  if  possible, 

more  than  ever  satisfied,  that,  after  all  this  debate,  the  his- 
tory of  the  country  will  go  down  to  posterity  just  as  it 
stood  before,  carrying  to  them  the  everlasting  facts  that 
until  1820  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  legislated  to 
prevent  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  new  Territories 
whenever  that  object  was  practicable;  and  that  in  that  year 
they  so  far  modified  that  policy,  under  alarming  apprehen- 
sions of  civil  convulsions,  by  a constitutional  enactment 
in  the  character  of  a compact,  as  to  admit  Missouri  a new 
slave  State  ; but  upon  the  express  condition,  stipulated  in 
favor  of  the  free  States,  that  slavery  should  be  forever 
prohibited  in  all  the  residue  of  the  existing  and  unorgan- 
ized Territories  of  the  United  States  lying  north  of  the 


473 


474 


REPUBLICAN  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


parallel  of  thirty-six  degrees  thirty  minutes  north  lati- 
tude.” 

But  when  the  Missouri  compromise  was  repealed,  and 
the  question  of  slavery,  with  all  others,  referred  to  the 
popular  vote  of  citizens  of  the  Territories,  the  superiority 
of  the  free  States  in  numbers  of  population  and  disposition 
to  emigrate  westward  not  only  assured  freedom  to  all  States 
which  ever  should  be  formed  north  of  36  degrees,  and  30 
minutes,  but  gave  to  friends  of  liberty  a chance  to  contend 
at  the  polls  for  all  the  territory  of  the  United  States. 

Under  the  leadership  of  Douglas  the  certainty  of  slavery 
in  a portion  of  the  Territories  had  been  surrendered  in  order 
to  obtain  a fighting  chance  in  some  others,  a risk  which 
the  great  Eepublican  statesman  above  quoted,  with  many 
others,  clearly  foresaw.  In  fact  the  energetic  opposition 
to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise  was  based  by  the 
Kepublicans  not  so  much  upon  the  ground  of  any  fears  of 
being  able  to  compete  with  the  slave  power  in  the  Terri- 
tories, as  from  a dislike  for  the  capricious  legislation  which 
unsettled  compacts  and  ordinances  of  the  most  solemn  and 
apparently  binding  character,  and  was,  therefore,  viewed  as 
a question  of  policy,  a licentious  and  unreasonable  pro- 
ceeding. 

But  when  emancipation  had  finally  been  reached,  as  a 
matter  of  necessity,  justified  by  the  fact  that  the  Negroes 
were  property,  and  as  such  used  for  purposes  of  rebellion 
against  the  constituted  authorities  of  the  United  States, 
another  question  arose  of  the  most  perplexing  character. 
What  is  the  status  of  a conquered  rebel  State  ? And  this 
question  was  complicated  by  the  inharmony  of  the  old 
State  slavery  constitutions  with  the  new  order  of  things 
established  by  emancipation. 

The  Democratic  party  having  all  the  time  held  the 
doctrine  so  dogmatically  asserted  in  Mr.  Buchanan^s 
inaugural  address,  that  a sovereign  State  could  not  be 
coerced,  now  thought  it  saw  indestructibility  in  a State 


IIECONSTEUCTIOK  BY  CONGEESS. 


475 


sovereignty.  They  could  see  nothing  except  recognition. 
The  States  had  never  been  out  of  the  Union,  and  were 
simply  to  revive  their  dormant  relations  to  the  govern- 
ment, and  step  into  full  and  untrammeled  power  in  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States.  But  Eepublican  sagacity 
saw  in  this  an  opportunity  for  millions  of  rebels,  whose 
hands  were  hot  with  the  blood  of  treason,  to  seriously 
embarrass  if  not  to  effectually  crij^ple  the  legislation  which 
was  then  demanding  the  attention  of  Congress. 

Mr.  Lincoln  recommended  to  Congress,  December  8, 
1863,  his  willingness  to  proclaim  a restoration  to  the  Union 
of  any  seceded  State,  whose  inhabitants,  having  laid  down 
their  arms,  should  swear  allegiance  to  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  and  organize  a free  State  constitution. 
Nothing  was  done  under  this  proposition.  Its  weak  point 
was  that  it  was  premature  as  to  time,  and  failed  to  recog- 
nize the  full  extent  of  authority  to  Congress,  which  the 
Eepublican  members  of  that  body  believed  to  be  inherent 
in  it.  However,  as  early  as  December,  1861,  Senator 
Harlan,  of  Iowa,  had  introduced  a bill  to  establish  a pro- 
visional government  over  the  seven  seceded  States.  This 
indicated  the  drift  of  Eepublican  thought  and  feeling 
which  was  so  soon  to  become  dominant,  and  whose  will 
and  work  it  was  to  put  the  old  questions  that  had  shaken 
the  foundations  of  the  government  so  far  out  of  the  way 
that  future  years  should  not  be  troubled  with  them. 

In  May,  of  1864,  Congress  passed  the  first  reconstruc- 
tion act.  It  provided  for  the  appointment  of  provis- 
ional governors,  by  the  President,  enrollment  of  the  citi- 
zens who  had  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  formation 
of  new  State  constitutions  by  such  reconstructed  citi- 
zenship. This  bill  did  not  meet  with  the  approval  of 
President  Lincoln,  principally  because  he  thought  it  would 
undo  the  work  of  restoration  already  begun  by  the  Union- 
ists of  Louisiana  and  Arkansas.  These  matters  were  at 
best  but  experimental.  Finally,  July  16,  a bill  was  passed 


476 


REPUBLIGAISr  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


by  the  Kepublican  majority  over  the  veto  of  President 
Johnson,  which,  as  the  last  of  the  ^^Freedmen’s  Bureau 
Bills, made  provision  for  the  homeless  and  helpless  col- 
ored people  during  the  period  of  reconstruction. 

Johnson’s  policy  was  essentially  Democratic.  His  in- 
tense Unionism  and  his  bravery  in  the  Senate,  had  made 
him  Vice-President.  The  Kepublicans  had  preferred  to 
confer  that  honor  upon  a Southern  Unionist,  to  emphasize 
the  fact  that  it  was  not  a sectional  question  with  them, 
but  simply  a war  to  preserve  the  Union.  Andrew  Johnson 
attained  this  high  honor,  and  by  a fatality  that  threw  the 
civilized  world  into  mourning,  was  suddenly  elevated  to 
the  most  distinguished  position  in  the  Western  Hemi- 
sphere— President  of  the  United  States  ! It  soon  became 
apparent  that  his  peculiar  States  rights  views  would  array 
his  administration  against  the  Republican  majority  in 
Congress.  Mr.  Johnson’s  idea  was,  that  rebellion  was  an 
individual,  not  a State  crime;  and  while  making  treason 
odious  ” in  the  abstract,  and  condemning  it  in  the  in- 
dividual, the  taint  did  not  attach,  in  his  estimation,  to 
a sovereign  State. 

The  Constitution  had  not  contemplated  the  folly  of 
rebellion,  hence  had  made  no  provision  for  the  re-organiza- 
tion  or  re-admission  of  a State  into  the  Union.  The 
question  under  which  the  government  labored  at  the  time 
of  Mr.  Johnson’s  accession  to  power,  was  simply  this  : 
Shall  the  subjugated  States  be  treated  as  States  or  as 
Territories  ? This  was  wholly  a field  of  experiment — a 
field  for  Republican  surveyors  to  explore.  Far-seeing  men 
in  Congress — Republicans — had  called  attention  to  this 
question  in  ’61  and  ’62,  but  too  many  other  grave  matters 
were  then  before  the  country.  Consequently  it  was 
reserved  for  Mr.  Johnson’s  administration.  His  theory 
that  the  States  had  not  lost  their  sovereignty  by  rebellion, 
met  the  hearty  approval  of  the  Democrats,  and  the  work 
of  ^^reconstruction,”  as  he  called  it,  went  forward  rapidly. 


RECOKSTKUCTIOK  BY  COi^GRESS.  477 

But  in  all  this  there  was  no  provision  made  for  the  future 
protection  of  that  large  class  of  citizens  with  which 
emancipation  had  filled  the  Southern  States  ; and  it  soon 
became  apparent  that  the  President's  policy  w^as  simply 
restoring  the  rebel  element  to  power  without  the  slightest 
opportunity  for  the  government  to  utilize  the  few  friend- 
ships v/hich  it  possessed  on  southern  soil. 

When  Congress  met,  December,  1865,  as  a result  of 
Johnson^s  reconstruction,  five  rebel  States  had  sent  their 
representatives  to  Congress,  some  of  these  representatives- 
elect  having  been  active  paiticipants  in  the  recent  rebell- 
ion. This  theory  of  the  sovereign  right  of  the  States 
did  not  prevent  legislation  discriminating  against  the 
freedmen,  and  was  designed  to  prevent  the  blacks’^  from 
enjoying  the  fruits  of  liberty. 

At  this  time  Congress  consisting  of  a majority  of  Ke- 
publicans,  and  made  up  from  the  loyal  States,  with  the 
exception  of  a few  members,  took  the  question  of  re-con- 
struction in  hand  with  a masterly  grip.  They  practically 
decided  that  the  rebel  States  were  but  territories,  appointed 
military  governors  for  them,  and  refused  their  admittance 
to  the  Union  until  they  should  have  ratified  the  fourteenth 
amendment.  The  re-construction  policy  of  the  President 
was  brushed  away  as  if  it  had  been  a spider^s  web,  and  the 
territories  lately  in  rebellion  were  compelled  to  conform,  in 
their  return  to  representation  in  Congress,  with  the  laws 
of  the  National  Legislature.  It  was  a trying  time.  The 
question  as  to  whether  States  so  lately  out  of  an  armed 
rebellion  could  practically  return  unrepentant,  and  clothed 
with  tlie  powers  of  sovereignty,  to  seats  in  the  halls  of 
national  legislation,  was  settled  for  all  time  to  come!  In 
all  this  the  Eepublican  party  was  writing  the  history  of  the 
country,  destined  to  a moral  and  philanthropic  grandeur 
among  the  nations  of  the  earth,  which,  in  addition  to  their 
martial  fame,  should  make  them  the  proudest  people  be- 
neath the  circuit  of  the  sun! 


CHAPTEE  XII. 


TAEIFF  FOR  THE  PROTECTIOI^^  OF  AMERICAN  LABOR. 

Any  nation  which  is  both  a manufacturing  and  agri- 
cultural country,  and  whose  imports  and  exports  are 
constantly  changing  in  their  relative  amounts  and  values, 
will  always  find  the  question  of  tariff  a living  issue  in  its 
politics.  From  the  beginning  the  United  States  had  nec- 
essarily to  meet  this  question,  nor  could  the  examples  of  the 
Old  World  apply,  in  many  respects,  to  the  conditions  of 
things  in  the  New.  It  was  in  this,  as  in  everything  else, 
a new  sea  of  political  experience  upon  which  the  young 
nation  entered.  During  the  first  Congress  a tariff  both  for 
revenue  and  protection  was  established  by  law  ; and  of  the 
wisdom  of  this  policy  there  can  be  no  doubt.  The  only 
question  is,  practically,  how  far  and  what  shall  we  protect; 
and  to  what  extent  and  on  what  articles  shall  we  depend 
for  revenue  ? The  necessity  of  a tariff  is  not  debatable. 
All  right-thinking  men  have  admitted  it  from  the  begin- 
ning. The  only  trouble  about  it  has  been  humorously 
expressed  by  some  one  to  be  that,  every  one  is  in  favor  of 
free  trade  for  his  neighbor,  hut  he  wants  protection  for 
himself ! There  need  be  no  trouble  on  this  question. 

Congress,  acting  deliberately,  should  take  into  considera- 
tion all  the  varied  interests  of  the  country,  just  as  if  the 
entire  business  were  the  property  of  one  man,  who  desired 
to  preserve  each  and  every  industry  and  importation,  for 
the  prosperity  of  the  whole.  This  is  the  Eepublican 
doctrine,  and  upon  this  as  upon  every  other  issue  it  is 
correct  in  principle.  It  may  sometimes  mistake  the  pre- 
cise per  centum,  or  the  particular  interest  which  most 
needs  encouragement,  but  of  the  permanent  policy  of  the 

478 


PR0TECT10]Sr  OF  AMERICAK  LABOR. 


479 


Eepublicaii  party  there  is  no  disguise  and  there  can  be  no 
change. 

That  brilliant  statesman,  Hamilton,  made  an  exhaustive 
report  on  the  doctrine  of  customs  as  applicable  to  America, 
during  the  first  Congress,  which  recognized  in  the  taritf  not 
only  protection  and  revenue,  but  a possible  regulative 
factor  as  to  intercourse  with  other  nations.  This,  through 
the  embargo  and  non-intercourse  policy,  during  the 
administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  was  one  of  the  causes  of 
the  war  of  1812. 

In  1816  a tariff  law,  modified  as  a tariff  must  always  be, 
to  suit,  in  the  judgment  of  Congress,  the  changed  condition 
of  affairs,  was  passed.  It  classified  imported  goods  as 
follows:  First,  Those  of  which  a supply  could  be  produced 
at  home.  Second,  Those  of  which  a supply  in  part  only 
could  be  produced  at  home.  Third,  Those  produced  at 
home  very  slightly,  or  not  at  all.  The  object  of  the  legis- 
lators was  to  lay  a duty  heavy  enough  to  keep  out  foreign 
competition  entirely  on  such  articles  as  could  be  fully 
supplied  at  home.  Where  a partial  supjdy  could  be 
furnished  at  home,  a duty  of  20  per  cent  was  laid;  on  the 
third  class,  duties  were  adjusted  more  with  reference  to 
revenue  than  tariff. 

In  1824,  after  a long  and  animated  controversy,  the 
tariff  was  modified  again.  This  time  the  agriculturalists 
favored  protection,  while  the  shippers  opposed  it.  The 
planters  of  the  South  were  against,  while  the  grain-grow- 
ing districts  favored,  protection.  The  experiment  of  ad 
valorem  duties  did  not  work  as  well  as  had  been  hoped. 
South  Carolina  was  especially  hostile,  and  by  1828  Daniel 
Webster  and  others  changed  so  as  to  unite  with  her  in  the 
repeal  of  existing  laws  and  the  adoption  of  a protective 
tariff.  Again  in  1832-33,  the  time  of  Congress  was  prin- 
cipally occupied  with  the  tariff.  Finally,  a compro- 
mise^’ was  effected,  by  which  it  w^as  provided  that  duties 
should  be  reduced  to  twenty  per  cent  on  all  imported 


480 


KEPUBLICAN  ACHIEVEMEKTS. 


goods.  The  spirit  of  nullification^’  was  allayed,  and  the 
tariff  ceased  to  be,  for  a time,  the  disturbing  element  in 
American  politics.  But,  providentially,  it  seems,  almost 
as  if  the  future  had  been  in  view,  the  act,  approved 
March  2,  1861,  and  known  as  the  Morrill  Tariff,  though 
it  included  other  matters,  one  of  which  was  the  authoriza- 
tion of  a ten-million  loan,  prepared  the  way  for  substan- 
tial aid,  not  only  to  redeem  ‘^outstanding  treasury  notes,” 
but,  at  a time  when  every  dollar  was  of  the  utmost  value, 
in  aiding  the  government  just  entering  upon  the  final 
struggle  for  existence,  to  add  thousands  to  our  needy 
treasury.  A determined  effort  was  made  by  the  Demo- 
crats in  Congress  to  break  our  tariff  protection  in  1876, 
when  Morrison,  of  Illinois,  Chairman  of  the  Ways  and 
Means  Committee,  introduced  a tariff  bill,  which,  it  was 
charged,  had  been  drawn  for  him  by  the  free  traders 
and  others  interested  in  breaking  down  protection,  ruin- 
ing home  manufactures,  and  depriving  our  American 
home  labor  of  a chance  to  earn  an  honest  living.”  The 
opposition,  by  which  this  scheme  was  defeated,  was  from 
the  Eepublican  side  of  the  House.  But  the  effort  was 
renewed  in  1878,  by  the  introduction  of  the  Wood  tariff 
bill.  During  the  heated  discussion  which  followed,  and 
while  values  of  all  kinds  were  being  unsettled  by  the 
action  of  a Democratic  House,  Fernando  Wood  said, 
April  9,  1878,  in  a speech  before  the  House,  “If  I had 
the  power  to  commence  de  novOy  I should  reduce  the 
duties  fifty  per  cent,  instead  of  less  than  fifteen  per  cent, 
upon  an  average,  as  now  proposed.” 

By  the  prompt  action  of  fifteen  out  of  every  sixteen 
Eepublicans  in  the  House,  aided  by  a feAV  Democrats  who 
bolted  their  party,  this  was  defeated ; but  not  until  the 
gravest  damage  had  been  done  on  account  of  the  threat- 
ened deluge  of  free  trade. 

The  Eepublican  platform  of  1860  had  requii*ed  such 
adjustment  of  the  imposts  providing  for  the  revenue  of 


PROTECTION  OF  AMERICAN  LABOR. 


481 


the  general  government  as  should  encourage  the  develop- 
ment of  the  industrial  interests  of  the  whole  country.’^  In 
1872  they  said,  ^^Eevenue,  except  so  much  as  maybe 
derived  from  a tax  on  tobacco  and  liquors,  should  be 
raised  by  duties  on  importations.^^  And  in  1876  they  said, 
Eevenue  necessary  for  current  expenditures  and  the 
obligations  of  the  public  debt  must  be  largely  derived 
from  duties  upon  importations  which,  so  far  as  possible, 
should  be  adjusted  to  promote  the  interests  of  American 
labor  and  advance  the  prosperity  of  the  whole  country.^’ 
This  was  reaffirmed  in  1880.  In  perfect  harmony  with 
this  record,  the  platform  of  1884  lays  down  this  con- 
sistent plank  : It  is  the  first  duty  of  a good  government 

to  protect  the  rights  and  promote  the  interests  of  its  own 
people.  The  largest  diversity  of  industry  is  most  produc- 
tive of  general  prosperity  and  of  the  comfort  and  inde- 
pendence of  the  people.  We  therefore  demand  that  the 
imposition  of  duties  on  foreign  imports  shall  be  made, 
not  for  revenue  only,  but  that  in  raising  the  requisite  rev- 
enues for  the  government  such  duties  shall  be  so  levied  as 
to  afford  security  to  our  diversified  industries,  and  protec- 
tion to  the  rights  and  wages  of  the  laborer,  to  the  end 
that  active  and  intelligent  labor,  as  well  as  capital,  may 
have  its  just  reward,  and  the  laboring  man  his  full  share 
in  the  national  prosperity.’^ 

It  is  meet  that  the  Eepublican  party,  the  enemy  of 
slavery,  the  author,  under  God,  of  liberty  to  millions, 
should  ever  appear  in  the  field  of  conflict  battling  for  the 
material  and  intellectual  prosperity  of  the  toiling  masses 
who,  at  the  forge  or  on  the  farm,  in  the  city  or  on  the  wide 
prairie,  are  invested  with  the  sovereignty  of  American 
citizenship.  In  the  long  line  of  Eepublican  triumphs 
stands  the  fact  that  it  has  never  made  a mistake  on  the 
LABOR  QUESTION.  The  millions  of  workingmen  from  shop 
and  field  will  find  in  it  the  conservator  of  their  financial 
interests  and  their  domestic  comforts.  It  is,  indeed,  the 
31 


482 


KEPUBLICA^q-  ACHIEVEMEJSTTS. 


blessed  prerogative  of  a great  nation  to  aid  all  in  the  path- 
way of  life.  It  should  know  no  jealousies  between  sections^ 
no  rivalries  between  industries;  labor  and  capital  should 
be  both  alike  protected.  Equality  between  the  rich  and 
the  poor  consists,  not  in  making  them  one  in  wealth,  but 
in  holding  their  rights,  liberties  and  property,  equally  and 
alike  sacred  before  the  law. 


CHAPTEE  XIII. 


SUPPEESSIOK  OF  POLYGAMY. 

Q(  OMETIME  about  1832,  Joe  Smith  began  to  create  a 
O little  disturbance  in  western  New  York  by  his  claims 
to  inspiration,  and  the  introduction  of  a new  religion 
founded  upon  the  discovery  of  certain  golden  plates,  or 
the  Mormon  Bible.  No  one  could  have  dreamed  that 
this  ignorant  fanatic  would  become  a disturber  of  our 
peace,  and  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  would 
be  seriously  embarrassed  by  his  followers. 

However,  Smith  was  not  alone.  The  times  were  favor- 
able to  his  movement.  All  of  the  Western  States  were 
disturbed  religiously,  and  many  new  and  unexpected 
changes  were  taking  place.  About  this  time,  Sydney 
Eigdon,  a man  of  more  education  than  Smith,  and  a 
preacher  of  some  distinction,  revealed  himself  as  an 
accomplice  with  him  in  the  work.  By  the  aid  of  certain 
absurd  speculations,  which  were  already  floating  round,  to 
the  effect  that  the  North  American  Indians  were  the 
descendants  of  the  ^^lost  tribes  of  the  Jews,  and  Eig- 
don^s  knowledge  of  the  Scriptures,  they  were  able  to  adapt 
themselves,  and  their  book  of  Mormon,  to  a large  class  of 
earnest  but  unsettled  religionists,  who  at  that  time  were 
expecting  great  results  from  a restoration  of  the  faith  of 
apostolic  times.  Through  Eigdon'^s  preaching  the  way 
was  prepared  at  Kirtland,  Ohio,  and  the  first  church 
proper  of  this  sect  was  established  there  with  Joe  Smith 
first,  his  brother  Hyram  second,  and  Sydney  Eigdon  third 
in  the  presidency.  Afterwards  in  Jackson  county.  Mo., 
and  at  Nauvoo,  Ills.,  this  presidency  located  itself  and  its 
followers.  Grand  things  were  expected,  and,  compara- 
tively, much  was  accomplished. 

483 


484 


REPUBLIOAH  ACHIEVEMEKTS. 


However,  in  addition  to  the  objectionablo  features  of 
their  religion,  they  also  established  polygamy,  and  took  a 
lively  interest  in  politics.  It  was  at  one  time  feared  that 
Smith  himself  would  be  sent  to  Congress  ! 

His  schemes,  however,  were  all  brought  to  an  end  by 
his  assassination,  while  under  arrest  and  entitled  to  the 
protection  accorded  by  law  to  all  prisoners.  This  circum- 
stance, regarded  as  a martyrdom  by  his  followers,  was  no 
disadvantage  to  Mormonism.  Brigham  Young,  at  that 
time  senior  apostle,  preferred  charges  against  Sydney  Eig- 
don  to  whom  the  first  belonged,  both  the  Smithes  having 
been  assassinated,  and  succeeded  in  removing  him  from  his 
office.  This  left  Brigham  head  of  the  Apostolic  College, 
and  in  that  capacity  he  led  his  people  to  the  wilderness  of 
Salt  Lake.  Here  he  attained  the  First  Presidency  and 
became  a disturbing  power  in  politics. 

To  shield  themselves  in  the  practice  of  polygamy  they 
absurdly  claim  it  as  a religious  institution,  and  stoutly 
maintain  that  any  unfriendly  legislation  is  a violation  of 
the  religious  freedom  guaranteed  to  all  citizens  of  the 
United  States  by  its  Constitution.  They  interpret  the 
violations  by  one  or  two  of  the  patriarchs  of  the  original 
monogamic  law  of  God  as  a license  for  their  accursed  prac- 
tice. The  harem  imported  by  Solomon,  together  with  his 
idolatry,  from  Egypt,  they  regard  as  divine,  and  the  law 
of  God,  ^Get  every  man  have  his  own  wife,  and  every 
wife  her  own  husband, is  explained  away  to  suit  their 
purposes. 

In  a State  the  confiict  with  polygamy  would  have  been 
by  the  State  authorities  ; but  having  been  transplanted  to 
a Territory,  the  conflict  is  with  the  United  States  author- 
ity. So  far  it  has  been  tolerated.  Not  so  much,  probably, 
because  anybody  has  been  gulled  into  the  stupid  blunder 
of  regarding  it  as  a religious  institution,’^  but  rather  by 
the  strong  desire  to  give  tfie  utmost  liberty  possible  ^to 
every  section  of  the  country,  and  to  overcome  every  obsta- 


SUPPRESSION  OF  POLYGAMY. 


485 


cle  to  a virtuous  government,  with  the  least  display  of 
anything  like  coercive  power.  Like  its  ^^twin  relic  of 
barbarism,  slavery,  trying  to  hide  behind  a false  interpre- 
tation of  the  Bible,  polygamy  must  go  ! 

In  the  Forty-seventh  Congress  a bill  was  introduced  for 
the  suppression  of  polygamy  in  the  territories  of  the  United 
States.  It  was  not  strictly  a party  measure,  but  what  aid 
and  comfort  the  Mormons  received  was  in  the  main  from 
Democratic  sources.  The  Democratic  effort  was  to  secure 
the  Mormon  vote  without  putting  themselves  on  record 
as  polygamists,  the  same  old  lingering  policy  that  was 
always  exhibited  by  them,  when  any  great  moral  question 
or  the  suppression  of  any  great  wrong  was  before  the  gov- 
ernment. But  the  Republican  resolution  of  1880,  ^Tolyg- 
amy  in  the  territories  must  die/^  was  too  strong  for  any 
successful  antagonism;  and  the  opposition  did  not  dare  to 
defend  polygamy  se,  but  entrenched  themselves  behind 
a claim  for  ^Hiberty  of  conscience  ! Thus  this  heathen 
and  inhuman  custom  has  been  apologized  for  in  Congress 
by  Democratic  orators  as  a matter  of  conscience.’’  No 
crime  against  humanity  or  the  rights  of  others  can  be  a 
matter  of  conscience.  No  immorality  can  be  supported 
by  conscience.  No  corruptions  of  society  can  be  screened 
by  a pretense  of  religion.  God,  in  what  is  regarded  by 
most  people  as  the  divine  legislation  of  Moses,  gave  no 
sanction  to  this  monstrous  evil,  nor  are  the  few  violations 
of  God’s  original  and  only  law  recorded  in  the  Bible,  any 
apology  or  excuse  for  an  attempt  to  open  such  a cancerous 
fungus  upon  our  American  civilization. 

It  is  refreshing  to  every  lover  of  virtue  and  of  liberty  to 
see  the  clear,  ringing  utterances  of  that  grand  convention 
of  Republicans  at  Chicago,  ^^That  it  is  the  duty  of 
Congress  to  enact  such  laws  as  shall  promptly  and  effect- 
ually suppress  the  system  of  polygamy  within  our  territory, 
and  divorce  the  political  from  the  ecclesiastical  power  of 
the  so-called  Mormon  Church,  and  that  the  law  so  enacted 


486 


EEPUBLICAI^  ACHIEYEMEKTS. 


should  be  rigidly  enforced  by  the  civil  authorities  if  possi- 
ble, and  by  the  military  if  need  be/^ 

This  puts  the  question  fairly  at  issue.  Awaking  to  the 
gravity  of  the  occasion,  a National  Platform  demands  that 
this  defiant  band  of  fanatics  who  have  for  twenty-five 
years  cursed  the  government  and  perverted  the  scriptures, 
shall  at  last  be  held  amenable  to  the  judgment  of  the  en- 
lightened world,  and  that  laws  in  harmony  with  the  genius 
of  our  free  institutions  shall  be  enforced  regardless  of  the 
hypocritical  claim  of  liberty  of  conscience  where  there  can 
be  no  conscience! 

It  is  a burning  shame  that  the  right  of  the  Government 
to  suppress  polygamy  has  ever  been  called  in  question. 
The  right  of  a State  to  suppress  it  is  admitted  on  all  hands. 
And  shall  we  conclude  that  the  Nation  is  powerless  in  its 
territory  where  a State  might  act  ? Shall  we  continue  the 
absurd  play  of  tolerating  customs  on  our  borders,  which 
all  admit  to  be  wrong,  on  the  plea  of  lack  of  sovereign  State 
authority  ? It  is  the  old  play  over  again — a State  could 
not  be  coerced,  because  the  Constitution  had  not  specifically 
provided  for  it.  Eebellion  and  polygamy  were  alike  un- 
seen evils  when  the  Constitution  was  made.  The  Congress 
of  the  United  States  possesses  the  inherent  authority  to  do 
right  on  all  questions  not  already  specifically  determined 
by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  WEST. 

IX  1856  the  Democratic  party  in  its  platform  had 
pledged’^  Government  aid  to  the  building  of  a rail- 
road to  the  Pacific  coast  as  a necessity;  but  when  the 
Republican  administration  took  hold  of  it,  they  threw 
themselves  in  its  way  by  declaring  the  land  grants  a plun- 
dering of  the  national  domain,  and  the  subsidies  necessary 
to  its  construction,  a theft  of  the  people’s  money. 

However,  under  the  liberal  policy  of  the  Republican 
party,  by  the  completion  of  railways  through  our  vast 
domain  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  and  the  granting  of  home- 
steads to  the  hardy  pioneers  of  civilization,  the  mountains 
have  been  tunneled,  the  canons  have  been  bridged,  the 
wilderness  made  to  blossom  as  the  rose,  and  the  rich  min- 
ing regions  brought  into  living  connection  with  the  pulses 
of  the  commercial  world.  America  has  reason  to  be  grate- 
ful to  that  party  under  whose  parental  hand  the  heart  of 
the  continent  has  been  reached  by  postal,  telegraphic  and 
railway  communication;  while  the  hardy  sons  of  the  Sla- 
vonic tribes,  fleeing  from  the  inhospitable  surroundings  of 
their  native  land,  have  been  added  to  the  broad  prairies  and 
fertile  banks  along  the  great  Missouri.  Large  as  the  invest- 
ment seems  by  which  these  grand  results  have  been  accom- 
plished, no  lover  of  his  country  and  his  race  can  doubt 
that  it  has  repaid  into  the  treasury  and  into  the  sum  of 
national  happiness  and  prosperity  a thousand  fold.  Within 
the  twenty-five  years  of  Republican  rule  the  wand  of  prog- 
ress has  waved  into  existence  civilized  governments  over  a 
territory  equaling  the  domain  of  the  German  Empire. 

487 


488 


EEPUBLICAK  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


No  better  guarantee  for  the  people  can  be  given  than  the 
prompt  and  substantial  aid  which  the  Government  has 
given  to  them  and  their  interests  in  the  development  of 
the  great  West. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


PARTY  TRADITIONS. 


HE  Republican  party  holds  to-day  all  the  principles  of 


liberty,  justice  and  equality  advocated  by  the  fathers. 
Eighty-three  years  ago  Thomas  Jefferson  said,  in  his  state- 
ment of  the  essential  principles, as  he  was  pleased  to 
call  them,  in  his  inaugural  address:  Equal  and  exact 

justice  to  all  men,  of  whatever  state  or  persuasion,  religious 
or  political.  * * * The  support  of  the  State  govern- 
ments in  all  their  rights.  * * * The  preservation  of 

the  general  Government  in  all  its  constitutional  vigor. 

* * * A JEALOUS  CARE  OF  THE  RIGHT  OF  ELECTION 

BY  THE  PEOPLE.  * * * Absolute  acquiescence  in  the 

decisions  of  the  majority,  * * * The  honest  payment 

of  our  debts,  and  the  sacred  preservation  of  the  public 
faith.  He  * Sentences  which  may  be  almost  dupli- 
cated to-day  from  any  leading  Republican  speech,  and  in 
perfect  accord  with  the  policy  and  faith  of  the  present 
Republican  party. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  accession  of  Louisiana  by  treaty 
from  France,  the  doctrine  of  national  sovereignty  was 
clearly  expressed  by  Senator  Taylor,  of  Virginia,  speaking, 
as  it  was  understood,  with  the  approbation  of  President 
Jefferson,  whose  friend  he  was.  ^"Before  the  confedera- 
tion,^^ said  Senator  Taylor,  ^^each  State  was  independent, 
and  possessed  the  right  attached  to  an  independent  sover- 
eignty to  acquire  territory  by  war,  purchase,  or  treaty. 
This  right  must  now  either  be  still  possessed,  or  forbidden 
both  to  each  State  and  the  general  Government ; or  trans- 
ferred to  the  general  Government.  ❖ * * The  means 

of  acquiring  and  the  right  of  holding  territory,  the  territory 

489 


490 


EEPUBLICAN  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


having  been  given  up  to  the  United  States^  and  prohibited 
to  each  State,  it  follows  that  these  attributes  of  sover- 
eignty, once  held  by  each  State,  are  thus  lodged  in  the 
United  States. 

No  Republican  has  clearer  views  of  this  matter  to-day 
than  those  above  quoted.  The  objections  to  the  sover- 
eignty of  the  Nation,  that  it  endangered  the  rights  of  the 
States,  had  been  wisely  guarded  against  by  the  fact  that 
the  people  had  been  recognized  as  the  fountain  of  power, 
and  the  entire  Congress,  with  the  President,  made  elective. 
So  the  remedy  for  any  abuse  of  power  is  in  the  hands  of 
the  people. 

The  alien  and  sedition  laws  having  been  repealed,  the 
question  of  extending  the  liberties  of  our  land  and  the 
protection  of  our  laws  to  the  newly-acquired  citizens  of 
Louisiana  was  triumphantly  carried  into  effect.  It  re- 
mained for  President  Jefferson^s  administration  to  compel 
Great  Britain  to  renounce  the  doctrine 'Of  impressment,^^ 
as  the  capturing  and  reducing  to  involuntary  servitude  in 
the  English  navy  those  who  had  been  her  subjects,  though 
now  recognized  by  the  United  States  as  subjects,  was 
called.  These  three  steps  were  in  the  direct  development 
of  the  sovereign  power  of  the  Nation  that  it  might  thereby 
conserve  the  interests  of  liberty  and  humanity;  and  their 
successful  accomplkhment  under  Mr.  Jefferson^s  adminis- 
tration left  him  without  a superior  in  popularity  among 
the  older  Presidents,  if  indeed  it  has  ever  been  equaled. 

It  would  not  be  difficult  to  trace  the  thread  of  Repub- 
licanism down  to  the  formation  of  the  old  Whig  party,  in 
which  many  of  the  best  elements  of  Republicanism  were 
preserved.  Indeed,  some  have  been  inclined  to  trace  by  its 
principles  the  Republican  party  back  under  different  names 
and  organizations.  This  doubtless  could  be  done,  and  may 
yet  be  referred  to  again  in  this  book ; but  the  Repub- 
lican party  while  true  to  the  Constitution  of  the  fathers, 
and  the  best  traditions  of  the  government,  stands  not  on 


PARTY  TRADITIONS. 


491 

these  alone.  It  has  been  called  to  meet  and  crush  the 
most  gigantic  I’ebellion,  when  its  intelligence  and  courage 
are  taken  into  account,  known  to  any  age  or  country.  It 
therefore  has  not  only  been  called  to  battle  for  interpreta- 
tions of  the  Constitution,  and  policies  of  administration, 
but  to  uphold  in  war  and  in  peace  that  sacred  organic 
compact  itself.  The  Eepublican  party,  therefore,  while 
approving  the  glorious  traditions  of  the  best  school  of 
American  politics  plants  itself  on  its  own  immediate  record, 
and  says  proudly,  in  the  language  of  the  platform  of  1880: 
^^It  suppressed  a rebellion  which  had  armed  nearly  a 
million  of  men  to  subvert  the  national  authority.  It 
reconstructed  the  Union  of  the  States,  with  freedom  instead 
of  slavery  as  its  corner  stone!  It  transformed  four  million 
human  beings  from  the  likeness  of  things  to  the  rank  of 
citizens.  It  relieved  Congress  from  the  infamous  work 
of  hunting  fugitive  slaves,  and  charged  it  to  see  that 
slavery  does  not  exist.  It  has  raised  the  value  of  our 
paper  money  from  thirty-eight  per  cent  to  the  par  value 
of  gold.  It  has  restored  upon  a solid  basis  payment  in 
coin  for  all  the  national  obligations,  and  has  given  us  a 
currency  absolutely  good  and  equal  in  every  part  of  our 
extended  country.  It  has  lifted  the  credit  of  the  Nation 
from  the  point  where  six  per  cent  bonds  sold  at  eighty-six, 
to  where  four  per  cents  are  eagerly  sought  at  a premium. 
Under  its  administrations  railways  have  increased  from 
thirty-one  thousand  miles  in  1860  to  more  than  eigthy 
thousand  in  1880.  Our  foreign  trade  has  increased  from 
seven  hundred  millions  to  eleven  hundred  and  fifty  mill- 
ions in  the  same  time ; and  our  exports,  which  were 
twenty  millions  less  than  our  imports  in  1860,  were  two 
hundred  and  sixty-four  million  dollars  more  than  our 
imports  in  1879.  Without  resorting  to  loans  it  has, 
since  the  war  closed,  defrayed  the  ordinary  expenses  of 
the  government  besides  the  accruing  interest  on  the 
public  debt,  and  disbursed  annually  more  than  thirty 


492 


REPUBLICAN  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


million  dollars  for  soldiers^  pensions.  It  has  paid  eight 
hundred  and  eighty-eight  million  dollars  of  the  public 
debt^  and  by  refunding  the  balance  at  a lower  rate,  has 
reduced  the  annual  interest  charge  from  nearly  one  hundred 
and  fifty-one  million  dollars  to  less  than  eighty-nine  million 
dollars.  All  the  industries  of  the  country  have  revived, 
labor  is  in  demand,  wages  have  increased,  and  throughout 
the  entire  country  there  is  evidence  of  a coming  prosperity 
greater  than  we  ever  enjoyed.  Upon  this  record  the 
Kepublican  party  asks  for  the  continued  confidence  and 
support  of  the  people. 


CHAPTEE  XVI. 


A PREE  BALLOT  AISTD  A FAIR  COUNT. 

0 party  issue  has  been  stronger  within  the  last  decade 


than  the  Eepublican  demand,  A free  ballot  and  a 
fair  count. In  many,  if  not  all,  of  the  Gulf  States,  there 
has  been  a persistent  effort  to  override  the  constitutional 
amendments  by  what  is  known  as  the  shot-gun  policy.’^ 
• A people  defeated  in  war  and  chafing  under  the  new  order 
of  things,  find  it  to  their  ideas  of  propriety  to  debar  by 
force  that  portion  of  the  population  which  in  their  judg- 
ment ought  to  have  been  excluded  from  the  riglits  of 
citizenship. 

If  there  is  any  one  thing  in  which  the  very  existence 
of  our  free  institutions  is  now  involved,  it  is  this  question 
of  the  purity  of  the  ballot-box.  One  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished citizens  of  the  Republic  has  well  said,  ^^The 
Republican  party  should  never  be  beaten  until  every  man 
who  counts,  or  represents  those  who  count,  in  the  enumera- 
tion to  give  representation  in  the  Electoral  College,  can  cast 
his  vote  just  as  he  pleases,  and  have  it  counted  just  as  he 
cast  it.-"^  This  is  the  sentiment  of  the  Republican  party 
to-day.  In  their  national  platform,  1880,  they  resolved 
that,  ‘^Whatever  promises  the  Nation  makes,  the  Nation 
must  perform;  and  the  Nation  cannot  with  safety  relegate 
this  duty  to  the  States.  The  solid  South  must  be  divided 
by  the  peaceful  agencies  of  the  ballot,  and  all  opinions 
must  there  find  free  expression;  and  to  this  end  honest 
voters  must  be  protected  against  violence,  terrorism  and 


The  situation  has  not  changed,  nor  have  the  principles 
of  the  parties  changed  since  the  above  utterance.  The 

493 


fraud.’^ 


494 


REPUBLICAK  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


southern  Democrats  with  their  claim  of  State  sovereignty 
and  white  superiority  as  to  the  rights  of  citizenship,  would 
forever  exclude,  and  have  so  far  practically  excluded  the 
Negro  from  the  benefits  of  the  franchise  conferred  upon 
him  by  the  constitutional  amendments.  Consequently, 
out  of  this  question  more  than  any  other  comes  the  revival 
of  the  old  issue  about  the 

AUTHORITY  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

The  framers  of  the  Eepublican  platform  in  1880  under- 
stood this  thoroughly  when  they  said,  The  Nation  cannot 
with  safety  relegate  the  fulfillment  of  its  promises  to  the 
States. It  is  without  question  the  duty  of  the  Eepublican 
party  to  fulfill  that  which  remains  of  its  glorious  mission. 
While  the  rights  of  any  citizen  are  denied;  while  any  one 
entitled  to  vote  is  prohibited  with  the  connivance  of  local 
or  State  authorities,  or  while  any  State  or  community  is 
unable  to  protect  its  citizens  in  the  exercise  of  citizenship 
in  its  rights  and  privileges,  the  work  of  the  Eepublican 
party  is  not  ended.  There  are  yet  grand  opportunities  for 
so  tempering  and  adjusting  the  machinery  of  government, 
that  the  humblest  citizen  of  the  Eepublic  will  be  protected 
in  his  political  rights.  Without  this  our  boasted  Eepublic 
will  eventually  receive  the  execrations  of  mankind;  her 
proud  pillars  will  crumble,  and  desolation  brood  in  her 
once  magnificent  halls. 

While,  doubtless,  a few  repeaters  and  occasional 
^^sell  outs^^  had  disgraced  themselves  and  the  country, 
it  remained  for  the  Ku-Klux  and  the  White  Leaguers  of 
the  South  to  initiate  a deliberate  system  of  violence  at  the 
polls,  by  which  whole  parishes  and  even  States  were 
wrested  from  the  majority;  a precedent  which,  if  per- 
mitted, would  at  once  destroy  any  rejtublic. 

Perhaps  we  ought  not  to  except  the  very  general  opin- 
ion that  Henry  Clay  was  counted  out  of,  and  Mr.  Polk 
counted  into,  the  Presidency  in  1845;  but  that,  if  true,  was 


PURITY  OF  THE  BALLOT-BOX. 


495 


rascality  without  the  additional  crimes  of  murder  and  ter- 
rorism exercised  at  the  South,  and  for  the  purpose  of 
keeping  Kepublicans  out  of  office. 

The  campaign  of  1876  was  a fearful  experience  to 
many  citizens  of  the  United  States.  Telegraph  wires 
were  cut  to  prevent  legal  communication,  trains  were 
ku-kluxed,  messengers  representing  the  authority  of  the 
State  were  intercepted  and  driven  from  the  post  of  duty. 
Organized  hands  of  Knights  of  the  White  Camelia,^^ 
mounted,  masked  and  armed,  made  day  and  night  hideous, 
and  spread  terror  among  the  people,  many  of  whom  were 
unarmed,  and  none  prepared  to  resist  the  cut  throats  and 
murderers,  whose  only  object  was  to  prevent  a free  vote 
and  a fair  count  at  the  ballot-box.  A report  from  Gen- 
eral Sheridan,  who  had  investigated  matters  in  Louisiana, 
written  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  dated  January  10, 
1875,  gives  the  number  of  those  killed,  within  less  than 
ten  years,  as  nearly  3,000.  He  says  : From  1868  until 

the  present  time,  no  official  investigation  has  been  made. 
There  is  ample  evidence,  however,  to  show  that  more  than 
1,200  persons  have  been  killed  and  wounded  during  this 
time,  on  account  of  their  political  sentiments.  Many 
were  captured,  tagged  with  red  flannel,  led  to  the  polls  and 
compelled  to  vote  the  Democratic  ticket ; to  these  certifi- 
cates of  protection  were  given. 

For  all  this  no  provision  could  be  made  by  civil  authority, 
as  those  entrusted  with  the  execution  of  law  were  either 
unable  or  unwilling  to  do  it.  The  ^^Eeturning  Boards’^ 
were  judges  only  of  the  work  that  came  before  them  in  the 
shape  of  returns  from  the  parishes  and  counties.  In  this 
distress  the  Republicans  in  the  terrorized  districts  some- 
times invoked  the  aid  of  United  States  Marshals.  These, 
in  some  instances,  had  need  of  the  assistance  of  the  military 
in  those  sections  where  mob  violence  had  run  rampant. 
Consequently  a great  howl  was  raised  about  troops  at  the 
polls.-^’  It  did  not  comport  with  the  extreme  States 


496 


REPUBLICAK  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


flights  view  which  denies  to  the  government  the  right 
to  protect  its  citizens  inside  of  State  lines,  without  the 
special  permit  of  the  State.  By  this  ingenuous  device 
the  corrupt  and  still  rebellious  element  of  the  South 
attempted  to  bulldose  the  majorities  in  half  a dozen  States 
into  abject  servitude,  and  nothing  prevented  their  success 
but  the  vigor  of  a Eepuhlican  Congress,  v/hich  asserted  its 
right  to  see  a ^^free  ballot, at  least  when  Congressmen, 
who  in  a sense  are  National  officers,  were  to  be  elected. 
The  Democratic  press  of  the  North  complained,  but  the 
work  went  forward,  and  though  not  complete,  it  doubtless 
stayed  the  rush  of  violence  at  the  polls  ere  it  reached 
flood  tide. 

Many  issues  will,  doubtless,  be  sprung  during  the 
impending  campaign  — the  tariff,  civil  service  reform, 
internal  improvements,  and  others — but  the  living  issue  in 
American  politics  to-day  is  the  individual  liberty  of  the 
citizen  at  the  polls,  and  the  purity  of  the  ballot-box  after 
it  has  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  officials.  The  balance 
of  power  may  eventually  render  any  sectional  effort  help- 
less; but  at  this  time  there  is  danger  that  the  fate  of  the 
nation  may  for  a time  be  directed  by  its  worst  enemies, 
whose  lease  of  power  shall  come  from  the  turbulence  and 
violence  which  triumph  over  innocence  and  the  right. 

The  Eepublican  party  is  slowly  but  surely  accomplish- 
ing its  grand  work.  The  enemies  of  the  government 
have  battered  themselves  to  pieces,  while  the  Eepublican 
party  stood  as  a great  protecting  wall  against  which  the 
waves  were  powerless. 

There  is  just  one  thing  really  essential  to  the  preser- 
vation of  a true  Eepublic,  and  that  is  that  every  citizen 
shall  be  protected  in  his  political  rights.  This  is  the  flrst 
groat  duty  of  the  government,  without  which  all  else  is 
but  a sounding  brass  and  a tinkling  cymbal.  For  the 
accomplishment  of  this  crowning  glory  of  the  Nation  the 
Eepublican  party  stands  fully  pledge^.  As  surely  as  the 


PURITY  OF  THE  BALLOT-BOX. 


m 


waters  run  into  the  sea  will  this  grand  result  be  accom- 
plished by  the  continuance  of  that  policy  which,  with 
unbroken  determination,  has  passed  from  administration 
to  administration  for  the  last  twenty-four  years. 

The  South  is  indeed  the  land  of  the  magnolia  and  the 
mocking  bird,  where  the  breezes  from  the  storm-tossed 
gulf  kiss  from  the  brow  the  heat  of  a tropical  sun  ! But 
she  needs  the  refining  processes  of  that  higher  culture 
which  inspires  the  human  heart  with  reverence  for  liberty 
and  a just  regard  for  the  rights  of  the  meanest  of  God^s 
creatures.  When  her  States  have  attained  tliis,  the  cup 
of  her  joy  shall  indeed  be  full.  Her  final  salvation  lies  in 
the  direction  of  a broader  culture  and  the  shield  of  pro- 
tection to  every  man,  woman  and  child  in  their  citizenship 
with  all  that  citizenship  implies. 

The  Republican  party  had  its  origin  in  the  organization 
of  an  earnest  protest  against  the  aggressions  of  the  slave 
power;  its  greatest  achievements  have  been  in  the  interest 
of  freedom  and  equal  rights.  The  highest  and  most  im- 
portant duty  now  devolving  upon  it  is  to  secure  to  every 
voter  in  this  land  a free  and  fair  election  and  an  honest 
count  of  the  ballots.  Public  opinion  should  be  aroused 
from  end  to  end  of  this  country  against  all  manner  of 
election  frauds.  For  the  Republican  party  to  emancipate 
and  enfranchise  the  Negro  race,  and  then  finally  abandon 
them  to  outrage  and  fraud  at  the  hands  of  their  old  mas- 
ters, would  be  an  act  so  inconsistent  with  principle  and 
duty  that  one  cannot  believe  it  will  occur. 

Where  the  State  neglects  to  protect  these  rights  the 
Nation  must  step  in  and  assert  the  high  constitutional 
prerogative  of  the  whole  people,  and  by  appropriate  legis- 
lation secure  a republican  form  of  government.  The 
record  of  the  Democracy  is  entirely  consistent.  Believing 
in  the  divine  origin  of  slavery,  they  fought  for  its  exten- 
sion and  perpetuation,  opposed  emancipation,  the  granting 
of  civil  rights  and  the  ballot,  endeavored  to  re-enslave  the 
32 


498 


REPUBLICAK  ACHIEVEMEKTS. 


Negro  by  labor  and  vagrancy  laws,  and  have  deprived  him 
of  his  vote  by  intimidation,  murder  and  fraud.  The 
record  of  the  Republican  party  will  be  consistent  when  it 
secures  to  the  Negro  by  law  the  rights  it  won  for  him  with 
the  sword. 

The  heroic  era  in  our  politics  has  passed.  It  was  filled 
with  startling  and  dramatic  incidents  and  grand  events, 
and  bristled  with  new  questions  of  immense  importance. 
The  Republican  party  was  during  that  period  entrusted 
by  the  people  with  the  duty  of  legislation;  every  question 
was  met  with  courage  and  settled  with  wisdom.  The 
grea"  constitutional  and  legislative  measures  of  the  Re- 
publican party  have  stood  the  test  of  time.  They  have 
been  tried  in  the  crucible  of  public  opinion.  Six  times 
since  the  election  of  Lincoln  have  the  people  of  the  United 
States  at  presidential  elections  placed  the  seal  of  their 
approbation  upon  the  Republican  party.  The  past,  there- 
fore, by  the  deliberate  judgment  of  this  great  people, 
stands  approved.  The  Republican  party  maintained  the 
affirmative,  and  was  right;  the  Democratic  party  occupied 
the  negative,  and  was  wrong.  These  two  parties  have  not 
changed  positions;  each  has  moved  forward  upon  its  own 
line  of  thought,  and  while  the  conflict  of  opinion  is  less 
angry  and  bitter  to-day  than  in  times  past,  it  is  none  the 
less  determined  and  irreconcilable.  All  the  great  issues 
of  the  war  have  been  settled,  and  wisely  settled,  by  the 
Republican  party;  they  cannot  be  reopened,  and  they  can 
be  properly  brought  into  the  arena  of  debate  now  only  for 
the  purpose  of  comparing  the  record  of  parties. 

The  conflict  of  opinions  upon  these  material  interests 
will  constitute  the  issues  between  political  parties.  To 
deal  with  these  questions  wisely  will  require  our  best  states- 
manship. It  therefore  becomes  important  for  the  people  to 
consider  whether  it  is  to  their  interest  to  retire  the  Repub- 
lican party  and  place  the  Democratic  party  in  control. 

What  valid  reason  can  be  assigned  for  a change  ? Will 


PUKITY  OF  THE  BALLOT-BOX. 


499 


the  Democratic  party  suppress  violence  and  fraud  at  elec- 
tions ? Will  it  give  you  a better  currency  ? Will  wages  be 
advanced  ? Will  the  value  of  farm  products,  and  of  flocks 
and  herds  be  increased  by  Democratic  tariff  legislation  ? 
Will  investments  be  more  secure  and  productive  than  now  ? 
Will  education  be  more  surely  promoted  ? Will  it  be  wis- 
dom. in  a prosperous  and  contented  people  to  jeopardize 
their  material  interests  by  placing  in  power  the  Democratic 
party,  which  is  pledged  to  the  repeal  of  those  laws  which 
an  experience  of  over  twenty  years  has  proven  to  be  bene- 
flcial  to  all  the  great  productive,  commercial,  and  flnancial 
interests  of  the  country  ? You  know  what  the  Kepublican 
party  has  done.  It  has  given  you  good  laws  and  honest 
administration,  it  has  advanced  liberty  and  equal  rights. 
Every  page  of  our  history  since  ^61  is  emblazoned  with 
the  record  of  its  achievements  both  in  war  and  peace.  It 
will  establish  the  reign  of  law ; and  it  will  continue  to 
advance  the  progressive  civilization  of  this  great  American 
people. 


>■'-  ■ 


tl'V'  - ’ 


r' 


m ■ ; 


IE=’^:EeT  TSIZEZD- 

REPUBLICANandDEMOCMIC 

PLATFORMS. 

FROM  1856  TO  THE  PRESENT, 

ALSO  STATISTICS  SHOWIISTG 

THE 

Progress  anb  Prosperity 

OF 

THE  COUNTRY 

UNDER 

Republioajst  Rule. 


501 


Republican  and  Democratic  Platforms. 


1856.— DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM, 

Adopted  at  Cincinnati,  June  6. 

Resolved,  That  the  American  democracy  place  their  trust  in  the  in- 
telligence, the  patriotism,  and  the  discriminating  justice  of  the  Amer- 
ican people. 

Resolved,  That  we  regard  this  as  a distinctive  feature  of  our  polit- 
ical creed,  which  we  are  proud  to  maintain  before  the  world  as  a great 
moral  element  in  a form  of  government  springing  from  and  upheld 
by  the  popular  will;  and  we  contrast  it  with  the  creed  and  practice 
of  federalism,  under  whatever  name  or  form,  which  seeks  to  palsy  the 
will  of  the  constituent,  and  which  conceives  no  imposture  too  mon- 
strous for  the  popular  credulity. 

Resolved,  therefore.  That,  entertaining  these  views,  the  Democratic 
party  of  this  Union,  through  their  delegates,  assembled  in  general 
convention,  coming  together  in  a spirit  of  concord,  of  devotion  to  the 
doctrines  and  faith  of  a free  representative  government,  and  appealing 
to  their  fellow  citizens  for  the  rectitude  of  their  intentions,  renew  and 
re-assert,  before  the  American  people,  the  declaration  of  principles 
avowed  by  them,  when,  on  former  occasions,  in  general  convention, 
they  have  presented  their  candidates  for  the  popular  suffrage. 

1.  That  the  federal  government  is  one  of  limited  power,  derived 
solely  from  the  constitution,  and  the  grants  of  power  made  therein 
ought  to  be  strictly  consh’ucd  by  all  the  departments  and  agents  of  the 
government,  and  that  it  is  inexpedient  and  dangerous  to  exercise 
doubtful  constitutional  powers. 

2.  That  the  constitution  does  not  confer  upon  the  general  govern- 
ment the  power  to  commence  and  carry  on  a general  system  of  inter- 
nal improvements. 

3.  That  the  constitution  does  not  confer  authority  upon  the  federal 
government,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  assume  the  debts  of  the  several 
states,  contracted  for  local  and  internal  improvements  or  other  state 
purposes;  nor  would  such  assumption  be  just  or  expedient. 

4.  That  justice  and  sound  policy  forbid  the  federal  government  to 
foster  one  branch  of  industry  to  the  detriment  of  another,  or  to  cherish 

503 


504 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


the  interests  of  one  portion  of  our  common  country;  that  every  citizen 
and  every  section  of  the  country  has  a right  to  demand  and  insist 
upon  an  equality  of  rights  and  privileges,  and  a complete  and  ample 
protection  of  persons  and  property  from  domestic  violence  and  foreign 
aggression. 

5.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  branch  of  the  government  to  enforce 
and  practice  the  most  rigid  economy  in  conducting  our  public  affairs, 
and  that  no  more  revenue  ought  to  be  raised  than  is  required  to  de- 
fray the  necessary  expenses  of  the  government  and  gradual  but  certain 
extinction  of  the  public  debt. 

6.  That  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands  ought  to  be  sacredly  ap- 
plied to  the  national  objects  specified  in  the  constitution,  and  that  we 
are  opposed  to  any  law  for  the  distribution  of  such  proceeds  among 
the  states,  as  alike  inexpedient  in  policy  and  repugnant  to  the  consti- 
tution. 

7.  That  Congress  has  no  power  to  charter  a national  bank;  that 
we  believe  such  an  institution  one  of  deadly  hostility  to  the  best  inter- 
ests of  this  country,  dangerous  to  our  republican  institutions  and  the 
liberties  of  the  people,  and  calculated  to  place  the  business  of  the 
country  within  the  control  of  a concentrated  money  power  and  above 
the  laws  and  will  of  the  people;  and  the  results  of  the  democratic 
legislation  in  this  and  all  other  financial  measures  upon  which  issues 
have  been  made  between  the  two  political  parties  of  the  country,  have 
demonstrated  to  candid  and  practical  men  of  all  parties  their  sound- 
ness, safety,  and  utility  in  all  business  pursuits. 

8.  That  the  separation  of  the  moneys  of  the  government  from 
banking  institutions  is  indispensable  to  the  safety  of  the  funds  of  the 
government  and  the  rights  of  the  people. 

9.  That  we  are  decidedly  opposed  to  taking  from  the  President 
the  qualified  veto  power,  by  which  he  is  enabled^  under  restrictions 
and  responsibilities  amply  sufficient  io  guard  the  public  interests,  to 
suspend  the  passage  of  a bill  whose  merits  cannot  secure  the  approval 
of  two-thirds  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  until  the 
judgment  of  the  people  can  be  obtained  thereon,  and  which  has  saved 
the  American  people  from  the  corrupt  and  tyrannical  dominion  of  the 
bank  of  the  United  States  and  from  a corrupting  system  of  general 
internal  improvements. 

10.  That  the  liberal  principles  embodied  by  Jefferson  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  sanctioned  in  the  constitution,  which 
makes  ours  the  land  of  liberty  and  the  asylum  of  the  oppressed  of 
every  nation,  have  ever  been  cardinal  principles  in  the  democratic 
faith;  and  every  attempt  to  abridge  the  privilege  of  becoming  citizens 


REPUBLICAN  AND  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS.  505 


and  owners  of  soil  among  us,  ought  to  be  resisted  with  the  same 
spirit  which  swept  the  alien  and  sedition  laws  from  our  statute 
books. 

And  Whereas,  Since  the  foregoing  declaration  was  uniformly 
adopted  by  our  predecessors  in  national  conventions,  an  adverse 
political  and  religious  test  has  been  secretly  organized  by  a party 
claiming  to  be  exclusively  Americans,  and  it  is  proper  that  the  Ameri- 
can democracy  should  clearly  define  its  relations  thereto;  and  declare 
its  determined  opposition  to  all  secret  political  societies,  by  whatever 
name  they  may  be  called: 

Resolved y That  the  foundation  of  this  union  of  states  having  been 
laid  in,  and  its  prosperity,  expansion  and  pre-eminent  example  in  free 
government  built  upon,  entire  freedom  of  matters  of  religious  con- 
cernment, and  no  respect  of  persons  in  regard  to  rank  or  place  of 
birth,  no  party  can  justly  be  deemed  national,  constitutional,  or  in 
accordance  with  American  principles,  which  bases  its  exclusive  or- 
ganization upon  religious  opinions  and  accidental  birth-place.  And 
hence  a political  crusade  in  the  nineteenth  century,  and  in  the  United 
States  of  America,  against  Catholics  and  foreign-born,  is  neither 
justified  by  the  past  history  or  future  prospects  of  the  country,  nor  in 
unison  with  the  spirit  of  toleration  and  enlightened  freedom  which 
peculiarly  distinguishes  the  American  system  of  popular  government. 

Resolvedy  That  we  reiterate  with  renewed  energy  of  purpose  the 
well-considered  declarations  of  former  conventions  upon  the  sectional 
issue  of  domestic  slavery,  and  concerning  the  reserved  rights  of  the 
states — 

1.  That  Congress  has  no  power  under  the  constitution  to  interfere 
with  or  control  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  several  states,  and 
that  all  such  states  are  the  sole  and  proper  judges  of  everything 
appertaining  to  their  own  affairs  not  prohibited  by  the  constitution; 
that  all  efforts  of  the  abolitionists  or  others,  made  to  induce  Congress 
to  interfere  with  questions  of  slavery,  or  to  take  incipient  steps  in 
relation  thereto,  are  calculated  to  lead  to  the  most  alarming  and 
dangerous  consequences,  and  that  all  such  efforts  have  an  inevitable 
tendency  to  diminish  the  happiness  of  the  people  and  endanger  the 
stability  and  permanency  of  the  Union,  and  ought  not  to  be  counte- 
nanced by  any  friend  of  our  political  institutions. 

2.  That  the  foregoing  proposition  covers  and  was  intended  to 
embrace  the  whole  subject  of  slavery  agitation  in  Congress,  and 
therefore  the  Democratic  party  of  the  Union,  standing  on  this  national 
platform,  will  abide  by  and  adhere  to  a faithful  execution  of  the 
acts  known  as  the  compromise  measures,  settled  by  the  Congress  of 


506 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


1850 — ''the  act  for  reclaiming  fugitives  from  service  or  labor in- 
cluded; which  act,  being  designed  to  carry  out  an  express  provision 
of  the  constitution,  cannot,  with  fidelity  thereto,  be  repealed,  or  so 
changed  as  to  destroy  or  impair  its  efficiency. 

3.  That  the  Democratic  party  will  resist  all  attempts  at  renewing 
in  Congress,  or  out  of  it,  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question,  under 
whatever  shape  or  color  the  attempt  may  be  made. 

4.  That  the  Democratic  party  will  faithfully  abide  by  and  uphold 
the  principles  laid  down  in  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  resolutions  of 
1792  and  1798,  and  in  the  report  of  Mr.  Madison  to  the  Virginia 
legislature  in  1799;  that  it  adopts  these  principles  as  constituting  one 
the  main  foundations  of  its  political  creed,  and  is  resolved  to  carry 
them  out  in  their  obvious  meaning  and  import. 

And  that  we  may  more  distinctly  meet  the  issue  on  which  a sec- 
tional party,  subsisting  exclusively  on  slavery  agitation,  now  relies  to 
test  the  fidelity  of  the  people,  north  and  south,  to  the  constitution  and 
the  Union — 

1.  Besolvedy  That  claiming  fellowship  with  and  desiring  the  co-oper- 
ation of  all  who  regard  the  preservation  of  the  Union  under  the  consti- 
tution as  the  paramount  issue,  and  repudiating  all  sectional  parties  and 
platforms  concerning  domestic  slavery  which  seek  to  embroil  the 
states  and  incite  to  treason  and  armed  resistance  to  law  in  the  terri- 
tories, and  whose  avowed  purpose,  if  consummated,  must  end  in  civil 
war  and  disunion,  the  American  democracy  recognize  and  adopt  the 
principles  contained  in  the  organic  laws  establishing  the  territories  of 
Nebraska  and  Kansas,  as  embodying  the  only  sound  and  safe  solution 
of  the  slavery  question,  upon  which  the  great  national  idea  of  the 
people  of  this  whole  country  can  repose  in  its  determined  conservation 
of  the  Union,  and  non-interference  of  Congress  with  slavery  in  the 
territories  or  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

2.  That  this  was  the  basis  of  the  compromise  of  1850,  confirmed 
by  both  the  Democratic  and  Whig  parties  in  national  conventions, 
ratified  by  the  people  in  the  election  of  1852,  and  rightly  applied  to 
the  organization  of  the  territories  in  1854. 

3.  That  by  the  uniform  application  of  the  democratic  principles 
to  the  organization  of  territories  and  the  admission  of  new  states, 
with  or  without  domestic  slavery,  as  they  may  elect,  the  equal  rights 
of  all  the  states  will  be  preserved  intact,  the  original  compacts  of  the 
constitution  maintained  inviolate,  and  the  perpetuity  and  expansion 
of  the  Union  insured  to  its  utmost  capacity  of  embracing,  in  peace 
and  harmony,  every  future  American  state  that  may  be  constituted  or 
annexed  with  a republican  form  of  government. 


KEPUBLICAi^’  AND  DEMOCllATIC  PLATEOEMS.  507 


Besolmd,  That  we  recognize  the  right  of  the  people  of  all  the  ter- 
ritories, including  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  acting  through  the  legally 
and  fairly  expressed  will  of  the  majoriiy  of  the  actual  residents,  and 
whenever  the  number  of  their  inhabitants  justifies  it,  to  form  a con- 
stitution, with  or  without  domestic  slavery,  and  be  admitted  into  the 
Union  upon  terms  of  perfect  equality  with  the  other  states. 

Resolmdy  finally,  That  in  view  of  the  condition  of  the  popular 
institutions  in  the  old  world  (and  the  dangerous  tendencies  of  sectional 
agitation,  combined  with  the  attempt  to  enforce  civil  and  religious  dis- 
abilities against  the  rights  of  acquiring  and  enjoying  citizenship  in 
our  own  land),  a high  and  sacred  duty  is  devolved,  with  increased 
responsibility,  upon  the  Democratic  party  of  this  country,  as  the  party 
of  the  Union,  to  uphold  and  maintain  the  rights  of  every  state,  and 
thereby  the  Union  of  the  states,  and  to  sustain  and  advance  among  us 
constitutional  liberty,  by  continuing  to  resist  all  monopolies  and 
exclusive  legislation  for  the  benefit  of  the  few  at  the  expense  of  the 
many,  and  by  a vigilant  and  constant  adherence  to  those  principles 
and  compromises  of  the  constitution  which  are  broad  enough  and 
strong  enough  to  embrace  and  uphold  the  Union  as  it  was,  the  Union 
as  it  is,  and  the  Union  as  it  shall  be,  in  the  full  expression  of  the  ener- 
gies and  capacity  of  this  great  and  progressive  people. 

1.  Besolved,  That  there  are  questions  connected  with  the  foreign 
policy  of  this  country,  which  are  inferior  to  no  domestic  questions 
whatever.  The  time  has  come  for  the  people  of  the  United  States  to 
declare  themselves  in  favor  of  free  seas  and  progressive  free  trade 
throughout  the  world,  and,  by  solemn  manifestations,  to  place  their 
moral  influence  at  the  side  of  their  successful  example. 

2.  Besolved,  That  our  geographical  and  political  position  with 
reference  to  the  other  states  of  this  continent,  no  less  than  the  interest 
of  our  commerce  and  the  development  of  our  growing  power,  requires 
that  we  should  hold  sacred  the  principles  involved  in  the  IMonroe 
doctrine.  Their  bearing  and  import  admit  of  no  misconstruction,  and 
should  be  applied  with  unbending  rigidity. 

3.  Besolved,  That  the  great  highway  which  nature,  as  well  as  the 
assent  of  states  most  immediately  interested  in  its  maintenance,  has 
marked  out  for  free  communication  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific 
oceans,  constitutes  one  of  the  most  important  achievements  realized 
by  the  spirit  of  modern  times,  in  the  unconquerable  energy  of  our 
people;  and  that  result  would  be  secured  by  a timely  and  efficient 
exertion  of  the  control  which  we  have  the  right  to  claim  over  it;  and 
no  power  on  earth  should  be  suffered  to  impede  or  clog  its  progress 
by  any  interference  with  relations  that  may  suit  our  policy  to  estab- 


508 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


lish  between  our  government  and  the  governments  of  the  states  within 
whose  dominions  its  lies;  we  can  under  no  circumstances  surrender 
our  preponderance  in  the  adjustment  of  all  questions  arising  out  of  it. 

4.  B^sohed,  That  in  view  of  so  commanding  an  interest,  the  people 
of  the  United  States  cannot  but  sympathize  with  the  efforts  which  are 
being  made  by  the  people  of  Central  America  to  regenerate  that  por- 
tion of  the  continent  which  covers  the  passage  across  the  inter-oceanic 
isthmus. 

5.  Resohed,  That  the  Democratic  party  will  expect  of  the  next 
administration  that  every  proper  effort  be  made  to  insure  our  ascend- 
ency in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  to  maintain  permanent  protection  to 
the  great  outlets  through  which  are  emptied  into  its  waters  the  pro- 
ducts raised  out  of  the  soil  and  the  commodities  created  by  the 
industry  of  the  people  of  our  western  valleys  and  of  the  Union  at 
large. 

6.  Besolwdy  That  the  administration  of  Franklin  Pierce  has  been 
true  to  Democratic  principles,  and  therefore  true  to  the  great  interests 
of  the  country;  in  the  face  of  violent  opposition,  he  has  maintained 
the  laws  at  home  and  vindicated  the  rights  of  American  citizens 
abroad,  and,  therefore,  we  proclaim  our  unqualified  admiration  of  his 
measures  and  policy. 


1856.— KEPUBLICAlSr  PLATFORM, 

Adopted  at  PMladelpMa,  June  17, 

This  convention  of  delegates,  assembled  in  pursuance  of  a call 
addressed  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  without  regard  to  past 
political  differences  or  divisions,  who  are  opposed  to  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  compromise,  to  the  policy  of  the  present  administration,  to 
the  extension  of  slavery  into  free  territory;  in  favor  of  admittiag 
Kansas  as  a free  state,  of  restoring  the  action  of  the  federal  govern- 
ment to  the  principles  of  Washington  and  Jefferson;  and  who  pur- 
pose to  unite  in  presenting  candidates  for  the  offices  of  President  and 
Vice-President,  do  resolve  as  follows: 

Besolmd,  That  the  maintenance  of  the  principles  promulgated  in 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  embodied  in  the  federal  con- 
stitution, is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  our  Republican  institu- 
tions, and  that  the  federal  constitution,  the  rights  of  the  states,  and 
the  union  of  the  states,  shall  be  preserved. 

Besolvedy  That  with  our  Republican  fathers  we  hold  it  to  be  a self- 
evident  truth  that  all  men  are  endowed  with  the  inalienable  rights  to 


REPUBLICAlSr  AKD  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS.  509 


life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  and  that  the  primary  object 
and  ulterior  design  of  our  federal  government  were,  to  secure  these 
rights  to  all  persons  within  its  exclusive  jurisdiction;  that  as  our 
Republican  fathers,  when  they  had  abolished  slavery  in  all  our 
national  territory,  ordained  that  no  person  should  be  deprived  of  life, 
liberty,  or  property,  without  due  process  of  law,  it  becomes  our  duty 
to  maintain  this  provision  of  the  constitution  against  all  attempts  to 
violate  it  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  slavery  in  any  territory  of 
the  United  States,  by  positive  legislation,  prohibiting  its  existence  or 
extension  therein.  That  we  deny  the  authority  of  Congress,  of  a ter- 
ritorial legislature,  of  any  individual  or  association  of  individuals,  to 
give  legal  existence  to  slavery  in  any  territory  of  the  United  States, 
while  the  present  constitution  shall  be  maintained. 

Resolved y That  the  constitution  confers  upon  Congress  sovereign 
power  over  the  territories  of  the  United  States  for  their  government, 
and  that  in  the  exercise  of  this  power  it  is  both  the  light  and  the 
imperative  duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit  in  the  territories  those  twin 
relics  of  barbarism — polygamy  and  slavery. 

Resolved y That  while  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  was 
ordained  and  established,  in  order  to  form  a more  perfect  union, 
establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquility,  provide  for  the  common 
defense,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  lib- 
erty, and  contains  ample  provisions  for  the  protection  of  the  life, 
liberty  and  property  of  every  citizen,  the  dearest  constitutional  rights 
of  the  people  of  Kansas  have  been  fraudulently  and  violently  taken 
from  them;  their  territory  has  been  invaded  by  an  armed  force;  spu- 
rious and  pretended  legislative,  judicial  and  executive  officers  have 
been  set  over  them,  by  whose  usurped  authority,  sustained  by  the 
military  power  of  the  government,  tyrannical  and  unconstitutional 
laws  have  been  enacted  and  enforced;  the  rights  of  the  people  to  keep 
and  bear  arms  have  been  infringed;  test  oaths  of  an  extraordinary 
and  entangling  nature  have  been  imposed,  as  a condition  of  exercising 
the  right  of  suffrage  and  holding  office;  the  right  of  an  accused  person 
to  a speedy  and  public  trial  by  an  impartial  jury  has  been  denied;  the 
right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses,  papers  and 
effects  against  unreasonable  searches  and  seizures  has  been  violated; 
they  have  been  deprived  of  life,  liberty  and  property  without  due 
process  of  law;  that  the  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press  lias  been 
abridged;  the  right  to  choose  their  representatives  has  been  made  of 
no  effect;  murders,  robberies  and  arsons  have  been  instigated  or 
encouraged,  and  the  offenders  have  been  allowed  to  go  unpunished; 
that  all  these  things  have  been  done  with  the  knowledge,  sanction  and 


610 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


procurement  of  the  present  national  administration;  and  that  for  this 
high  crime  against  the  constitution,  the  Union,  and  humanity,  we 
arraign  the  administration,  the  President,  his  advisers,  agents,  sup- 
porters, apologists,  and  accessories,  either  before  or  after  the  facts, 
before  the  country  and  before  the  world;  and  that  it  is  our  fixed  pur- 
pose to  bring  the  actual  perpetrators  of  these  atrocious  outrages,  and 
their  accomplices,  to  a sure  and  condign  punishment  hereafter. 

Resolved,  That  Kansas  should  be  immediately  admitted  as  a state 
of  the  Union  with  her  present  free  constitution,  as  at  once  the  most 
effectual  way  of  securing  to  her  citizens  the  enjoyment  of  the  rights 
and  privileges  to  which  they  are  entitled,  and  of  ending  the  civil 
strife  now  raging  in  her  territory. 

Resolved,  That  the  highwayman’s  plea  that  ‘'might  makes  right,” 
embodied  in  the  Ostend  circular,  was  in  every  respect  unworthy  of 
American  diplomacy,  and  would  bring  shame  and  dishonor  upon  any 
government  or  people  that  gave  it  their  sanction. 

Resolved,  That  a railroad  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  by  the  most  central 
and  practicable  route,  is  imperatively  demanded  by  the  interests  of 
the  whole  country,  and  that  the  federal  government  ought  to  render 
immediate  and  efficient  aid  in  its  construction,  and,  as  an  auxiliary 
thereto,  the  immediate  construction  of  an  emigrant  route  on  the  line 
of  the  railroad. 

Resolved,  That  appropriations  of  Congress  for  the  improvement 
of  rivers  and  harbors  of  a national  character,  required  for  the  accom- 
modation and  security  of  our  existing  commerce,  are  authorized  by 
the  constitution,  and  justified  by  the  obligation  of  government  to 
protect  the  lives  and  property  of  its  citizens. 

Resolved,  That  we  invite  the  affiliation  and  co-operation  of  the 
men  of  all  parties,  however  differing  from  us  in  other  respects,  in 
support  of  the  principles  herein  declared;  and  believing  that  the  spirit 
of  our  institutions,  as  well  as  the  constitution  of  our  country,  guaran- 
tees liberty  of  conscience  and  equality  of  rights  among  citizens,  we 
oppose  all  proscriptive  legislation  affecting  their  security. 


I860.— KEPUBLICAK  PLATFORM, 

Chicago,  May  17, 

Resolved,  That  we,  the  delegated  representatives  of  the  Republican 
electors  of  the  United  States,  in  convention  assembled,  in  discharge 
of  the  duty  we  owe  to  our  constituents  and  our  country,  unite  in  the 
following  declarations: 


KEPUBLICAK  AKD  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS.  511 


1.  That  the  history  of  the  nation,  during  the  last  four  years,  has 
fully  established  the  propriety  and  necessity  of  the  organization  and 
perpetuation  of  the  Republican  party,  and  that  the  causes  which 
called  it  into  existence  are  permanent  in  their  nature,  and  now,  more 
than  ever  before,  demand  its  peaceful  and  constitutional  triumph. 

2.  That  the  maintenance  of  the  principles  promulgated  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  embodied  in  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion, ‘‘That  all  men  are  created  equal;  that  they  are  endowed  by 
their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights;  that  among  these  are 
life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness;  that  to  secure  these  rights, 
governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers 
from  the  consent  of  the  governed,’'  is  essential  to  the  preservation  of 
our  republican  institutions;  and  that  the  Federal  Constitution,  the 
rights  of  the  states,  and  the  union  of  the  states,  must  and  shall  be 
preserved. 

3.  That  to  the  union  of  the  states  this  nation  owes  its  unprece- 
dented increase  in  population,  its  surprising  development  of  material 
resources,  its  rapid  augmentation  of  wealth,  its  happiness  at  home 
and  its  honor  abroad;  and  we  hold  in  abhorrence  all  schemes  for 
disunion,  come  from  whatever  source  they  may;  and  we  congratulate 
the  country  that  no  Republican  member  of  Congress  has  uttered  or 
countenanced  the  threats  of  disunion  so  often  made  by  Democratic 
members,  without  rebuke  and  with  applause  from  their  political  asso- 
ciates; and  we  denounce  those  threats  of  disunion,  in  case  of  a popular 
overthrow  of  their  ascendancy,  as  denying  the  vital  principles  of  a 
free  government,  and  as  an  avowal  of  contemplated  treason,  which  it 
is  the  imperative  duty  of  an  indignant  people  sternly  to  rebuke  and 
forever  silence. 

4.  That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the  states,  and 
especially  the  right  of  each  state  to  order  and  control  its  own  domestic 
institutions  according  to  its  own  judgment  exclusively,  is  essential  to 
that  balance  of  powers  on  which  the  perfection  and  endurance  of  our 
political  fabric  depends;  and  we  denounce  the  lawless  invasion,  by 
armed  force,  of  the  soil  of  any  state  or  territory,  no  matter  under 
what  pretext,  as  among  the  gravest  of  crimes. 

5.  That  the  present  Democratic  administration  has  far  exceeded 
our  worst  apprehensions,  in  its  measureless  subserviency  to  the  exac- 
tions of  a sectional  interest,  as  especially  evinced  in  its  desperate 
exertions  to  force  the  infamous  Lecompton  Constitution  upon  the 
protesting  people  of  Kansas;  in  construing  the  personal  relations 
between  master  and  servant  to  involve  an  unqualified  property  in 
persons;  in  its  attempted  enforcement,  everywhere,  on  land  and  sea. 


512 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


through  the  intervention  of  Congress  and  of  the  federal  courts,  of  the 
extreme  pretensions  of  a purely  local  interest;  and  in  its  general  and 
unvarying  abuse  of  the  power  entrusted  to  it  by  a confiding  people. 

6.  That  the  people  justly  view  with  alarm  the  reckless  extrava- 
gance which  pervades  every  department  of  the  federal  government; 
that  a return  to  rigid  economy  and  accountability  is  indispensable  to 
arrest  the  systematic  plunder  of  the  public  treasury  by  favored 
partisans;  while  the  recent  startling  developments  of  frauds  and  cor- 
ruptions at  the  federal  metropolis,  show  that  an  entire  change  of 
administration  is  imperatively  demanded. 

7.  That  the  new  dogma,  that  the  Constitution,  of  its  own  force, 
carries  slavery  into  any  or  all  of  the  territories  of  the  United  States, 
is  a dangerous  political  heresy,  at  varknce  with  the  explicit  pro- 
visions of  that  instrument  itself,  with  contemporaneous  exposition, 
and  with  legislative  and  judicial  precedent — is  revolutionary  in  its 
tendency,  and  subversive  of  the  peace  and  harmony  of  the  country. 

8.  That  the  normal  condition  of  all  the  territory  of  the  United 
States  is  that  of  freedom;  that  as  our  republican  fathers,  when  they 
had  abolished  slavery  in  all  our  national  territory,  ordained  that  ''no 
person  shall  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due 
process  of  law,”  it  becomes  our  duty,  by  legislation,  whenever  such 
legislation  is  necessary,  to  maintain  this  provision  of  the  Constitution 
against  all  attempts  to  violate  it;  and  we  deny  the  authority  of  Con- 
gress, of  a territorial  legislature,  or  of  any  individuals,  to  give  legal 
existence  to  slavery  in  any  territory  in  the  United  States. 

9.  That  we  brand  the  recent  re-opening  of  the  African  slave  trade, 
under  the  cover  of  our  national  flag,  aided  by  perversions  6f  judicial 
power,  as  a crime  against  humanity  and  a burning  shame  to  our 
country  and  age;  and  we  call  upon  Congress  to  take  prompt  and 
efficient  measures  for  the  total  and  final  suppression  of  that  execrable 
traffic. 

10.  That  in  the  recent  vetoes,  by  their  federal  governors,  of  the 
acts  of  the  legislatures  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  prohibiting  slavery 
in  those  territories,  we  find  a practical  illustration  of  the  boasted 
Democratic  principle  of  non-intervention  and  popular  sovereignty, 
embodied  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  and  a demonstration  of  the 
deception  and  fraud  involved  therein. 

11.  That  Kansas  should,  of  right,  be  immediately  admitted  as  a 
state  under  the  Constitution  recently  formed  and  adopted  by  her 
people,  and  accepted  by  the  House  of  Representatives. 

12.  That,  while  providing  revenue  for  the  support  of  the  general 
government  by  duties  upon  imports,  sound  policy  requires  such  an 


REPUBLICAN  AND  DEMOCRATIC  PLATEORMS.  513 


adjustment  of  these  imports  as  to  encourage  the  development  of  the 
industrial  interest  of  the  whole  country;  and  we  commend  that  policy 
of  national  exchanges  which  secures  to  the  working  men  liberal 
wages,  to  agriculture  remunerative  prices,  to  mechanics  and  manu- 
facturers an  adequate  reward  for  their  skill,  labor,  and  enterprise,  and 
to  the  nation  commercial  prosperity  and  independence. 

13.  That  we  protest  against  any  sale  or  alienation  to  others  of  the 
public  lands  held  by  actual  settlers,  and  against  any  view  of  the 
homestead  policy  which  regards  the  settlers  as  paupers  or  suppliants 
for  public  bounty;  and  we  demand  the  passage  by  Congress  of  the 
complete  and  satisfactory  homestead  measure  which  has  already 
passed  the  House. 

14.  That  the  Republican  party  Is  opposed  to  any  change  in  our 
naturalization  laws,  or  any  state  legislation  by  which  the  rights  of 
citizenship  hitherto  accorded  to  immigrants  from  foreign  lands  shall 
be  abridged  or  impaired;  and  in  favor  of  giving  a full  and  efficient 
protection  to  the  rights  of  all  classes  of  citizens,  whether  native  or 
naturalized,  both  at  home  and  abroad. 

15.  That  appropriations  by  Congress  for  river  and  harbor  improve- 
ments of  a national  character,  required  for  the  accommodation  and 
security  of  an  existing  commerce,  are  authorized  by  the  Constitution 
and  justified  by  the  obligations  of  government  to  protect  the  lives  and 
property  of  its  citizens. 

16.  That  a railroad  to  the  Pacific  ocean  is  imperatively  demanded 
by  the  interest  of  the  whole  country;  that  the  federal  government 
ought  to  render  immediate  and  efficient  aid  in  its  construction;  and 
that  as  preliminary  thereto,  a daily  overland  mail  should  be  promptly 
established. 

17.  Finally,  having  thus  set  forth  our  distinctive  principles  and 
views,  we  invite  the  co-operation  of  all  citizens,  however  differing  on 
other  questions,  who  substantially  agree  with  us  in  their  aflarmance 
and  support. 


I860.— DEMOCRATIC  (DOUGLAS)  PLATFORM, 
Charleston,  April  S3,  and  Baltimore,  June  18, 

1.  Resolved,  That  we,  the  democracy  of  the  Union,  in  convention 
assembled,  hereby  declare  our  affirmance  of  the  resolutions  unan- 
imously adopted  and  declared  as  a platform  of  principles  by  the  Dem- 
ocratic convention  at  Cincinnati,  in  the  year  1856,  believing  that 
democratic  principles  are  unchangeable  in  their  nature  when  applied 
SS 


514 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


to  the  same  subject-matters;  and  we  recommend,  as  the  only  further 
resolutions,  the  following: 

Inasmuch  as  diiferences  of  opinion  exist  in  the  Democratic  party 
as  to  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  powers  of  a territorial  legislature, 
and  as  to  the  powers  and  duties  of  Congress,  under  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  over  the  institution  of  slavery  within  the  terri- 
tories: 

2.  ResoUed,  That  the  Democratic  party  will  abide  by  the  decisions 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  on  the  questions  of  consti- 
tutional law. 

8.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  afford 
ample  and  complete  protection  to  all  its  citizens,  whether  at  home  or 
abroad,  and  whether  native  or  foreign. 

4.  Resolved,  That  one  of  the  necessities  of  the  age,  in  a military, 
commercial,  and  postal  point  of  view,  is  speedy  communication 
between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  states;  and  the  Democratic  party 
pledge  such  constitutional  government  aid  as  will  insure  the  construc- 
tion of  a railroad  to  the  Pacific  coast  at  the  earliest  practicable  period. 

5.  Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  are  in  favor  of  the  acquisi- 
tion of  the  island  of  Cuba,  on  such  terms  as  shall  be  honorable  to 
ourselves  and  just  to  Spain. 

6.  Resolved,  That  the  enactments  of  state  legislatures  to  defeat  the 
faithful  execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  are  hostile  in  character, 
subversive  of  the  Constitution,  and  revolutionary  in  their  effect. 

7.  Resolved,  That  it  is  in  accordance  with  the  true  interpretation 
of  the  Cincinnati  platform,  that,  during  the  existence  of  the  territorial 
governments,  the  measure  of  restriction,  whatever  it  may  be,  imposed 
by  the  federal  constitution  on  the  power  of  the  territorial  legislature 
over  the  subject  of  domestic  relations,  as  the  same  has  been,  or  shall 
hereafter  be,  finally  determined  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  shall  be  respected  by  all  good  citizens,  and\  enforced  with 
promptness  and  fidelity  by  every  branch  of  the  general  government. 


I860.— DEMOCRATIC  (BRECKINRIDGE)  PLATFORM, 

Charleston  and  Baltimore, 

Resolved,  That  the  platform  adopted  by  the  Democratic  party  at 
Cincinnati  be  affirmed,  with  following  explanatory  resolutions: 

1.  That  the  government  of  a territory,  organized  by  an  act  of  Con- 
gress, is  provisional  and  temporary;  and,  during  its  existence,  all 
citizens  of  the  United  States  have  an  equal  right  to  settle,  with  their 


REPUBLICAN  AND  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS.  515 


property,  in  the  territory,  without  their  rights,  either  of  person  or 
property,  being  destroyed  or  impaired  by  congressional  or  territorial 
legislation. 

2.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  federal  government,  in  all  its  depart- 
ments, to  protect,  when  necessary,  the  rights  of  persons  and  property 
in  the  territories,  and  wherever  else  its  constitutional  authority 
extends. 

3.  That  when  the  settlers  in  a territory  having  an  adequate  popu- 
lation, form  a state  constitution  in  pursuance  of  law,  the  right  of 
sovereignty  commences,  and,  being  consummated  by  admission  into 
the  Union,  they  stand  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  people  of  other 
states,  and  the  state  thus  organized  ought  to  be  admitted  into  the  fed- 
eral Union,  whether  its  constitution  prohibits  or  recognizes  the  insti- 
tution of  slavery. 

4.  That  the  Democratic  party  are  in  favor  of  the  acquisition  of  the 
island  of  Cuba,  on  such  terms  as  shall  be  honorable  to  ourselves  and 
just  to  Spain,  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment. 

5.  That  the  enactments  of  state  legislatmes  to  defeat  the  faithful 
execution  of  the  fugitive  slave  law  are  hostile  in  character,  subver- 
sive of  the  constitution,  and  revolutionary  in  their  effect. 

6.  That  the  Democracy  of  the  United  States  recognize  it  as  the 
imperative  duty  of  this  government  to  protect  the  naturalized  citizen 
in  all  his  rights,  whether  at  home  or  in  foreign  lands,  to  the  same 
extent  as  its  native-born  citizens. 

Whereas,  One  of  the  greatest  necessities  of  the  age,  in  a political, 
commercial,  postal,  and  military  point  of  view,  is  a speedy  communi- 
cation between  the  Pacific  and  Atlantic  coasts;  therefore,  be  it 

Resoked,  That  the  Democratic  party  do  hereby  pledge  themselves 
to  use  every  means  in  their  power  to  secure  the  passage  of  some  bill, 
to  the  extent  of  the  constitutional  authority  of  Congress,  for  the  con- 
struction of  a Pacific  railroad  from  the  Mississippi  river  to  the  Pacific 
ocean,  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment. 


1864.— KEPUBLICAN  PLATFORM, 

Baltimore,  June  7. 

• Resolved,  That  it  is  the  highest  duty  of  every  American  citizen  to 
maintain,  against  all  their  enemies,  the  integrity  of  the  Union  and  the 
paramount  authority  of  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the  United 
States;  and  that,  laying  aside  all  differences  of  political  opinions,  we 
pledge  ourselves,  as  Union  men,  animated  by  a common  sentiment 


516 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


and  aiming  at  a common  object,  to  cto  everything  in  our  power  to 
aid  the  government  in  quelling  by  force  of  arms  ^the  rebellion  now 
raging  against  its  authority,  and  in  bringing  to  the  punishment  due  to 
their  crimes  the  rebels  and  traitors  arrayed  against  it. 

Eesolved,  That  we  approve  the  determination  of  the  government 
of  the  United  States  not  to  compromise  with  rebels,  nor  to  offer  them 
any  terms  of  peace,  except  such  as  may  be  based  upon  an  ‘‘uncon- 
ditional surrender  of  their  hostility  and  a return  to  their  just  alle- 
giance to  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States;  and  that  we 
call  upon  the  government  tg  maintain  this  position,  and  to  prosecute 
the  war  with  the  utmost  possible  vigor  to  the  complete  suppression  of 
the  rebellion,  in  full  reliance  upon  the  self-sacrificing  patriotism,  the 
heroic  valor,  and  the  undying  devotion  of  the  American  people  to  the 
country  and  its  free  institutions. 

Eesolvedy  That,  as  slavery  was  the  cause,  and  now  constitutes  the 
strength,  of  this  rebellion,  and  as  it  must  be  always  and  everywhere 
hostile  to  the  principles  of  republican  government,  justice  and  the 
national  safety  demand  its  utter  and  complete  extirpation  from  the 
soil  of  the  republic;  and  that  we  uphold  and  maintain  the  acts  and 
proclamations  by  which  the  government,  in  its  own  defense,  has 
aimed  a death-blow  at  this  gigantic  evil.  We  are  in  favor,  further- 
more, of  such  an  amendment  to  the  constitution,  to  be  made  by  the 
people  in  conformity  with  its  provisions,  as  shall  terminate  and  for- 
ever prohibit  the  existence  of  slavery  within  the  limits  or  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  United  States. 

Eesolved,  That  the  thanks  of  the  American  people  are  due  to  the 
soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  army  and  navy,  who  have  periled  their 
lives  in  defense  of  their  country  and  in  vindication  of  the  honor  of 
its  flag;  that  the  nation  owes  to  them  some  permanent  recognition  of 
their  patriotism  and  their  valor,  and  ample  and  permanent  provision 
for  those  of  their  survivors  who  have  received  disabling  and  honora- 
ble wounds  in  the  service  of  the  country;  and  that  the  memories  of 
those  who  have  fallen  in  its  defense  shall  be  held  in  grateful  and 
everlasting  remembrance. 

Essohed,  That  we  approve  and  applaud  the  practical  wisdom,  the 
unselfish  patriotism,  and  the  unswerving  fidelity  to  the  constitution 
and  the  principles  of  American  liberty  with  which  Abraham  Lincoln 
has  discharged,  under  circumstances  of  unparalleled  ditficulty,  the 
great  duties  and  responsibilities  of  the  presidential  office;  that  we 
approve  and  indorse,  as  demanded  by  the  emergency  and  essential  to 
the  preservation  of  the  nation,  and  as  within  the  provisions  of  the 
constitution,  the  measures  and  acts  which  he  has  adopted  to  defend 


EEPUBLICAN  AKB  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS.  517 


the  nation  against  its  open  and  secret  foes;  that  we  approve,  especially, 
the  proclamation  of  emancipation,  and  the  employment,  as  Union 
soldiers,  of  men  heretofore  held  in  slavery;  and  that  we  have  full 
confidence  in  his  determination  to  carry  these,  and  all  other  constitu- 
tional measures  essential  to  the  salvation  of  the  country,  into  full  and 
complete  effect. 

Besolmd,  That  we  deem  it  essential  to  the  general  welfare  that 
harmony  should  prevail  in  the  national  councils,  and  we  regard  as 
worthy  of  public  confidence  and  official  trust  those  only  who  cordially 
indorse  the  principles  proclaimed  in  these  resolutions,  and  which 
should  characterize  the  administration  of  the  government. 

Resolved,  That  the  government  owes  to  all  men  employed  in  its 
armies,  without  regard  to  distinction  of  color,  the  full  protection  of 
the  laws  of  war;  and  that  any  violation  of  these  laws,  or  of  the 
usages  of  civilized  nations  in  the  time  of  war,  by  the  rebels  now  in 
arms,  should  be  made  the  subject  of  prompt  and  full  redress. 

Resolved,  That  foreign  immigration,  which  in  the  past  has  added 
so  much  to  the  wealth,  development  of  resources,  and  increase  of 
power  to  this  nation — the  asylum  of  the  oppressed  of  all  nations  — 
should  be  fostered  and  encouraged  by  a liberal  and  just  policy. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  the  speedy  construction  of  the 
railroad  to  the  Pacific  coast. 

Resolved,  That  the  national  faith,  pledged  for  the  redemption  of 
the  public  debt,  must  be  kept  inviolate;  and  that,  for  this  purpose,  we 
recommend  economy  and  rigid  responsibility  in  the  public  expendi- 
tures and  a vigorous  and  just  system  of  taxation;  and  that  it  is  the 
duty  of  every  loyal  state  to  sustain  the  credit  and  promote  the  use  of 
the  national  currency. 

Resolved,  That  we  approve  the  position  taken  by  the  government, 
that  the  people  of  the  United  States  can  never  regard  with  indiffer- 
ence the  attempt  of  any  European  power  to  overthrow  by  force,  or  to 
supplant  by  fraud,  the  institutions  of  any  republican  government  on 
the  western  continent,  and  that  they  will  view  with  extreme  jealousy, 
as  menacing  to  the  peace  and  independence  of  this,  our  country,  the 
efforts  of  any  such  power  to  obtain  new  footholds  for  monarchical 
governments,  sustained  by  a foreign  military  force,  in  near  proximity 
to  the  United  States. 


518 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


1864.— DEMOCEATIC  PLATFOEM, 

Chicago,  August  29. 

Besolved,  That  in  the  future,  as  in  the  past,  we  will  adhere  with 
unswerving  fidelity  to  the  Union  under  the  constitution,  as  the  only 
solid  foundation  of  our  strength,  security,  and  happiness  as  a people, 
and  as  a frame-work  of  government  equally  conducive  to  the  welfare 
and  prosperity  of  all  the  states,  both  northern  and  southern. 

Resolved,  That  this  convention  does  explicitly  declare,  as  the  sense 
of  the  American  people,  that  after  four  years  of  failure  to  restore  the 
Union  by  the  experiment  of  war,  during  which,  under  the  pretense 
of  a military  necessity  of  a war  power  higher  than  the  constitution, 
the  constitution  itself  has  been  disregarded  in  every  part,  and  public 
liberty  and  private  right  alike  trodden  down,  and  the  material  pros- 
perity of  the  country  essentially  impaired,  justice,  humanity,  liberty, 
and  the  public  welfare  demand  that  immediate  efforts  be  made  for  a 
cessation  of  hostilities,  with  a view  to  an  ultimate  convention  of  all 
the  states,  or  other  peaceable  means,  to  the  end  that,  at  the  earliest 
practicable  moment,  peace  may  be  restored  on  the  basis  of  the  federal 
union  of  all  the  states. 

Resolved,  That  the  direct  interference  of  the  military  authority  of 
the  United  States  in  the  recent  elections  held  in  Kentucky,  Maryland, 
Missouri,  and  Delaware,  was  a shameful  violation  of  the  constitution; 
and  the  repetition  of  such  acts  in  the  approaching  election  will  be 
held  as  revolutionary,  and  resisted  with  all  the  means  and  power 
under  our  control. 

Resolved,  That  the  aim  and  object  of  the  Democratic  party  is  to 
preserve  the  Federal  Union  and  the  rights  of  the  states  unimpaired; 
and  that  they  hereby  declare  that  they  consider  the  administrative 
usurpation  of  extraordinary  and  dangerous  powers  not  granted  by 
the  constitution,  the  subversion  of  the  civil  by  the  military  law  in 
states  not  in  insurrection,  the  arbitrary  military  arrest,  imprisonment, 
trial,  and  sentence  of  American  citizens  in  states  where  civil  law 
exists  in  full  force,  the  suppression  of  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the 
press,  the  denial  of  the  right  of  asylum,  the  open  and  avowed  disre- 
gard of  state  rights,  the  employment  of  unusual  test-oaths,  and  the 
interference  with  and  denial  of  the  right  of  the  people  to  bear  arms 
in  their  defense,  as  calculated  to  prevent  a restoration  of  the  Union 
and  the  perpetuation  of  a government  deriving  its  just  powers  from 
the  consent  of  the  governed. 


REPUBLICAlsr  AKD  DEMOCRATIC  PLATEORMS.  519 


Besolmd,  That  the  shameful  disregard  of  the  administration  to  its 
duty  in  respect  to  our  fellow  citizens  who  now  are,  and  long  have 
been,  prisoners  of  war,  in  a suffering  condition,  deserves  the  sever- 
est reprobation,  on  the  score  alike  of  public  policy  and  common 
humanity. 

Resolved,  That  the  sympathy  of  the  Democratic  party  is  heartily 
and  earnestly  extended  to  the  soldiers  of  our  army  and  the  sailors  of 
our  navy,  who  are  and  have  been  in  the  field  and  on  sea  under  the 
fiag  of  their  country;  and,  in  the  event  of  our  attaining  power,  they 
will  receive  all  the  care  and  protection,  regard  and  kindness,  that  the 
brave  soldiers  of  the  republic  have  so  nobly  earned. 


EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION  BY  ABRAHAJVI  LIN- 
COLN, 

January  1,  1863. 

Whereas,  On  the  twenty-second  day  of  September,  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-two,  a proclama- 
tion was  issued  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  containing 
among  other  things  the  following,  to-wit:  ''  That  on  the  first  day  of 

January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
sixty-three,  all  persons  held  as  slaves  within  any  state,  or  designated 
part  of  a state,  the  people  whereof  shall  then  be  in  rebellion  against 
the  United  States,  shall  be  then,  thenceforward,  and  forever  free; 
and  the  executive  government  of  the  United  States,  including  the 
military  and  naval  authority  thereof,  will  recognize  and  maintain  the 
freedom  of  such  persons,  and  will  do  no  act  or  acts  to  repress  such 
persons  or  any  of  them,  in  any  efforts  they  may  make  for  their 
actual  freedom;  that  the  Executive  will,  on  the  first  day  of  January 
aforesaid,  by  proclamation,  designate  the  states,  and  parts  of  states, 
if  any,  in  which  the  people  thereof,  respectively,  shall  then  be  in 
rebellion  against  the  United  States;  and  the  fact  that  any  state,  or  the 
people  thereof,  shall  on  that  day  be  in  good  faith  represented  in  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  by  members  chosen  thereto  at  elections 
wherein  a majority  of  the  qualified  voters  of  such  states  shall  have 
participated  shall,  in  the  absence  of  strong  countervailing  testimony, 
be  deemed  conclusive  evidence  that  such  state,  and  the  people  thereof, 
are  not  then  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States”  : 

Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United 
States,  by  virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested  as  commander-in-chief  of 
the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States  in  time  of  actual  armed 


520 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


rebellion  against  the  authority  and  government  of  the  United  States, 
and  as  a fit  and  necessary  war-measure  for  suppressing  said  rebellion, 
do,  on  this  first  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  sixty-three,  and  in  accordance  with  my  purpose  so 
to  do,  publicly  proclaimed  for  the  full  period  of  one  hundred  days 
from  the  day  first  above  mentioned,  order  and  designate  as  the 
states,  and  parts  of  states,  wherein  the  people  thereof,  respectively, 
are  this  day  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States,  the  following, 
to-wit;  Arkansas,  Texas,  Louisana  (except  the  parishes  of  St.  Bern- 
ard, Plaquemines,  Jefferson,  St.  John,  St.  Charles,  St.  James,  Ascen- 
sion, Assumption,  Terre-Bonne,  Lafourche,  Ste.  Marie,  St.  Martin, 
and  Orleans,  including  the  city  of  New  Orleans),  Mississippi,  Ala- 
bama, Florida,  Georgia,  South  Carolina,  North  Carolina,  and  Vir- 
ginia (except  the  forty -eight  counties  designated  as  West  Virginia, 
and  also  the  counties  of  Berkley,  Accomac,  Northampton,  Elizabeth 
City,  York,  Princess  Anna,  and  Norfolk,  including  the  cities  of  Nor- 
folk and  Portsmouth),  and  which  excepted  parts  are,  for  the  present, 
left  precisely  as  if  this  proclamation  were  not  issued.  And  by  virtue 
of  the  power,  and  for  the  purpose  aforesaid,  I do  order  and  declare, 
that  all  persons  held  as  slaves  within  said  designated  states,  and  parts 
of  states,  are  and  henceforward  shall  be,  free;  and  that  the  executive 
government  of  the  United  States,  including  the  military  and  naval 
authorities  thereof,  will  recognize  and  maintain  the  freedom  of  said 
persons.  And  I hereby  enjoin  upon  the  people  so  declared  to  be  free 
to  abstain  from  all  violence,  unless  in  necessary  self-defense;  and  I 
recommend  to  them,  that  in  all  cases,  when  allowed,  they  labor  faith- 
fully for  reasonable  wages.  And  I further  declare  and  make  known, 
that  such  persons,  of  suitable  condition,  will  be  received  into  the 
armed  service  of  the  United  States,  to  garrison  forts,  positions,  sta- 
tions, and  other  places,  and  to  man  vessels  of  all  sorts  in  said  service. 
And  upon  this  act,  sincerely  believed  to  be  an  act  of  justice,  war- 
ranted by  the  constitution  upon  military  necessity,  I invoke  the 
considerate  judgment  of  mankind  and  the  gracious  favor  cf  Al- 
mighty God. 

In  testimony  whereof,  I have  hereunto  set  my  name,  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  aflBixed.  Done  at  the  city  of 
Washington,  this  first  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-three,  and  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  United  States  the  eighty-seventh. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

By  the  President:  William  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State. 


REPUBLICAN  AND  DEMOCRATIC  PLATEORMS.  521 


1868.-REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 

Chicago,  May  20, 

1.  We  congratulate  the  country  on  the  assured  success  of  the 
reconstruction  policy  of  Congress,  as  evidenced  by  the  adoption,  in 
the  majority  of  the  states  lately  in  rebellion,  of  constitutions  securing 
equal  civil  and  political  rights  to  all;  and  it  is  the  duty  of  the  gov- 
ernment to  sustain  those  institutions  and  to  prevent  the  people  of  such 
states  from  being  remitted  to  a state  of  anarchy. 

2.  The  guarantee  by  Congress  of  equal  suffrage  to  all  loyal  men 
at  the  south  was  demanded  by  every  consideration  of  public  safety, 
of  gratitude,  and  of  justice,  and  must  be  maintained;  while  the  ques- 
tion of  suffrage  in  all  the  loyal  states  properly  belongs  to  the  people  of 
those  states. 

3.  We  denounce  all  forms  of  repudiation  as  a national  crime;  and 
the  national  honor  requires  the  payment  of  the  public  indebtedness  in 
the  uttermost  good  faith  to  all  creditors  at  home  and  abroad,  not  only 
according  to  the  letter,  but  the  spirit,  of  the  laws  under  which  it  was 
contracted. 

4.  It  is  due  to  the  labor  of  the  nation  that  taxation  should  be 
equalized  and  reduced  as  rapidly  as  the  national  faitli  will  permit. 

5.  The  national  debt,  contracted  as  it  has  been  for  the  preservation 
of  the  Union  for  all  time  to  come,  should  be  extended  over  a fair 
period  for  redemption;  and  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  reduce  the 
rate  of  interest  thereon  whenever  it  can  be  honestly  done. 

6.  That  the  best  policy  to  diminish  our  burden  of  debt  is  to  so 
improve  our  credit  that  capitalists  will  seek  to  loan  us  money  at  lower 
rates  of  interest  than  we  now  pay,  and  must  continue  to  pay  so  long 
as  repudiation,  partial  or  total,  open  or  covert,  is  threatened  or  sus- 
pected. 

7.  The  government  of  the  United  States  should  be  administered 
with  the  strictest  economy;  and  the  corruptions  which  have  been  so 
shamefully  nursed  and  fostered  by  Andrew  Johnson  call  loudly  for 
radical  reform. 

8.  We  profoundly  deplore  the  tragic  death  of  Abraham  Lincoln, 
and  regret  the  accession  to  the  Presidency  of  Andrew  Johnson,  who 
has  acted  treacherously  to  the  people  who  elected  him  and  the  cause 
he  was  pledged  to  support;  who  has  usurped  high  legislative  and 
judicial  functions;  who  has  refused  to  execute  the  laws;  who  has 
used  his  high  office  to  induce  other  officers  to  ignore  and  violate  the 


522 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


laws;  who  has  employed  his  executive  powers  to  render  insecure  the 
property,  the  peace,  liberty  and  life  of  the  citizen;  who  has  abused 
the  pardoning  power;  who  has  denounced  the  national  legislature  as 
unconstitutional;  who  has  persistently  and  corruptly  resisted,  by  every 
means  in  his  power,  every  proper  attempt  at  the  reconstruction  of  the 
states  lately  in  rebellion;  who  has  perverted  the  public  patronage  into 
an  engine  of  wholesale  corruption;  and  who  has  been  justly  impeached 
for  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors,  and  properly  pronounced  guilty 
thereof  by  the  vote  of  thirty-five  senators. 

9.  The  doctrine  of  Great  Britain  and  other  European  powers,  that 
because  a man  is  once  a subject  he  is  always  so,  must  be  resisted  at 
every  hazard  by  the  United  States,  as  a relic  of  feudal  times,  not 
authorized  by  the  laws  of  nations,  and  at  war  with  our  national  honor 
and  independence.  Naturalized  citizens  are  entitled  to  protection  in 
all  their  rights  of  citizenship  as  though  they  were  native-born;  and  no 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  native  or  naturalized,  must  be  liable  to 
arrest  and  imprisonment  by  any  foreign  power  for  acts  done  or  words 
spoken  in  this  country;  and,  if  so  arrested  and  imprisoned,  it  is  the 
duty  of  the  government  to  interfere  in  his  behalf. 

10.  Of  all  who  were  faithful  in  the  trials  of  the  late  war,  there 
were  none  entitled  to  more  especial  honor  than  the  brave  soldiers  and 
seamen  who  endured  the  hardships  of  campaign  and  cruise,  and 
imperiled  their  lives  in  the  service  of  the  country.  The  bounties  and 
pensions  provided  by  the  laws  for  these  brave  defenders  of  the  nation 
are  obligations  never  to  be  forgotten;  the  widows  and  orphans  of  the 
gallant  dead  are  the  wards  of  the  people — a sacred  legacy  bequeathed 
to  the  nation’s  protecting  care. 

11.  Foreign  immigration,  which  in  the  past  has  added  so  much  to 
the  wealth,  development  and  resources,  and  increase  of  power  to  this 
republic,  the  asylum  of  the  oppressed  of  all  nations,  should  be  fos- 
tered and  encouraged  by  a liberal  and  just  policy. 

12.  This  convention  declares  itself  in  sympathy  with  all  oppressed 
people  who  are  struggling  for  their  rights. 

13.  That  we  highly  commend  the  spirit  of  magnanimity  and  for- 
bearance with  which  men  who  have  served  in  the  rebellion,  but  who 
now  frankly  and  honestly  co-operate  vfith  us  in  restoring  the  peace 
of  the  country  and  reconstructing  the  southern  state  governments 
upon  the  basis  of  impartial  justice  and  equal  rights,  are  received 
back  into  the  communion  of  the  loyal  people;  and  we  favor  the 
removal  of  the  disqualifications  and  restrictions  imposed  upon  the 
late  rebels,  in  the  same  measure  as  the  spirit  of  disloyalty  shall  die 
out,  and  as  may  be  consistent  with  the  safety  of  the  loyal  people. 


KEPUBLICAK  AKD  DEMOCKATIC  PLATFORMS.  523 


14.  That  we  recognize  the  great  principles  laid  down  in  the  immor- 
tal declaration  of  independence,  as  the  true  foundation  of  democratic 
government;  and  we  hail  with  gladness  every  effort  toward  making 
these  principles  a living  reality  on  every  inch  of  American  soil. 


1868.— DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM, 

New  York,  July  Jf.. 

The  Democratic  party,  in  national  convention  assembled,  reposing 
its  trust  in  the  intelligence,  patriotism  and  discriminating  justice  of 
the  people,  standing  upon  the  constitution  as  the  foundation  and  lim- 
itation of  the  powers  of  the  government  and  the  guarantee  of  the 
liberties  of  the  citizen,  and  recognizing  the  questions  of  slavery  and 
secession  as  having  been  settled,  for  all  time  to  come,  by  the  war  or 
the  voluntary  action  of  the  southern  states  in  constitutional  conven- 
tions assembled,  and  never  to  be  revived  or  reagitated,  do,  with  the 
return  of  peace,  demand: 

1.  Immediate  restoration  of  all  the  states  to  their  rights  in  the 
Union  under  the  constitution,  and  of  civil  government  to  the  Ameri- 
can people. 

2.  Amnesty  for  all  past  political  offenses,  and  the  regulation  of 
the  elective  franchise  in  the  states  by  their  citizens. 

3.  Payment  of  the  public  debt  of  the  United  States  as  rapidly  as 
practicable — all  moneys  drawn  from  the  people  by  taxation,  except 
so  much  as  is  requisite  for  the  necessities  of  the  government,  econom- 
ically administered,  being  honestly  applied  to  such  payment;  and 
where  the  obligations  of  the  government  do  not  expressly  state  upon 
their  face,  or  the  law  under  which  they  were  issued  does  not  provide 
that  they  shall  be  paid  in  coin,  they  ought,  in  right  and  in  justice,  to 
be  paid  in  the  lawful  money  of  the  United  States. 

4.  Equal  taxation  of  every  species  of  property  according  to  its 
real  value,  including  government  bonds  and  other  public  securities. 

5.  One  currency  for  the  government  and  the  people,  the  laborer 
and  the  office-holder,  the  pensioner  and  the  soldier,  the  producer  and 
the  bondholder. 

6.  Economy  in  the  administration  of  the  government ; the  reduc- 
tion of  the  standing  army  and  navy;  the  abolition  of  the  freedmen’s 
bureau,  and  all  political  instrumentalities  designed  to  secure  negro 
supremacy;  simplification  of  the  system  and  discontinuance  of 
inquisitorial  modes  of  assessing  and  collecting  internal  revenue;  that 
the  burden  of  taxation  may  be  equalized  and  lessened,  and  the  credit 


524 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


of  the  government  and  the  currency  made  good;  the  repeal  of  all 
enactments  for  enrolling  the  state  militia  into  national  forces  in  time 
of  peace;  and  a tariff  for  revenue  upon  foreign  imports,  and  such 
equal  taxation  under  the  internal  revenue  laws  as  will  afford  inci- 
dental protection  to  domestic  manufacturers,  and  as  will,  without 
impairing  the  revenue,  impose  the  least  burden  upon,  and  best  pro- 
mote and  encourage,  the  great  industrial  interests  of,  the  country. 

7.  Eeform  of  abuses  in  the  administration;  the  expulsion  of  cor- 
rupt nien  from  office;  the  abrogation  of  useless  offices;  the  restoration 
of  rightful  authority  to,  and  the  independence  of,  the  executive  and 
judicial  departments  of  the  government;  the  subordination  of  the 
military  to  the  civil  power,  to  the  end  that  the  usurpations  of  Con- 
gress and  the  despotism  of  the  sword  may  cease. 

8.  Equal  rights  and  protection  for  naturalized  and  native-born 
citizens,  at  home  and  abroad ; the  assertion  of  American  nationality 
which  shall  command  the  respect  of  foreign  powers,  and  furnish  an 
example  and  encouragement  to  people  struggling  for  national  integ- 
rity, constitutional  liberty,  and  individual  rights ; and  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  rights  of  naturalized  citizens  against  the  absolute  doctrice 
of  immutable  allegiance  and  the  claims  of  foreign  powers  to  punish 
them  for  alleged  crimes  committed  beyond  their  jurisdiction. 

In  demanding  these  measures  and  reforms,  we  arraign  the  radical 
party  for  its  disregard  of  right  and  the  unparalleled  oppression  and 
tyranny  which  have  marked  its  career.  After  the  most  solemn  and 
unanimous  pledge  of  both  Houses  of  Congress  to  prosecute  the  war 
exclusively  for  the  maintenance  of  the  government  and  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  Union  under  the  constitution,  it  has  repeatedly  violated 
that  most  sacred  pledge  under  which  alone  was  rallied  that  noble  vol- 
unteer army  which  carried  our  flag  to  victory.  Instead  of  restoring 
the  Union,  it  has,  so  far  as  in  its  power,  dissolved  it,  and  subjected 
ten  states,  in  time  of  profound  peace,  to  military  despotism  and  negro 
supremacy.  It  has  nullified  there  the  right  of  trial  by  jury;  it  has 
abolished  the  habeas  corpus,  that  most  sacred  writ  of  liberty;  it  has 
overthrown  the  freedom  of  speech  and  press;  it  has  substituted  arbi- 
trary seizures  and  arrests,  and  military  trials  and  secret  star-chamber 
inquisitions,  for  the  constitutional  tribunals;  it  has  disregarded,  in 
time  of  peace,  the  right  of  the  people  to  be  free  from  searches  and 
seizures;  it  has  entered  the  post  and  telelegraph  offices,  and  even  the 
private  rooms  of  individuals,  and  seized  their  private  papers  and 
letters,  without  any  specific  charge  or  notice  of  affidavit,  as  required 
by  the  organic  law.  It  has  converted  the  American  capitol  into  a 
bastile;  it  has  established  a system  of  spies  and  official  espionage  to 


REPUBLICAN  AND  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS.  525 


which  no  constitutional  monarchy  of  Europe  would  now  dare  to 
resort.  It  has  abolished  the  right  of  appeal,  on  important  constitu- 
tional questions,  to  the  supreme  judicial  tribunals,  and  threatens  to 
curtail  or  destroy  its  original  jurisdiction,  which  is  irrevocably  vested 
by  the  constitution;  while  the  learned  Chief  Justice  has  been  sub- 
jected to  the  most  atrocious  calumnies,  merely  because  he  would  not 
prostitute  his  high  office  to  the  support  of  the  false  and  partisan 
charges  preferred  against  the  President.  Its  corruption  and  extrava- 
gance have  exceeded  anything  known  in  history;  and,  by  its  frauds 
and  monopolies,  it  has  nearly  doubled  the  burden  of  the  debt  created 
by  the  war  It  has  stripped  the  President  of  his  constitutional  power 
of  appointment,  even  of  his  own  cabinet.  Under  its  repeated  assaults, 
the  pillars  of  the  government  are  rocking  on  their  base;  and  should  it 
succeed  in  November  next,  and  inaugurate  its  President,  we  will 
meet,  as  a subjected  and  conquered  people,  amid  the  ruins  of  liberty 
and  the  scattered  fragments  of  the  constitution. 

And  we  do  declare  and  resolve  that  ever  since  the  people  of  the 
United  States  threw  off  all  subjection  to  the  British  crown,  the  privi- 
lege and  trust  of  suffrage  have  belonged  to  the  several  states,  and 
have  been  granted,  regulated,  and  controlled  exclusively  by  the  polit- 
ical power  of  each  state  respectively;  and  that  any  attempt  by  Con- 
gress, on  any  pretext  whatever  to  deprive  any  state  of  this  right,  or 
interfere  with  its  exercise,  is  a flagrant  usurpation  of  power  which 
can  find  no  warrant  in  the  constitution,  and,  if  sanctioned  by  the 
people,  will  subvert  our  form  of  government,  and  can  end  only  in  a 
single,  centralized  and  consolidated  government,  in  which  the  sepa- 
rate existence  of  the  states  will  be  entirely  absorbed,  and  an  unquali- 
fied despotism  be  established  in  place  of  a federal  union  of  co-equal 
states.  And  that  we  regard  the  construction  acts  (so-called)  of  Con- 
gress as  usurpations,  and  unconstitutional,  revolutionary  and  void. 

That  our  soldiers  and  sailors,  who  carried  the  flag  of  our  country 
to  victory  against  the  most  gallant  and  determined  foe,  must  ever  be 
gratefully  remembered,  and  all  the  guarantees  given  in  their  favor 
must  be  faithfully  carried  into  execution. 

That  the  public  lands  should  be  distributed  as  widely  as  possible 
among  the  people,  and  should  be  disposed  of  either  under  the  pre- 
emption of  homestead  lands  or  sold  in  reasonable  quantities,  and  to 
none  but  actual  occupants,  at  the  minimum  price  established  by  the 
government.  When  grants  of  public  lands  may  be  allowed,  neces- 
sary for  the  encouragement  of  important  public  improvements,  the 
proceeds  of  the  sale  of  such  lands,  and  not  the  lands  themselves, 
should  be  so  applied. 


526 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


That  the  President  of  the  United  States.  Andrew  Johnson,  in 
exercising  the  power  of  his  high  office  in  resisting  the  aggressions  of 
Congress  upon  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  states  and  the  people, 
is  entitled  to  the  gratitude  of  the  whole  American  people;  and,  on 
behalf  of  the  Democratic  party,  we  tender  him  our  thanks  for  his 
patriotic  efforts  in  that  regard. 

Upon  this  platform  the  Democratic  party  appeal  to  every  patriot, 
including  all  the  conservative  elements  and  all  who  desire  to  support 
the  constitution  and  restore  the  Union,  forgetting  all  past  differences 
of  opinion,  to  unite  with  us  in  the  present  great  struggle  for  the  lib- 
erties of  the  people,  and  that  to  all  such,  to  whatever  party  they  may 
have  heretofore  belonged,  we  extend  the  right  hand  of  fellowship, 
and  hail  all  such,  co-operating  with  us,  as  friends  and  brethren. 

Bosohedy  That  this  convention  sympathizes  cordially  with  the 
workingmen  of  the  United  States  in  their  efforts  to  protect  the  rights 
and  interests  of  the  laboring  classes  of  the  country. 

ResoUedy  That  the  thanks  of  the  convention  are  tendered  to  Chief 
Justice  Salmon  P.  Chase  for  the  justice,  dignity  and  impartiality  with 
which  he  presided  over  the  court  of  impeachment  on  the  trial  of  Pres- 
ident Andrew'  J ohnson. 


1872.— LIBERAL  KEPUBLICAN  PLATFORM, 

Cincinnatiy  May  1.  ^ 

We.  the  Liberal  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  in  national 
convention  assembled  at  Cincinnati,  proclaim  the  following  princi- 
ples as  essential  to  just  government: 

1.  We  recognize  the  equality  of  all  men  before  the  law,  and  hold 
that  it  is  the  duty  of  government,  in  its  dealings  v/ith  the  people,  to 
mete  out  equal  and  exact  justice  to  all,  of  whatever  nativity,  race, 
color  or  persuasion,  religious  or  political. 

2.  We  pledge  ourselves  to  maintain  the  imion  of  these  States, 
emancipation  and  enfranchisement,  and  to  oppose  any  reopening  of 
the  questions  settled  by  the  thirteenth,  fourteenth  and  fifteenth 
amendments  of  the  constitution. 

3.  We  demand  the  immediate  and  absolute  removal  of  all  disabil- 
ities imposed  on  account  of  the  rebellion,  which  was  finally  subdued 
seven  years  ago,  believing  that  universal  amnesty  will  result  in  com- 
plete pacification  in  all  sections  of  the  country. 

4.  Local  self-government,  with  impartial  suffrage,  will  guard  the 
rights  of  all  citizens  more  securely  than  any  centralized  power.  The 


KEPUBLICAK  AND  DEMOCRATAC  PLATFORMS.  527 


public  welfare  requires  the  supremacy  of  the  civil  over  the  military 
authority,  and  the  freedom  of  person  under  the  protection  of  the 
habeas  corpus.  We  demand  for  the  individual  the  largest  liberty  con- 
sistent with  public  order,  for  the  state  self-government,  and  for  the 
nation  a return  to  the  methods  of  peace  and  the  constitutional  limita- 
tions of  power. 

5.  The  civil  service  of  the  government  has  become  a mere  instru- 
ment of  partisan  tyranny  and  personal  ambition,  and  an  object  of 
selfish  greed.  It  is  a scandal  and  reproach  upon  free  institutions, 
and  breeds  a demoralization  dangerous  to  the  perpetuity  of  republican 
government.  We,  therefore,  regard  a thorough  reform  of  the  civil 
service  as  one  of  the  most  pressing  necessities  of  the  hour;  that  hon- 
esty, capacity  and  fidelity  constitute  the  only  valid  claims  to  public 
employment;  that  the  offices  of  the  government  cease  to  be  a matter 
of  arbitrary  favoritism  and  patronage,  and  that  public  station  shall 
become  again  a post  of  honor.  To  this  end,  it  is  imperatively  required 
that  no  President  shall  be  a candidate  for  re-election. 

6.  We  demand  a system  of  federal  taxation  which  shall  not  unnec- 
essarily interfere  with  the  industry  of  the  people,  and  which  shall 
provide  the  means  necessary  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  government, 
economically  administered,  the  pensions,  the  interest  on  the  public 
debt,  and  a moderate  reduction  annually  of  the  principal  thereof;  and 
recognizing  that  there  are  in  our  midst  honest  but  irreconcilable  dif- 
ferences of  opinion  with  regard  to  the  respective  systems  of  protection 
and  free  trade,  we  remit  the  discussion  of  the  subject  to  the  people  in 
their  congressional  districts  and  the  decision  of  Congress  thereon, 
wholly  free  from  Executive  interference  or  dictation. 

7.  The  public  credit  must  be  sacredly  maintained,  and  we  de- 
nounce repudiation  in  every  form  and  guise. 

8.  A speedy  return  to  specie  payment  is  demanded  alike  by  the 
highest  considerations  of  commercial  morality  and  honest  government. 

9.  We  remember  with  gratitude  the  heroism  and  sacrifices  of  the 
soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  republic;  and  no  act  of  ours  shall  ever 
detract  from  their  justly  earned  fame  or  the  full  rewards  of  their 
patriotism. 

10.  We  are  opposed  to  all  further  grants  of  lands  to  railroads  or 
other  corporations.  The  public  domain  should  be  held  sacred  to 
actual  settlers. 

11.  We  hold  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  government,  in  its  inter- 
course with  foreign  nations,  to  cultivate  the  friendships  of  peace,  by 
treating  with  all  on  fair  and  equal  terms,  regarding  it  alike  dishonor- 
able either  to  demand  what  is  not  right  or  submit  to  what  is  wrong. 


528 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


12.  For  the  promotion  and  success  of  these  vital  principles  and  the 
support  of  the  candidates  nominated  by  this  convention,  we  invite 
and  cordially  welcome  the  co-operation  of  all  patriotic  citizens,  with- 
out regard  to  previous  political  afiiliations. 


1872.— DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM, 

Baltimore,  July  9. 

We,  the  Democratic  electors  of  the  United  States,  in  convention 
assembled,  do  present  the  following  principles,  already  adopted  at 
Cincinnati,  as  essential  to  just  government: 

[Here  followed  the  ‘‘Liberal  Republican  platform”  which  see 
above.] 


1872.— REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 

Philadelphia,  June  6. 

The  Republican  party  of  the  United  States,  assembled  in  national 
convention  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  on  the  5th  and  6th  days  of 
June,  1872,  again  declares  its  faith,  appeals  to  its  history,  and  an- 
nounces its  position  upon  the  questions  before  the  country: 

1.  During  eleven  years  of  supremacy  it  has  accepted,  with  grand 
courage,  the  solemn  duties  of  the  time.  It  suppressed  a gigantic 
rebellion;  emancipated  four  millions  of  slaves,  decreed  the  equal  cit- 
izenship of  all,  and  established  universal  suffrage.  Exhibiting  unpar- 
alleled magnanimity,  it  criminally  punished  no  man  for  political 
offenses,  and  warmly  welcomed  all  who  proved  their  loyalty  by  obey- 
ing the  laws  and  dealing  justly  with  their  neighbors.  It  has  steadily 
decreased,  with  firm  hand,  the  resultant  disorders  of  a great  war,  and 
initiated  a wise  and  humane  policy  toward  the  Indians.  The  Pacific 
railroad  and  similar  vast  enterprises  have  been  generously  aided  and 
successfully  conducted,  the  public  lands  freely  given  to  actual  set- 
tlers, immigration  protected  and  encouraged,  and  a full  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  naturalized  citizen's  rights  secured  from  European  powers. 
A uniform  national  currency  has  been  provided,  repudiation  frowned 
down,  the  national  credit  sustained  under  the  most  extraordinary  bm*- 
dens,  and  new  bonds  negotiated  at  lower  rates.  The  revenues  have 
been  carefully  collected  and  honestly  applied.  Despite  annual  large 
reductions  of  the  rates  of  taxation,  the  public  debt  has  been  reduced 
during  General  Grant's  presidency  at  the  rate  of  a hundred  millions  a 


REPUBLICAN  AND  DEMOCRATIC  PLATEORM8.  629i 


year;  great  financial  crises  have  been  avoided,  and  peace  and  plenty 
prevail  throughout  the  land.  Menacing  foreign  difficulties  have  been 
peacefully  and  honorably  compromised,  and  the  honor  and  power  of 
the  nation  kept  in  high  respect  throughout  the  world.  This  glorious 
record  of  the  past  is  the  party’s  best  pledge  for  the  future.  We 
believe  the  people  will  not  intrust  the  government  to  any  party  or 
combination  of  men  composed  chiefly  of  those  who  have  resisted 
every  step  of  this  beneficent  progress. 

2.  The  recent  amendments  to  the  national  constitution  should  be 
cordially  sustained  because  they  are  right,  not  merely  tolerated  because 
they  are  law,  and  should  be  carried  out  according  to  their  spirit  by 
appropriate  legislation,  the  enforcement  of  which  can  safely  be  in- 
trusted only  to  the  party  that  secured  those  amendments. 

3.  Complete  liberty  and  exact  equality  in  the  enjoyment  of  all 
civil,  political,  and  public  rights  should  be  established  and  effectually 
maintained  throughout  the  Union  by  efficient  and  appropriate  state 
and  federal  legislation.  Neither  the  law  nor  its  administration  should 
admit  any  discrimination  in  respect  to  citizens  by  reason  of  race, 
creed,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servitude. 

4.  The  national  government  should  seek  to  maintain  honorable 
peace  with  all  nations,  protecting  its  citizens  everywhere,  and  sympa- 
thizing with  all  peoples  who  strive  for  greater  libert3^ 

5.  Any  system  of  civil  service  under  which  the  subordinate  posi- 
tions of  the  government  are  considered  rewards  for  mere  party  zeal  is 
fatally  demoralizing;  and  we,  therefore  favor  a reform  of  the  system, 
by  laws  which  shall  abolish  the  evils  of  patronage,  and  make  honesty, 
efficiency  and  fidelity  the  essential  qualifications  for  public  positions, 
without  practically  creating  a life  tenure  of  office. 

6.  We  are  opposed  to  futher  grants  of  the  public  lands  to  corpora- 
tions and  monopolies,  and  demand  that  the  national  domain  be  set 
apart  for  free  homes  for  the  people. 

7.  The  annual  revenue,  after  paying  current  expenditures,  pen- 
sions, and  the  interest  on  the  public  debt,  should  furnish  a moderate 
balance  for  the  reduction  of  the  principal;  and  that  revenue,  except 
so  much  as  may  be  derived  from  a tax  upon  tobacco  and  liquors, 
should  be  raised  by  duties  upon  importations,  the  details  of  which 
should  be  so  adjusted  as  to  aid  in  securing  remunerative  wages  to 
labor,  and  promote  the  industries,  prosperity  and  growth  of  the 
whole  country. 

8.  We  hold  in  undying  honor  the  soldiers  and  sailors  whose  valor 
saved  the  Union.  Their  pensions  are  a sacred  debt  of  the  nation,  and 
the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  died  for  their  country  are 

84 


530 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


entitled  to  the  care  of  a generous  and  grateful  people.  We  favor  such 
additional  legislation  as  will  extend  the  bounty  of  the  government  to 
all  our  soldiers  and  sailors  who  were  honorably  discharged,  and  who 
in  the  line  of  duty  became  disabled,  without  regard  to  the  length  of 
service  or  the  cause  of  such  discharge. 

9.  The  doctrine  of  Great  Britain  and  other  European  powers  con- 
cerning allegiance — “once  a subject  always  a subject” — having  at 
last,  through  the  efforts  of  the  Republican  party,  been  abandoned, 
and  the  American  idea  of  the  individual's  right  to  transfer  allegiance 
having  been  accepted  by  European  nations,  it  is  the  duty  of  our  gov- 
ernment to  guard  with  jealous  care  the  rights  of  adopted  citizens 
against  the  assumption  of  unauthorized  claims  by  their  former  gov- 
ernments, and  we  urge  continued  careful  encouragement  and  protec- 
tion of  voluntary  immigration. 

10.  The  franking  privilege  ought  to  be  abolished,  and  a way  pre- 
pared for  a speedy  reduction  in  the  rates  of  postage. 

11.  Among  the  questions  which  press  for  attention  is  that  which 
concerns  the  relations  of  capital  and  labor;  and  the  Republican  party 
recognizes  the  duty  of  so  shaping  legislation  as  to  secure  full  protec- 
tion and  the  amplest  field  for  capital,  and  for  labor,  the  creator  of 
capital,  the  largest  opportunities  and  a just  share  of  the  mutual  profits 
of  these  two  great  servants  of  civilization. 

12.  We  hold  that  Congress  and  the  President  have  only  fulfilled 
an  imperative  duty  in  their  measures  for  the  suppression  of  violence 
and  treasonable  organizations  in  certain  lately  rebellious  regions,  and 
for  the  protection  of  the  ballot-box;  and,  therefore,  they  are  entitled 
to  the  thanks  of  the  nation. 

13.  We  denounce  repudiation  of  the  public  debt,  in  any  form  or 
disguise,  as  a national  crime.  We  witness  with  pride  the  reduction 
of  the  principal  of  the  debt,  and  of  the  rates  of  interest  upon  the  bal- 
ance, and  confidently  expect  that  our  excellent  national  currency  will 
be  perfected  by  a speedy  resumption  of  specie  payment. 

14.  The  Republican  party  is  mindful  of  its  obligations  to  the  loyal 
women  of  America  for  their  noble  devotion  to  the  cause  of  freedom. 
Their  admission  to  wider  fields  of  usefulness  is  viewed  with  satisf ac- 
tion; and  the  honest  demand  of  any  class  of  citizens  for  additional 
rights  should  be  treated  with  respectful  consideration. 

15.  We  heartily  approve  the  action  of  Congress  in  extending 
amnesty  to  those  lately  in  rebellion,  and  rejoice  in  the  growth  of 
peace  and  fraternal  feeling  throughout  the  land. 

16.  The  Republican  party  proposes  to  respect  the  rights  reserved 
by  the  people  to  themselves  as  carefully  as  the  powers  delegated  by 


REPUBLICAN  AND  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS. 


531 


them  to  the  states  and  to  the  federal  government.  It  disapproves  of 
the  resort  to  unconstitutional  laws  for  the  purpose  of  removing  evils, 
by  interference  with  rights  not  surrendered  by  the  people  to  either 
the  state  or  national  government. 

17.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  general  government  to  adopt  such  meas- 
ures as  may  tend  to  encourage  and  restore  American  commerce  and 
ship-building. 

18.  We  believe  that  the  modest  patriotism,  the  earnest  purpose, 
the  sound  judgment,  the  practical  wisdom,  the  incorruptible  integrity, 
and  the  illustrious  services  of  Ulysses  S.  Grant  have  commended  him 
to  the  heart  of  the  American  people;  and  with  him  at  our  head  we 
start  to-day  upon  a new  march  to  victory. 

19.  Henry  Wilson,  nominated  for  the  vice-presidency,  known  to 
the  whole  land  from  the  early  days  of  the  great  struggle  for  liberty 
as  an  indefatigable  laborer  in  all  campaigns,  an  incorruptible  legisla- 
tor and  representative  man  of  American  institutions,  is  worthy  to 
associate  with  our  great  leader  and  share  the  honors  which  we  pledge 
our  best  efforts  to  bestow  upon  them. 


1872.— DEMOCRATIC  (STRAIGHT-OUT)  PLATFORM, 
Louismlle,  Ky.,  September  3. 

Whereas,  A frequent  recurrence  to  first  principles,  and  eternal 
vigilance  against  abuses,  are  the  wisest  provisions  for  liberty,  which 
is  the  source  of  progress  and  fidelity  to  our  constitutional  system  and 
the  only  protection  for  either;  therefore, 

Resolved^  That  the  original  basis  of  our  whole  political  structure 
is  consent  in  every  part  thereof.  The  people  of  each  state  voluntarily 
created  their  state,  and  the  states  voluntarily  formed  the  Union;  and 
each  state  provided  by  its  written  Constitution  for  everything  a state 
could  do  for  the  protection  of  life,  liberty,  and  property  within  it; 
and  each  state,  jointly  with  the  others,  provided  a federal  Union  for 
foreign  and  inter-state  relations. 

Resohed,  That  all  governmental  powers,  whether  state  or  federal, 
are  trust  powers,  coming  from  the  people  of  each  state,  and  that  they 
are  limited  to  the  written  letter  of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  passed 
in  pursuance  of  it,  which  powers  must  be  exercised  in  the  utmost 
good  faith,  the  Constitution  itself  stating  in  what  manner  they  may 
be  altered  and  amended. 

Resolved,  That  the  interests  of  labor  and  capital  should  not  be 
permitted  to  conflict,  but  should  be  harmonized  by  judicious  legisla- 


532 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


tion.  While  such  a conflict  continues,  labor,  which  is  the  parent  of 
wealth,  is  entitled  to  paramount  consideration. 

BesoUed,  That  we  proclaim  to  the  world  that  principle  is  to  be 
preferred  to  power;  that  the  Democratic  party  is  held  together  by  the 
cohesion  of  time-honored  principles,  which  they  will  never  surrender 
in  exchange  for  all  the  offices  which  Presidents  can  confer.  The 
pangs  of  the  minorities  are  doubtless  excruciating;  but  we  welcome 
an  eternal  minority,  under  the  banner  inscribed  with  our  principles, 
rather  than  an  almighty  and  everlasting  majority  purchased  by  their 
abandonment. 

Besohed,  That,  having  been  betrayed  at  Baltimore  into  a false 
creed  and  a false  leadership  by  the  convention,  we  repudiate  both,  and 
appeal  to  the  people  to  approve  our  platform,  and  to  rally  to  the  polls, 
and  support  the  true  platform  and  the  candidates  who  embody  it. 


1876.— INDEPENDENT  (GREENBACK)  PLATFORM, 
Indianapolis,  Ind.,  May  17, 

The  Independent  party  is  called  into  existence  by  the  necessities  of 
the  people,  whose  industries  are  prostrated,  whose  labor  is  deprived  of 
its  just  reward  by  a ruinous  policy  which  the  Republican  and  Demo- 
cratic parties  refuse  to  change;  and,  in  view  of  the  failure  of  these 
parties  to  furnish  relief  to  the  depressed  industries  of  the  country, 
thereby  disappointing  the  just  hopes  and  expectations  of  the  suffering 
people,  we  declare  our  principles,  and  invite  all  independent  and 
patriotic  men  to  join  our  ranks  in  this  movement  for  financial  reform 
and  industrial  emancipation. 

1.  We  demand  the  immediate  and  unconditional  repeal  of  the 
specie  resumption  act  of  January  14,  1875,  and  the  rescue  of  our 
industries  from  ruin  and  disaster  resulting  from  its  enforcement;  and 
we  call  upon  all  patriotic  men  to  organize  in  every  congressional  district 
of  the  country,  with  a view  of  electing  representatives  to  Congress 
who  will  carry  out  the  wishes  of  the  people  in  this  regard  and  stop  the 
present  suicidal  and  destructive  policy  of  contraction. 

2.  We  believe  that  a United  States  note,  issued  directly  by  the 
government,  and  convertible,  on  demand,  into  United  States  obli- 
gations, bearing  a rate  of  interest  not  exceeding  one  cent  a day  on 
each  one  hundred  dollars,  and  exchangeable  for  United  States  notes 
at  par,  will  afford  the  best  circulating  medium  ever  devised.  Such 
United  States  notes  should  be  full  legal  tenders  for  all  purposes, 
except  for  the  payment  of  such  obligations  as  are,  by  existing  con- 


REPUBLIOAK  AND  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS.  533 


tracts,  especially  made  payable  in  coin;  and  we  hold  that  it  is  the 
duty  of  the  government  to  provide  such  a circulating  medium,  and 
insist,  in  the  language  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  that  “hank  paper  must 
be  suppressed,  and  the  circulation  restored  to  the  nation,  to  whom  it 
belongs.” 

3.  It  is  the  paramount  duty  of  the  government,  in  all  its  legisla- 
tion, to  keep  in  view  the  full  development  of  all  legitimate  business, 
agricultural,  mining,  manufacturing  and  commercial. 

4.  We  most  earnestly  protest  against  any  further  issue  of  gold 
bonds  for  sale  in  foreign  markets,  by  which  we  would  be  made,  for  a 
long  period,  “hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water”  to  foreigners, 
especially  as  the  American  people  would  gladly  and  promptly  take  at 
par  all  bonds  the  government  may  need  to  sell,  provided  they  are 
made  payable  at  the  option  of  the  holder,  and  bearing  interest  at  3.65 
per  cent  per  annum,  or  even  a lower  rate. 

6.  We  further  protest  against  the  sale  of  government  bonds  for 
the  purpose  of  purchasing  silver  to  be  used  as  a substitute  for  our 
more  convenient  and  less  fluctuating  fractional  currency,  which, 
although  well  calculated  to  enrich  owners  of  silver  mines,  yet  in 
operation  it  will  still  further  oppress,  in  taxation,  an  already  over- 
burdened people. 


1876.— REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM, 

Cincinnati^  Ohio,  June  IJ/,. 

When,  in  the  economy  of  Providence,  this  land  was  to  be  purged 
of  human  slavery,  and  when  the  strength  of  the  government  of  the 
people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people,  was  to  be  demonstrated,  the 
Republican  party  came  into  power.  Its  deeds  have  passed  into  his- 
tory, and  we  look  back  to  them  with  pride.  Incited  by  their  memo- 
ries to  high  aims  for  the  good  of  our  country  and  mankind,  and 
looking  to  the  future  with  unfaltering  courage,  hope  and  purpose,  we, 
the  representatives  of  the  party,  in  national  convention  assembled, 
make  the  following  declaration  of  principles: 

1.  The  United  States  of  America  is  a Nation,  not  a league.  By 
the  combined  workings  of  the  national  and  state  governments,  under 
their  respective  constitutions,  the  rights  of  every  citizen  are  secured, 
at  home  and  abroad,  and  the  common  welfare  promoted. 

2.  The  Republican  party  has  preserved  these  governments  to  the 
hundredth  anniversary  of  the  nation’s  birth,  and  they  are  now  embod- 
iments of  the  great  truths  spoken  at  its  cradle — ‘ ‘ That  all  men  are 
created  equal;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain 


534 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


inalienable  rights,  among  which  are  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness;  that  for  the  attainment  of  these  ends  governments  have 
been  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  con- 
sent of  the  governed/'  Until  these  truths  are  cheerfully  obeyed,  or, 
if  need  be,  vigorously  enforced,  the  work  of  the  Kepublican  party  is 
unfinished. 

3.  The  permanent  pacification  of  the  southern  section  of  the 
Union,  and  the  complete  protection  of  all  its  citizens  in  the  free 
enjoyment  of  all  their  rights,  is  a duty  to  which  the  Kepublican 
party  stands  sacredly  pledged.  The  power  to  provide  for  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  principles  embodied  in  the  recent  constitutional  amend- 
ments is  vested,  by  those  amendments,  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States;  and  we  declare  it  to  be  the  solemn  obligation  of  the  legislative 
and  executive  departments  of  the  government  to  put  into  immediate 
and  vigorous  exercise  all  their  constitutional  powers  for  removing  any 
just  causes  of  discontent  on  the  part  of  any  class,  and  for  securing  to 
every  American  citizen  complete  liberty  and  exact  equality  in  the 
exercise  of  all  civil,  political  and  public  rights.  To  this  end  we 
imperatively  demand  a Congress  and  a Chief  Executive  whose  cour- 
age and  fidelity  to  these  duties  shall  not  falter  until  these  results  are 
placed  beyond  dispute  or  recall. 

4.  In  the  first  act  of  Congress  signed  by  President  Grant,  the 
national  government  assumed  to  remove  any  doubt  of  its  purpose  to 
discharge  all  just  obligations  to  the  public  creditors,  and  ‘'solemnly 
pledged  its  faith  to  make  provision  at  the  earliest  practicable  period 
for  the  redemption  of  the  United  States  notes  in  coin."  Commercial 
prosperity,  public  morals  and  national  credit  demand  that  this  prom- 
ise be  fulfilled  by  a continuous  and  steady  progress  to  specie  payment. 

5.  Under  the  Constitution,  the  President  and  heads  of  departments 
are  to  make  nominations  for  office,  the  Senate  is  to  advise  and  con- 
sent to  appointments,  and  the  House  of  Representatives  is  to  accuse 
and  prosecute  faithless  officers.  The  best  interest  of  the  public  serv- 
ice demands  that  these  distinctions  be  respected;  that  senators  and 
representatives  who  may  be  judges  and  accusers  should  not  dictate 
appointments  to  office.  The  invariable  rule  in  appointments  should 
have  reference  to  the  honesty,  fidelity  and  capacity  of  the  appointees, 
giving  to  the  party  in  power  those  places  where  hannony  and  vigor 
of  administration  require  its  policy  to  be  represented,  but  permitting 
all  others  to  be  filled  by  persons  selected  with  sole  reference  to  the 
efficiency  of  the  public  service,  and  the  right  of  all  citizens  to  share 
in  the  honor  of  rendering  faithful  service  to  the  country. 

6.  We  rejoice  in  the  quickened  conscience  of  the  people  concern- 


REPFBLICAi^:  AND  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS.  535 


ing  political  affairs,  and  will  hold  all  public  officers  to  a rigid  respon- 
sibility, and  engage  that  the  prosecution  and  punishment  of  all  who 
betray  official  trusts  shall  be  swift,  thorough  and  unsparing. 

7.  The  public  school  system  of  the  several  states  is  the  bulwark  of 
the  American  Republic;  and,  with  a view  to  its  security  and  permar 
nence,  we  recommend  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  forbidding  the  application  of  any  public  funds  or 
property  for  the  benefit  of  any  schools  or  institutions  under  sectarian 
control. 

8.  The  revenue  necessary  for  current  expenditures,  and  the  obli- 
gations of  the  public  debt,  must  be  largely  derived  from  duties  upon 
importations  which,  so  far  as  possible,  should  be  adjusted  to  promote 
the  interests  of  American  labor  and  advance  the  prosperity  of  the 
whole  country. 

9.  We  reaffirm  our  opposition  to  further  grants  of  the  public 
lands  to  corporations  and  monopolies,  and  demand  that  the  national 
domain  be  devoted  to  free  homes  for  the  people. 

10.  It  is  the  imperative  duty  of  the  government  so  to  modify 
existing  treaties  with  European  governments,  that  the  same  protec- 
tion shall  be  afforded  to  the  adopted  American  citizen  that  is  given  to 
the  native-born;  and  that  all  necessary  laws  should  be  passed  to  pro- 
tect emigrants  in  the  absence  of  power  in  the  States  for  tha^  purpose. 

11.  It  is  the  immediate  duty  of  Congress  to  fully  investigate  the 
effect  of  the  immigration  and  importation  of  Mongolians  upon  the 
moral  and  material  interests  of  the  country. 

12.  The  Republican  party  recognizes,  with  approval,  the  sub- 
stantial advances  recently  made  toward  the  establishment  of  equal 
rights  for  women  by  the  many  important  amendments  effected  by 
Republican  Legislatures  in  the  laws  which  concern  the  personal  and 
property  relations  of  wives,  mothers,  and  widows,  and  by  the  ap- 
pointment and  election  of  women  to  the  superintendence  of  educa- 
tion, charities,  and  other  public  trusts.  The  honest  demands  of  this 
class  of  citizens  for  additional  rights,  privileges,  and  immunities, 
should  be  treated  with  respectful  consideration. 

13.  The  Constitution  confers  upon  Congress  sovereign  power 
over  the  territories  of  the  United  States  for  their  government;  and  in 
the  exercise  of  this  power  it  is  the  right  and  duty  of  Congress  to  pro- 
hibit and  extirpate,  in  the  territories,  that  relic  of  barbarism — polyg- 
amy; and  we  demand  such  legislation  as  shall  secure  this  end  and 
the  supremacy  of  American  institutions  in  all  the  territories. 

14.  The  pledges  which  the  nation  has  given  to  her  soldiers  and 
sailors  must  be  fulfilled,  and  a grateful  people  will  always  hold  those 


i36 


?©LITIGAL  STATISTIG«. 


who  imperiled  their  lives  for  the  country’s  preservation  in  the  kindest 
remembrance. 

15.  We  sincerely  deprecate  all  sectional  feeling  and  tendencies. 
We,  therefore,  note  with  deep  solicitude  that  the  Democratic  party 
counts,  as  its  chief  hope  of  success,  upon  the  electoral  vote  of  a united 
south,  secured  through  the  efforts  of  those  who  were  but  recently 
arrayed  against  the  nation;  and  -we  invoke  the  earnest  attention  of 
the  country  to  the  grave  truth  that  a success  thus  achieved  would 
reopen  sectional  strife,  and  imperil  national  honor  and  human  rights. 

16.  We  charge  the  Democratic  party  with  being  the  same  in 
character  and  spirit  as  when  it  sympathized  with  treason;  with  mak- 
ing its  control  of  the  House  of  Kepresentatives  the  triumph  and 
opportunity  of  the  Nation’s  recent  foes;  with  reasserting  and  applaud- 
ing, in  the  national  capitol,  the  sentiments  of  unrepentent  rebellion; 
with  sending  Union  soldiers  to  the  rear,  and  promoting  Confederate 
soldiers  to  the  front;  with  deliberately  proposing  to  repudiate  the 
plighted  faith  of  the  government ; with  being  equally  false  and 
imbecile  upon  the  overshadowing  financial  questions;  with  thwarting 
the  ends  of  justice  by  its  partisan  mismanagement  and  obstruction 
of  investigation;  with  proving  itself,  through  the  period  of  its  ascend- 
ency in  the  Lower  House  of  Congress,  utterly  incompetent  to  admin- 
ister the  government;  and  we  warn  the  country  against  trusting  a 
party  thus  alike  unworthy,  recreant,  and  incapable. 

17.  The  national  administration  merits  commendation  for  its  hon- 
orable work  in  the  management  of  domestic  and  foreign  affairs,  and 
President  Grant  deserves  the  continued  hearty  gratitude  of  the 
American  people  for  his  patriotism  and  his  eminent  services  in  war 
and  in  peace. 

18.  We  present,  as  our  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  two  distinguished  statesmen,  of  eminent 
ability  rind  character,  and  conspicuously  fitted  for  those  high  offices, 
and  we  confidently  appeal  to  the  American  people  to  entrust  the 
administration  of  their  public  affairs  to  Kutherford  B.  Hayes  and 
William  A.  Wheeler. 


1876.~-DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM, 

St.  Louis,  Mo.,  June  27. 

We,  the  delegates  of  the  Democratic  party  of  the  United  States, 
in  national  convention  assembled,  do  hereby  declare  the  administra- 
tion of  the  federal  government  to  be  in  urgent  need  of  immediate 
reform;  do  hereby  enjoin  upon  the  nominees  of  this  convention,  and 


RBPUBLICAJS^  AJS'D  DEMOCRATIC  PLATEORMS. 


537 


of  the  Democratic  party  in  each  State,  a zealous  effort  and  co-opera- 
tion to  this  end;  and  do  hereby  appeal  to  our  fellow-citizens  of  every 
former  political  connection  to  undertake,  with  us,  this  first  and  most 
pressing  patriotic  duty. 

For  the  Democracy  of  the  whole  country,  we  do  here  reaffirm  our 
faith  in  the  permanence  of  the  federal  Union,  our  devotion  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  with  its  amendments  universally 
accepted  as  a final  settlement  of  the  controversies  that  engendered 
civil  war,  and  do  here  record  our  steadfast  confidence  in  the  perpe- 
tuity of  Republican  self  government. 

In  absolute  acquiescence  in  the  will  of  the  majority — the  vital 
principle  of  republics;  in  the  supremacy  of  the  civil  over  the  military 
authority;  in  the  total  separation  of  church  and  state,  for  the  sake 
alike  of  civil  and  religious  freedom;  in  the  equality  of  all  citizens 
before  just  laws  of  their  own  enactment;  in  the  liberty  of  individual 
conduct,  un vexed  by  sumptuary  laws;  in  the  faithful  education  of 
the  rising  generation,  that  they  may  preserve,  enjoy,  and  transmit 
these  best  conditions  of  human  happiness  and  hope — we  behold  the 
noblest  product  of  a hundred  years  of  changeful  history;  but  while 
upholding  the  bond  of  our  Union  and  great  charter  of  these  our 
rights,  it  behooves  a free  people  to  practice  also  that  eternal  vigilance 
which  is  the  price  of  liberty. 

Reform  is  necessary  to  rebuild  and  establish  in  the  hearts  of  the 
whole  people  the  Union,  eleven  years  ago  happily  rescued  from  the 
danger  of  a secession  of  states,  but  now  to  be  saved  from  a corrupt 
centralism  which,  after  inflicting  upon  ten  states  the  rapacity  of  carpet- 
bag tyranny,  has  honey-combed  the  offices  of  the  federal  government 
itself  with  incapacity,  waste,  and  fraud;  infected  states  and  munici- 
palities with  the  contagion  of  misrule;  and  locked  fast  the  prosperity 
of  an  industrious  people  in  the  paralysis  of  ‘‘hard  times.” 

Reform  is  necessary  to  establish  a sound  currency,  restore  the  pub- 
lic credit,  and  maintain  the  national  honor. 

We  denounce  the  failure,  for  all  these  eleven  3^ears  of  peace,  to 
make  good  the  promise  of  the  legal-tender  notes,,  which  are  a chang- 
ing standard  of  value  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  and  the  non-pa}Tnent 
of  which  is  a disregard  of  the  plighted  faith  of  the  nation. 

We  denounce  the  improvidence  which,  in  eleven  years  of  peace, 
has  taken  from  the  people,  in  federal  taxes,  thirteen  times  the  whole 
amount  of  the  legal-tender  notes,  and  squandered  four  times  their  sum 
in  useless  expense  without  accumulating  any  reserve  for  their  redemp- 
tion. 

We  denounce  the  financial  imbecility  and  immorality  of  that  party 


538 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


which,  during  eleven  years  of  peace,  has  made  n©  advance  toward  re- 
sumption, no  preparation  for  resumption,  but,  instead,  has  obstructed 
resumption,  by  wasting  our  resources  and  exhausting  all  our  surplus 
income;  and,  while  annually  professing  to  intend  a speedy  return  to 
specie  payments,  has  annually  enacted  fresh  hindrances  thereto.  Am 
such  hindrance  we  denounce  the  resumption  clause  of  1875,  and  w© 
here  demand  its  repeal. 

We  demand  a judicious  system  of  preparation,  by  public  econo- 
mies, by  official  retrenchments,  and  by  wise  finance,  which  shall  ena- 
ble the  nation  soon  to  assure  the  whole  world  of  its  perfect  ability  and 
of  its  perfect  readiness  to  meet  any  of  its  promises  at  the  call  of  the 
creditor  entitled  to  payment.  We  believe  such  a system,  well  devised, 
and,  above  all,  intrusted  to  competent  hands  for  execution,  creating, 
at  no  time,  an  artificial  scarcity  of  currency,  and  at  no  time  alarming 
the  public  mind  into  a withdrawal  of  that  vaster  machinery  of  credit 
by  which  ninety-five  per  cent  of  all  business  transactions  are  per- 
formed. A system  open,  public,  and  inspiring  general  confidence, 
would,  from  the  day  of  its  adoption,  bring  healing  on  its  wings  to  all 
our  harassed  industries — set  in  motion  the  wheels  of  commerce,  man- 
ufactures, and  the  mechanic  arts — restore  employment  to  labor — and 
renew,  in  all  its  natural  sources,  the  prosperity  of  the  people. 

Eeform  is  necessary  in  the  sum  and  modes  of  federal  taxation,  to 
the  end  that  capital  may  be  set  free  from  distrust  and  labor  lightly 
burdened. 

We  denounce  the  present  tariff,  levied  upon  nearly  four  thousand 
articles,  as  a masterpiece  of  injustice,  inequality,  and  false  pretense. 
It  yields  a dwindling,  not  a yearly  rising,  revenue.  It  has  impover- 
ished many  industries  to  subsidize  a few.  It  prohibits  imports  that 
might  purchase  the  products  of  American  labor.  It  has  degraded 
American  commerce  from  the  first  to  an  inferior  rank  on  the  high 
seas.  It  has  cut  down  the  sales  of  American  manufactures  at  home 
and  abroad,  and  depleted  the  returns  of  American  agriculture — an 
industry  followed  by  half  our  people.  It  costs  the  people  five  times 
more  than  it  produces  to  the  treasury,  obstructs  the  processes  of  pro- 
duction, and  wastes  the  fruits  of  labor.  It  promotes  fraud,  fosters 
smuggling,  enriches  dishonest  officials,  and  bankrupts  honest  mer- 
chants. We  demand  that  all  custom-house  taxation  shall  be  only  for 
revenue. 

Eeform  is  necessary  in  the  scale  of  public  expense — federal,  state, 
and  municipal.  Our  federal  taxation  has  swollen  from  sixty  millions 
gold,  in  1860,  to  four  hundred  and  fifty  millions  currency,  in  1870; 
our  aggregate  taxation  from  one  hundred  and  fifty-four  millions  gold, 


KEPUBLIOA^N"  AND  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS.  539 


in  1860,  to  seven  hundred  and  thirty  millions  currency,  in  1870 — or, 
in  one  decade,  from  less  than  five  dollars  per  head  to  more  than  eight- 
een dollars  per  head.  Since  the  peace,  the  people  have  paid  to  their 
tax-gatherers  more  than  thrice  the  sum  of  the  national  debt,  and  more 
than  twice  that  sum  for  the  federal  government  alone.  We  demand 
a rigorous  frugality  in  every  department  and  from  every  officer  of  the 
government. 

Reform  is  necessary  to  put  a stop  to  the  profligate  waste  of  public 
lands,  and  their  diversion  from  actual  settlers,  by  the  party  in  power, 
which  has  squandered  two  hundred  millions  of  acres  upon  railroads 
alone,  and,  out  of  more  than  thrice  that  aggregate,  has  disposed  of  less 
than  a sixth  directly  to  tillers  of  the  soil. 

Reform  is  necessary  to  correct  the  omission  of  a Republican  Con- 
gress, and  the  errors  of  our  treaties  and  our  diplomacy  which  have 
stripped  our  fellow-citizens  of  foreign  birth  and  kindred  race,  recross- 
ing the  Atlantic,  of  the  shield  of  American  citizenship,  and  have  ex- 
posed our  brethren  on  the  Pacific  coast  to  the  incursions  of  a race  not 
sprung  from  the  same  great  parent  stock,  and  in  fact  now,  by  law, 
denied  citizenship  through  naturalization,  as  being  neither  accustomed 
to  the  traditions  of  a progressive  civilization  nor  exercised  in  liberty 
under  equal  laws.  We  denounce  the  policy  which  thus  discards  the 
liberty -loving  German  and  tolerates  a revival  of  the  coolie  trade  in 
Mongolian  women,  imported  for  immoral  purposes,  and  Mongolian 
men,  held  to  perform  servile  labor  contracts,  and  demand  such  modi- 
fication of  the  treaty  with  the  Chinese  empire,  or  such  legislation 
within  constitutional  limitations,  as  shall  prevent  further  importation 
or  immigration  of  the  Mongolian  race. 

Reform  is  necessary,  and  can  never  be  effected  but  by  making  it 
the  controlling  issue  of  the  elections,  and  lifting  it  above  the  two  false 
issues  with  which  the  office-holding  class  and  the  party  in  power  seek 
to  smother  it: 

1.  The  false  issue  with  which  they  would  enkindle  sectarian  strife 
in  respect  to  the  public  schools,  of  which  the  establishment  and  sup- 
port belongs  exclusively  to  the  several  States,  and  which  the  Demo- 
cratic party  has  cherished  from  their  foundation,  and  is  resolved  to 
maintain,  without  prejudice  or  preference  for  any  class,  sect,  or 
creed,  and  without  largesses  from  the  treasury  to  any. 

2.  The  false  issue  by  which  they  seek  to  light  anew  the  dying 
embers  of  sectional  hate  between  kindred  peoples  once  estranged,  but 
now  reunited  in  one  indivisible  republic  and  a common  destiny. 

Reform  is  necessary  in  the  civil  service.  Experience  proves  that 
efficient,  economical  conduct  of  the  governmental  business  is  not  po«- 


540 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


sibie  if  its  civil  service  be  subject  to  change  at  every  election,  be  a 
prize  fought  for  at  the  ballot-box,  be  a brief  reward  of  party  zeal, 
instead  of  posts  of  honor  assigned  for  proved  competency,  and  held 
for  fidelity  in  the  public  employ;  that  the  dispensing  of  patronage 
should  neither  be  a tax  upon  the  time  of  all  our  public  men,  nor  the 
instrument  of  their  ambition.  Here,  again,  promises,  falsified  in  the 
performance,  attest  that  the  party  in  power  can  work  out  no  practical 
or  salutary  reform. 

Eeform  is  necessary,  even  more,  in  the  higher  grades  of  the  public 
service.  President,  vice-president,  judges,  senators,  representatives, 
cabinet  officers — these,  and  all  others  in  authority — are  the  people’s 
servants.  Their  offices  are  not  a private  perquisite;  they  are  a public 
trust.  V/hen  the  annals  of  this  republic  show  the  disgrace  and  cen- 
sure of  a Vice-President;  a late  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives marketing  his  rulings  as  a presiding  officer;  three  senators 
profiting  secretly  by  their  votes  as  law-makers;  five  chairmen  of  the 
leading  committees  of  the  late  House  of  Representatives  exposed  in 
jobbery;  a late  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  forcing  balances  in  the 
public  accounts;  a late  Attorney-General  misappropriating  public 
funds;  a Secretary  of  the  Navy  enriched,  or  enriching  friends,  by 
percentages  levied  off  the  profits  of  contractors  with  his  department; 
an  ambassador  to  England  concerned  in  a dishonorable  speculation; 
the  President’s  private  secretary  barely  escaping  conviction  upon  trial 
for  guilty  complicity  in  frauds  upon  the  revenue;  a Secretary  of  War 
impeached  for  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors — the  demonstration  is 
complete,  that  the  first  step  in  reform  must  be  the  people’s  choice  of 
honest  men  from  another  party,  lest  the  disease  of  one  political  organ- 
ization infect  the  body  politic,  and  lest  by  making  no  change  of  men 
or  parties  we  get  no  change  of  measures  and  no  real  reform. 

All  these  abuses,  wrongs  and  crimes — the  product  of  sixteen  years’ 
ascendency  of  the  Republican  party — create  a necessity  for  reform, 
confessed  by  the  Republicans  themselves;  but  their  reformers  are 
voted  down  in  convention  and  displaced  from  the  cabinet.  The 
party’s  mass  of  honest  voters  is  powerless  to  resist  the  eighty  thousand 
office-holders,  its  leaders  and  guides. 

Reform  can  only  be  had  by  a peaceful  civic  revolution.  We 
demand  a change  of  system,  a change  of  administration,  a change  of 
parties,  that  we  may  have  a change  of  measures  and  of  men. 

Besolvedy  That  this  convention,  representing  the  Democratic  party 
of  the  United  States,  do  cordially  indorse  the  action  of  the  present 
House  of  Representatives,  in  reducing  and  curtailing  the  expenses  of 
the  Federal  Government,  in  cutting  down  salaries  and  extravagant 


EEPUBLICAN  AKD  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS.  541 


appropriations,  and  in  abolishing  useless  offices  and  places  not  required 
by  the  public  necessities;  and  we  shall  trust  to  the  finnness  of  the 
Democratic  members  of  the  House  that  no  committee  of  conference 
and  no  misinterpretation  of  the  rules  will  be  allowed  to  defeat  these 
wholesome  measures  of  economy  demanded  by  the  country. 

Resolved , That  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  republic,  and  the 
widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  have  fallen  in  battle,  have  a just 
claim  upon  the  care,  protection  and  gratitude  of  their  fellow-citizens. 


1878.— HATIOISTAL  PLATFORM, 

Toledo,  Ohio,  February  22. 

Whereas,  Throughout  our  entire  country  the  value  of  real  estate 
is  depreciated,  industry  paralyzed,  trade  depressed,  business  incomes 
and  wages  reduced,  unparalleled  distress  inflicted  upon  the  poorer  and 
middle  ranks  of  our  people,  the  land  filled  with  fraud,  embezzlement, 
bankruptcy,  crime,  suffering,  pauperism  and  starvation;  and 

Whereas,  This  state  of  things  has  been  brought  about  by  legis- 
lation in  the  interest  of,  and  dictated  by,  money-lenders,  bankers  and 
bondholders;  and. 

Whereas,  While  we  recognize  the  fact  that  the  men  in  Congi-ess 
connected  with  the  old  political  parties  have  stood  up  manfully  for 
the  rights  of  the  people,  and  met  the  threats  of  the  money  power,  and 
the  ridicule  of  an  ignorant  and  subsidized  press,  yet  neither  the  Repub 
lican  nor  the  Democratic  party,  in  their  policies,  propose  remedies  for 
the  existing  evils;  and 

Whereas,  The  Independent  Greenback  party,  and  other  associa- 
tions, more  or  less  effective,  have  been  unable,  hitherto,  to  make  a 
formidable  opposition  to  old  party  organizations;  and 

Whereas,  The  limiting  of  the  legal-tender  quality  of  the  gi’een- 
backs,  the  changing  of  currency  bonds  into  coin  bonds,  the  demoneti- 
zation of  the  silver  dollar,  the  exempting  of  bonds  from  taxation,  the 
contraction  of  the  circulating  medium^  the  proposed  forced  resump- 
tion of  specie  payments,  and  the  prodigal  waste  of  the  public  lands, 
were  crimes  against  the  people;  and,  as  far  as  possible,  the  results  of 
these  criminal  acts  must  be  counteracted  by  judicious  legislation, 
therefore, 

We  assemble  In  national  convention  and  make  a declaration  of  our 
principles,  and  invite  all  patriotic  citizens  to  unite  in  an  effort  to 
secure  financial  reform  and  industrial  emancipation.  The  organiza- 
tion shall  be  known  as  the  ‘‘National  Party,”  and  under  this  name  we 


542 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


will  perfect,  without  delay,  national,  state  and  local  associations,  to 
secure  the  election  to  office  of  such  men  only  as  will  pledge  themselves 
to  do  all  in  their  power  to  establish  these  principles: 

1.  It  is  the  exclusive  function  of  the  general  government  to  coin 
and  create  money  and  regulate  its  value.  All  bank  issues  designed  to 
circulate  as  money  should  be  suppressed.  The  circulating  medium, 
whether  of  metal  or  paper,  shall  be  issued  by  the  government,  and 
made  a full  legal-tender  for  all  debts,  duties  and  taxes  in  the  United 
States,  at  its  stamped  value. 

2.  There  shall  be  no  privileged  class  of  creditors.  Official  salaries, 
pensions,  bonds,  and  all  other  debts  and  obligations,  public  and 
private,  shall  be  discharged  in  the  legal-tender  money  of  the  United 
States,  strictly  according  to  the  stipulations  of  the  laws  under  which 
they  were  contracted. 

3.  The  coinage  of  silver  shall  be  placed  on  the  same  footing  as 
that  of  gold. 

4.  Congress  shall  provide  said  money  adequate  to  the  full  employ- 
ment of  labor,  the  equitable  distribution  of  its  products,  and  the 
requirements  of  business,  fixing  a minimum  amount  per  capita  of  the 
population,  as  near  as  may  be,  and  otherwise  regulating  its  value  by 
wise  and  equitable  provisions  of  law,  so  that  the  rate  of  interest  will 
secure  to  labor  its  just  reward. 

5.  It  is  inconsistent  with  the  genius  of  popular  government  that 
any  species  of  private  property  should  be  exempt  from  bearing  its 
proper  share  of  the  public  burdens.  Government  bonds  and  money 
should  be  taxed  precisely  as  other  property,  and  a graduated  income 
tax  should  be  levied  for  the  support  of  the  government  and  the  pay- 
ment of  its  debts. 

6.  Public  lands  are  the  common  property  of  the  whole  people,  and 
should  not  be  sold  to  speculators  nor  granted  to  railroads  or  other 
corporations,  but  should  be  donated  to  actual  settlers,  in  limited 
quantities. 

7.  The  government  should,  by  general  enactments,  encourage  the 
development  of  our  agricultural,  mineral,  mechanical,  manufactur- 
ing and  commercial  resources,  to  the  end  that  labor  may  be  fully  and 
profitably  employed;  but  no  monopolies  should  be  legalized. 

8.  All  useless  offices  should  be  abolished,  the  most  rigid  economy 
favored  in  every  branch  of  the  public  service,  and  severe  punishment 
infiicted  upon  public  officers  who  betray  the  trusts  imposed  in  them. 

9.  As  educated  labor  has  devised  means  for  multiplying  produc- 
tion by  inventions  and  discoveries,  and  as  their  use  requires  the  exer- 
cise of  mind  as  well  as  of  body,  such  legislation  should  be  had  that 


REPUBLICAK  AKD  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS. 


543 


the  number  of  hours  of  daily  toil  will  be  reduced,  giving  to  the  work- 
ing classes  more  leisure  for  mental  improvement  and  their  several 
enjoyments,  and  saving  them  from  permature  decay  and  death. 

10.  The  adoption  of  an  American  monetary  system,  as  proposed 
herein,  will  harmonize  all  differences  in  regard  to  tariff  and  federal 
taxation,  reduce  and  equalize  the  cost  of  transportation  by  land  and 
water,  distribute  equitably  the  joint  earnings  of  capital  and  labor, 
secure  to  the  producers  of  wealth  the  results  of  their  labor  and  skill, 
and  muster  out  of  service  the  vast  army  of  idlers,  who,  under  the 
existing  system,  grow  rich  upon  the  earnings  of  others,  that  every 
man  and  woman  may,  by  his  own  efforts,  secure  a competency,  so 
that  overgrown  fortunes  and  extreme  poverty  will  be  seldom  found 
within  the  limits  of  our  republic. 

11.  Both  national  and  state  governments  should  establish  bureaus 
of  labor  and  industrial  statistics,  clothed  with  the  power  of  gathering 
and  publishing  the  same. 

12.  That  the  contract  system  of  employing  labor  in  our  prisons  and 
reformatory  institutions  works  great  injustice  to  our  mechanics  and 
artisans,  and  should  be  prohibited. 

13.  The  importation  of  servile  labor  into  the  United  States  from 
China  is  a problem  of  the  most  serious  importance,  and  we  recommend 
legislation  looking  to  its  suppression. 

14.  We  believe  in  the  supremacy  of  law  over  and  above  all  perish- 
able material,  and  in  the  necessity  of  a party  of  united  people  that 
will  rise  above  old  party  lines  and  prejudices.  We  will  not  affiliate 
in  any  degree  with  any  of  the  old  parties,  but,  in  all  cases  and  locali- 
ties, will  organize  anew,  as  united  national  men — nominate  for  office 
and  official  positions  only  such  persons  as  are  clearly  believers  in  and 
identified  with  this  our  sacred  cause;  and,  irrespective  of  creed,  color, 
place  of  birth,  or  past  condition  of  political  or  other  servitude,  vote 
only  for  men  who  entirely  abandon  old  party  lines  and  organizations. 


1880.— REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM, 

Chicago,  III.,  June  S. 

The  Republican  party,  in  national  convention  assembled,  at  the 
end  of  twenty  years  since  the  federal  government  was  first  committed 
to  its  charge,  submits  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  its  brief 
report  of  its  administration: 

It  suppressed  a rebellion  which  had  armed  nearly  a million  of 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


544 

men  to  subvert  the  national  authority.  It  reconstructed  the  Union  of 
the  states  with  freedom,  instead  of  slavery,  as  its  corner-stone.  It 
transformed  four  million  of  human  beings  from  the  likeness  of  things 
to  the  rank  of  citizens.  It  relieved  Congress  from  the  infamous  work 
of  hunting  fugitive  slaves,  and  charged  it  to  see  that  slavery  does  not 
exist. 

It  has  raised  the  value  of  our  paper  currency  from  thirty-eight  per 
cent  to  the  par  of  gold.  It  has  restored,  upon  a solid  basis,  payment 
in  coin  for  ail  the  national  obligations,  and  has  given  us  a currency 
absolutely  good  and  equal  in  every  part  of  our  extended  country.  It 
has  lifted  the  credit  of  the  nation  from  the  point  where  six  per  cent 
bonds  sold  at  eighty-six  to  that  where  four  per  cent  bonds  are  eagerly 
sought  at  a premium. 

Under  its  administration  railways  have  increased  from  31,000 
miles  in  1860,  to  more  than  82,000  miles  in  1879. 

Our  foreign  trade  has  increased  from  $700,000,000  to  $1,150,000,- 
000  in  the  same  time;  and  our  exports,  which  were  $20,000,000  less 
than  our  imports  in  1860,  were  $264,000,000  more  than  our  imports 
in  1879. 

Without  resorting  to  loans,  it  has,  since  the  war  closed,  defrayed 
the  ordinary  expenses  of  government,  besides  the  accruing  interest  on 
the  public  debt,  and  disbursed,  annually,  over  $30,000,000  for  sol- 
diers’ pensions.  It  has  paid  $888,000,000  of  the  public  debt,  and,  by 
refunding  the  balance  at  lov/er  rates,  has  reduced  the  annual  iuterest 
charge  from  nearly  $151,000,000  to  less  than  $89,000,000. 

All  the  industries  of  the  country  have  revived,  labor  is  in  demand, 
wages  have  increased,  and  throughout  the  entire  country  there  is  evi- 
dence of  a coming  prosperity  greater  than  we  have  ever  enjoyed. 

Upon  this  record,  the  Republican  party  asks  for  the  continued 
confidence  and  support  of  the  people;  and  this  convention  submits 
for  their  approval  the  following  statement  of  the  principles  and  pur- 
poses which  will  continue  to  guide  and  inspire  its  efforts: 

1.  We  affirm  that  the  work  of  the  last  twenty  years  has  been  such 
as  to  commend  itself  to  the  favor  of  the  nation,  and  that  the  fruits  of 
the  costly  victories  which  we  have  achieved,  through  immense  diffi- 
culties, should  be  preserved;  that  the  peace  regained  should  be  cher- 
ished; that  the  dissevered  Union,  now  happily  restored,  should  be 
perpetuated,  and  that  the  liberties  secured  to  this  generation  should 
be  transmitted,  undiminished,  to  future  generations;  that  the  order 
established  and  the  credit  acquired  should  never  be  impaired;  that  the 
pensions  promised  should  be  paid;  that  the  debt  so  much  reduced 
should  be  extinguished  by  the  full  payment  of  every  dollar  thereof; 


REPUBLICAN  AND  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS. 


545 


that  the  reviving  industries  should  be  further  promoted;  and  that  the 
commerce,  already  so  great,  should  be  steadily  encouraged. 

2.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  a supreme  law,  and 
not  a mere  contract;  out  of  confederate  states  it  made  a sovereign 
nation.  Some  powers  are  denied  to  the  nation,  while  others  are 
denied  to  states;  but  the  boundary  between  the  powers  delegated  and 
those  reserved  is  to  be  determined  by  the  national  and  not  by  the  state 
tribunals. 

3.  The  work  of  popular  education  is  one  left  to  the  care  of  the 
several  states,  but  it  is  the  duty  of  the  national  government  to  aid  that 
work  to  the  extent  of  its  constitutional  ability.  The  intelligence  of 
the  nation  is  but  the  aggregate  of  the  intelligence  of  the  several 
states;  and  the  destiny  of  the  nation  must  be  guided,  not  by  the 
genius  of  any  one  state,  but  by  the  average  genius  of  all. 

4.  The  Constitution  wisely  forbids  Congress  to  make  any  law 
respecting  an  establishment  of  religion;  but  it  is  idle  to  hope  that  the 
nation  can  be  protected  against  the  influences  of  sectarianism  while 
each  state  is  exposed  to  its  domination.  We,  therefore,  recommend 
that  the  Constitution  be  so  amended  as  to  lay  the  same  prohibition 
upon  the  legislature  of  each  state,  to  forlnd  the  appropriation  of 
public  funds  to  the  support  of  sectarian  schools. 

5.  We  reaffirm  the  belief,  avowed  in  1876,  that  the  duties  levied 
for  the  purpose  of  revenue  should  so  discriminate  as  to  favor  Amer- 
ican labor;  that  no  further  grant  of  the  public  domain  should  be 
made  to  any  railway  or  other  corporation;  that  slavery  having  per- 
ished in  the  states,  its  twin  barbarity —poly gamy — must  die  in  the 
territories;  that  everywhere  the  protection  accorded  to  citizens  of 
American  birth  must  be  secured  to  citizens  of  American  adoption; 
that  we  esteem  it  the  duty  of  Congress  to  develop  and  improve  our 
water-courses  and  harbors,  but  insist  that  further  subsidies  to  private 
persons  or  corporations  must  cease;  that  the  obligations  of  the  repub- 
lic to  the  men  who  preserved  its  integrity  in  the  day  of  battle  are 
undiminished  by  the  lapse  of  fifteen  years  since  their  final  victory — 
to  do  them  perpetual  honor  is,  and  shall  forever  be,  the  grateful  priv- 
ilege and  sacred  duty  of  the  American  people. 

6.  Since  the  authority  to  regulate  immigration  and  intercourse 
between  the  United  States  and  foreign  nations  rests  with  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States  and  its  treaty -making  powers,  the  Republican 
party,  regarding  the  unrestricted  immigration  of  the  Chinese  as  an 
evil  of  great  magnitude,  invoke  the  exercise  of  that  power  to  restrain 
and  limit  that  immigration  by  the  enactment  of  such  just,  humane, 
and  reasonable  provisions  as  will  produce  that  result. 

85 


546 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


7.  That  the  purity  and  patriotism  which  characterized  the  early 
career  of  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  in  peace  and  war,  and  which  guided 
the  thoughts  of  our  immediate  predecessors  to  select  him  for  a pres- 
idential candidate,  have  continued  to  inspire  him  in  his  career  as  chief 
executive,  and  that  history  will  accord  to  his  administration  the  hon- 
ors which  are  due  to  an  efficient,  just,  and  courteous  discharge  of  the 
public  business,  and  will  honor  his  interposition  between  the  people 
and  proposed  partisan  laws. 

8.  We  charge  upon  the  democratic  party  the  habitual  sacrifice  of 
patriotism  and  justice  to  a supreme  and  insatiable  lust  for  office  and 
patronage.  That  to  obtain  possession  of  the  national  and  state  gov- 
ernments, and  the  control  of  place  and  position,  they  have  obstructed 
all  efforts  to  promote  the  purity  and  to  conserve  the  freedom  of  suf- 
frage; have  devised  fraudulent  certifications  and  returns;  have  labored 
to  unseat  lawfully-elected  members  of  Congress,  to  secure,  at  all  haz- 
ards, the  vote  of  a majority  of  the  states  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives; have  endeavored  to  occupy,  by  force  and  fraud  the  places  of 
trust  given  to  others  by  the  people  of  Maine,  and  rescued  by  the  cour- 
ageous action  of  Maine’s  patriotic  sons;  have,  by  methods  vicious  in 
principle  and  tyrannical  in  practice,  attached  partisan  legislation  to 
appropriation  bills,  upon  whose  passage  the  very  movements  of  gov- 
ernments depend;  have  crushed  the  rights  of  the  individual;  have 
advocated  the  principle  and  sought  the  favor  of  rebellion  against  the 
nation,  and  have  endeavored  to  obliterate  the  sacred  memories  of  the 
war,  and  to  overcome  its  inestimably  valuable  results  of  nationality, 
personal  freedom,  and  individual  equality.  Equal,  steady,  and  com- 
plete enforcement  of  the  laws,  and  protection  of  all  our  citizens  in  the 
enjoyment  of  all  privileges  and  immunities  guaranteed  by  the  consti- 
tution, are  the  first  duties  of  the  nation.  The  danger  of  a solid  South 
can  only  be  averted  by  the  faithful  performance  of  every  promise 
which  the  nation  made  to  the  citizen.  The  execution  of  the  laws, 
and  the  punishment  of  all  those  who  violate  them,  are  the  only  safe 
methods  by  which  an  enduring  peace  can  be  secured,  and  genuine 
prosperity  established  throughout  the  South.  Whatever  promises  the 
nation  makes,  the  nation  must  perform;  and  the  nation  cannot  with 
safety  relegate  this  duty  to  the  states.  The  solid  South  must  be  divided 
by  the  peaceful  agencies  of  the  ballot,  and  all  opinions  must  there  find 
free  expression;  and  to  this  end  honest  voters  must  be  protected  against 
terrorism,  violence,  or  fraud.  And  we  affirm  it  to  be  the  duty  and 
the  purpose  of  the  Republican  party  to  use  all  legitimate  means  to 
restore  all  the  states  of  this  Union  to  the  most  perfect  harmony  which 
may  be  practicable;  and  we  submit  to  the  practical,  sensible  people  of 


REPUBLICAIS'  AND  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS.  547 


the  United  States  to  say  whether  it  would  not  be  dangerous  to  the 
dearest  interests  of  our  country,  at  this  time  to  surrender  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  national  government  to  a party  which  seeks  to  overthrow 
the  existing  policy,  under  which  we  are  so  prosperous,  and  thus  bring 
distrust  and  confusion  where  there  is  now  order,  confidence  and 
hope. 

9.  The  Kepublican  party,  adhering  to  a principle  affirmed  by  its 
last  national  convention,  of  respect  for  the  constitutional  rule  cover- 
ing appointments  to  office,  adopts  the  declaration  of  President  Hayes, 
that  the  reform  of  the  civil  service  should  be  thorough,  radical,  and 
complete.  To  this  end  it  demands  the  co-operation  of  the  legislative 
with  the  executive  department  of  the  government,  and  that  Congress 
shall  so  legislate  that  fitness,  ascertained  by  proper  practical  tests,  shall 
admit  to  the  public  service;  and  that  the  power  of  removal  for  cause, 
with  due  responsibility  for  the  good  conduct  of  subordinates,  shall 
accompany  the  power  of  appointment. 


1880.— NATIONAL  (GREENBACK)  PLATFORM, 

Chicago y III.,  June  9. 

The  civil  government  should  guarantee  the  divine  right  of  every 
laborer  to  the  results  of  his  toil,  thus  enabling  the  producers  of  wealth 
to  provide  themselves  with  the  means  for  physical  comfort,  and  facil- 
ities for  mental,  social,  and  moral  culture;  and  we  condemn,  as  un- 
worthy of  our  civilization,  the  barbarism  which  imposes  upon  wealth 
producers  a state  of  drudgery  as  the  price  of  a bare  animal  existence. 
Notwithstanding  the  enormous  increase  of  productive  power,  by  the 
universal  introduction  of  labor-saving  machinery  and  the  discovery  of 
new  agents  for  the  increase  of  wealth,  the  task  of  the  laborer  is  scarcely 
lightened,  the  hours  of  toil  are  but  little  shortened,  and  few  producers 
are  lifted  from  poverty  into  comfort  and  pecuniary  independence. 
The  associated  monopolies,  the  international  syndicates,  and  other  in- 
come classes  demand  dear  money,  cheap  labor,  and  a strong  govern- 
ment, and  hence,  a weak  people.  Corporate  control  of  the  volume  of 
money  has  been  the  means  of  dividing  society  into  hostile  classes,  of 
an  unjust  distribution  of  the  products  of  labor,  and  of  building  up 
monopolies  of  associated  capital,  endowed  with  power  to  confiscate 
private  property.  It  has  kept  money  scarce;  and  the  scarcity  of 
money  enforces  debt-trade,  and  public  and  corporate  loans;  debt  en- 
genders usury,  and  usury  ends  in  the  bankruptcy  of  the  borrower. 
Other  results  are — deranged  markets,  uncertainty  in  manufacturing 


548 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


enterprises  and  agriculture,  precarious  and  intermittent  employment 
for  the  laborer,  industrial  war,  increasing  pauperism  and  crime,  and 
the  consequent  intimidation  and  disfranchisement  of  the  producer, 
and  a rapid  declension  into  corporate  feudalism.  Therefore,  we  de- 
clare: 

1.  That  the  right  to  make  and  issue  money  is  a sovereign  power, 
to  be  maintained  by  the  people  for  their  common  benefit.  The  dele- 
gation of  this  right  to  corporations  is  a surrender  of  the  central  attri- 
bute of  sovereignty,  void  of  constitutional  sanction,  and  conferring 
upon  a subordinate  and  irresponsible  power  an  absolute  dominion 
over  industry  and  commerce.  All  money,  whether  metallic  or  paper, 
should  be  issued,  and  its  volume  controlled,  by  the  government,  and 
not  by  or  through  banking  corporations;  and,  when  so  issued,  should 
be  a full  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  public  and  private 

2.  That  the  bonds  of  the  United  States  should  not  be  refunded, 
but  paid  as  rapidly  as  practicable,  according  to  contract.  To  enable 
the  government  to  meet  these  obligations,  legal- tender  currency  should 
fee  substituted  for  the  notes  of  the  national  banks,  the  national  bank- 
ing system  abolished,  and  the  unlimited  coinage  of  silver,  as  well  as 
gold,  established  by  law. 

3.  That  labor  should  be  so  protected  by  national  and  state  author- 
ity as  to  equalize  its  burdens  and  insure  a just  distribution  of  its 
results.  The  eight  hour  law  of  Congress  should  be  enforced,  the 
sanitary  condition  of  industrial  establishments  placed  under  rigid  con- 
trol, the  competition  of  contract  convict  labor  abolished,  a bureau  of 
labor  statistics  established,  factories,  mines  and  workshops  inspected, 
the  employment  of  children  under  fourteen  years  of  age  forbidden, 
and  wages  paid  in  cash. 

4.  Slavery  being  simply  cheap  labor,  and  cheap  labor  being  simply 
slavery,  the  importation  and  presence  of  Chinese  serfs  necessarily 
tends  to  brutalize  and  degrade  American  labor;  therefore  immediate 
steps  should  be  taken  to  abrogate  the  Burlingame  treaty. 

5.  Kailroad  land  grants  forfeited  by  reason  of  non-fulfillment  of 
contract  should  be  immediately  reclaimed  by  the  government,  and 
henceforth  the  public  domain  reserved  exclusively  as  homes  for  actual 
settlers. 

6.  It  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  regulate  inter-state  commerce. 
All  lines  of  communication  and  transportation  should  be  brought 
under  such  legislative  control  as  shall  secure  moderate,  fair  and  uni- 
form rates  for  passenger  and  freight  traffic. 

7.  We  denounce  as  destructive  to  property  and  dangerous  to  liberty 
the  action  of  the  old  parties  in  fostering  and  sustaining  gigantic  land. 


EEPUBLICA^r  AND  DEMOCEATIC  PLATFOEMS.  549 


railroad  and  money  corporations,  and  monopolies  invested  with  and 
exercising  powers  belonging  to  the  government,  and  yet  not  responsi- 
ble to  it  for  the  manner  of  their  exercise. 

8.  That  the  Constitution  in  giving  Congress  the  power  to  borrow 
money,  to  declare  war,  to  raise  and  support  armies,  to  provide  and 
maintain  a navy,  never  intended  that  the  men  who  loaned  their 
money  for  an  interest  consideration  should  be  preferred  to  the  sol- 
diers and  sailors  who  periled  their  lives  and  shed  their  blood  on  land 
and  sea  in  defense  of  their  country;  and  we  condemn  the  cruel  class 
legislation  of  the  Republican  party,  which,  while  professing  great 
gratitude  to  the  soldier,  has  most  unjustly  discriminated  against  him 
and  in  favor  of  the  bondholder. 

9.  All  property  should  bear  its  just  proportion  of  taxation,  and  we 
demand  a graduated  income  tax. 

10.  We  denounce  as  dangerous  the  efforts  everywhere  manifest  to 
restrict  the  right  of  suffrage. 

11.  We  are  opposed  to  an  increase  of  the  standing  army  in  time  of 
peace,  and  the  insidious  scheme  to  establish  an  enormous  military 
power  under  the  guise  of  militia  laws. 

12.  We  demand  absolute  Democratic  rules  for  the  government  of 
Congress,  placing  all  representatives  of  the  people  upon  an  equal 
footing,  and  taking  away  from  committees  a veto  power  greater  than 
that  of  the  President. 

18.  We  demand  a government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and 
for  the  people,  instead  of  a government  of  the  bondholder,  by  the 
bondholder,  and  for  the  bondholder;  and  we  denounce  every  attempt 
to  stir  up  sectional  strife  as  an  effort  to  conceal  monstrous  crimes 
against  the  people. 

14.  In  the  furtherance  of  these  ends  we  ask  the  co-operation  of  all 
fairminded  people.  We  have  no  quarrel  with  individuals,  wage  no 
war  on  classes,  but  only  against  vicious  institutions.  We  are  not 
content  to  endure  further  discipline  from  our  present  actual  rulers, 
who,  having  dominion  over  money,  over  transportation,  over  land 
and  labor,  over  the  press  and  machinery  of  government,  wield  unwar- 
rantable power  over  our  institutions,  and  over  life  and  property. 


550 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


1880.— DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM, 

Cincinnati,  Ohio,  June  22, 

The  Democrats  of  the  United  States,  in  convention  assembled, 
declare: 

1.  We  pledge  ourselves  anew  to  the  constitutional  doctrines  and 
traditions  of  the  Democratic  party,  as  illustrated  by  the  teachings  and 
examples  of  a long  line  of  Democratic  statesmen  and  patriots,  and 
embodied  in  the  platform  of  the  last  national  convention  of  the  party. 

2.  Opposition  to  centralization,  and  to  that  dangerous  spirit  of 
encroachment  which  tends  to  consolidate  the  powers  of  all  the  depart- 
ments in  one,  and  thus  to  create,  whatever  the  form  of  government,  a 
real  despotism;  no  sumptuary  laws;  separation  of  the  church  and 
state  for  the  good  of  each;  common  schools  fostered  and  protected. 

3.  Home  rule;  honest  money,  consisting  of  gold  and  silver,  and 
paper,  convertible  into  coin  on  demand;  the  strict  maintenance  of  the 
public  faith,  state  and  national;  and  a tariff  for  revenue  only;  the 
subordination  of  the  military  to  the  civil  power;  and  a general  and 
thorough  reform  of  the  civil  service. 

4.  The  right  to  a free  ballot  is  a right  preservative  of  all  rights; 
and  must  and  shall  be  maintained  in  every  part  of  the  United  States. 

5.  The  existing  administration  is  the  representative  of  a conspiracy 
only;  and  its  claim  of  right  to  surround  the  ballot-boxes  with  troops 
and  deputy  marshals,  to  intimidate  and  obstruct  the  elections,  and  the 
unprecedented  use  of  the  veto  to  maintain  its  corrupt  and  despotic 
power,  insults  the  people  and  imperils  their  institutions.  We  execrate 
the  course  of  this  administration  in  making  places  in  the  civil  service 
a reward  for  political  crime;  and  demand  a reform,  by  statute,  which 
shall  make  it  forever  impossible  for  a defeated  candidate  to  bribe  his 
way  to  the  seat  of  a usurper  by  billeting  villains  upon  the  people. 

6.  The  great  fraud  of  1876-7,  by  which,  upon  a false  count  of  the 
electoral  votes  of  two  states,  the  candidate  defeated  at  the  polls  was 
declared  to  be  President,  and,  for  the  first  time  in  American  history, 
the  will  of  the  people  was  set  aside  under  a threat  of  military  violence, 
struck  a deadly  blow  at  our  system  of  representative  government. 
The  Democratic  party,  to  preserve  the  country  from  the  horrors  of  a 
civil  war,  submitted  for  the  time,  in  the  firm  and  patriotic  belief  that 
the  people  would  punish  the  crime  in  1880.  This  issue  precedes 
and  dwarfs  every  other.  It  imposes  a more  sacred  duty  upon  the 
people  of  the  Union  than  ever  addressed  the  consciences  of  a nation 
of  freemen. 


KEPUBLICAN  AND  DEMOCIIATIC  PLATEORMS.  551 


7.  The  resolution  of  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  not  again  to  be  a candi- 
date for  the  exalted  place  to  which  he  was  elected  by  a majority  of  his 
countrymen,  and  from  which  he  was  excluded  by  the  leaders  of  the 
Republican  party,  is  received  by  the  Democrats  of  the  United  States 
with  deep  sensibility;  and  they  declare  their  confidence  in  his  wisdom, 
patriotism  and  integrity  unshaken  by  the  assaults  of  the  common 
enemy;  and  they  further  assure  him  that  he  is  followed  into  the 
retirement  he  has  chosen  for  himself  by  the  sympathy  and  respect  of 
his  fellow  citizens,  who  regard  him  as  one  who,  by  elevating  the 
standard  of  the  public  morality,  and  adorning  and  purifying  the 
public  service,  merits  the  lasting  gratitude  of  his  country  and  his 
party. 

8.  Free  ships,  and  a living  chance  for  American  commerce  upon 
the  seas;  and  on  the  land,  no  discrimination  in  favor  of  transportation 
lines,  corporations,  or  monopolies. 

9.  Amendments  of  the  Burlingame  treaty;  no  more  Chinese  immi- 
gration, except  for  travel,  education,  and  foreign  commerce,  and, 
therein,  carefully  guarded. 

10.  Public  money  and  public  credit  for  public  purposes  solely,  and 
public  land  for  actual  settlers. 

11.  The  Democratic  party  is  the  friend  of  labor  and  the  laboring 
man,  and  pledges  itself  to  protect  him  alike  against  the  cormorants 
and  the  commune. 

13.  We  congratulate  the  country  upon  the  honesty  and  thrift  of  a 
Democratic  Congress,  which  has  reduced  the  public  expenditure 
$10,000,000  a year;  upon  the  continuation  of  prosperity  at  home  and 
the  national  honor  abroad;  and,  above  all,  upon  the  promise  of  such 
a change  in  the  administration  of  the  government  as  shall  insure  a 
genuine  and  lasting  reform  in  every  department  of  the  public  service. 


1884.— NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM, 

Chicago y June  6, 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  in  National  Convention 
assembled,  renew  their  allegiance  to  the  principles  upon  which  they 
have  triumphed  in  six  successive  Presidential  elections,  and  congratu- 
late the  American  people  on  the  attainment  of  so  many  results  in 
legislation  and  adn^iiiistration  by  which  the  Republican  party  has, 
after  saving  the  Union,  done  so  much  to  render  its  institutions  just, 
equal  and  beneficent,  the  safeguard  of  liberty  and  the  embodiment  of 
the  best  thought  and  highest  purposes  of  our  citizens. 


552 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


The  Kepublican  party  has  gained  its  strength  by  quick  and  faith- 
ful response  to  the  demands  of  the  people  for  the  freedom  and  the 
equality  of  all  men,  for  a united  Nation,  assuring  the  rights  of  all 
citizens,  for  the  elevation  of  labor,  for  an  honest  currency,  for  purity 
in  legislation  and  for  integrity  and  accountability  in  all  departments 
of  the  government,  and  it  accepts  anew  the  duty  of  leading  in  the 
work  of  progress  and  reform.  We  lament  the  death  of  President 
Garfield,  whose  sound  statesmanship,  long  conspicuous  in  Congress, 
gave  promise  of  a strong  and  successful  administration,  a promise 
fully  realized  during  the  short  period  of  his  office  as  President  of  the 
United  States.  His  distinguished  success  in  war  and  peace  had 
endeared  him  to  the  hearts  of  the  American  people. 

In  the  administration  of  President  Arthur  we  recognise  a wise, 
conservative  and  patriotic  policy  under  which  the  country  has  been 
blessed  with  remarkable  prosperity,  and  we  believe  his  eminent 
services  are  entitled  to  and  will  receive  the  hearty  approval  of  every 
citizen. 

It  is  the  first  duty  of  a good  government  to  protect  the  rights  and 
promote  the  interests  of  its  own  people.  The  largest  diversity  of 
industry  is  most  productive  of  general  prosperity  and  of  the  comfort 
and  independence  of  the  people.  We  therefor^  demand  that  the 
imposition  of  duties  on  foreign  imports  shall  be  made  not  ''for 
revenue  only,”  but  that  in  raising  the  requisite  revenues  for  the  Gov- 
ernment, such  duties  shall  be  so  levied  as  to  afford  security  to  our 
diversified  industries,  and  protection  to  the  rights  and  wages  of  the 
laborer,  to  the  end  that  active  and  intelligent  labor,  as  well  as  capital, 
may  have  its  just  reward,  and  the  laboring  man  his  full  share  in  the 
national  prosperity. 

Against  the  so-called  economic  system  of  the  Democratic  party, 
which  would  degrade  our  labor  to  the  foreign  standard,  we  enter  our 
earnest  protest.  The  Democratic  party  has  failed  completely  to  relieve 
the  people  of  the  burden  of  unnecessary  taxation  by  a wise  reduction 
of  the  surplus. 

The  Republican  party  pledges  itself  to  correct  the  inequalities  of 
the  tariff,  and  to  reduce  the  surplus,  not  by  the  vicious  and  indiscrim- 
inate process  of  horizontal  reduction,  but  by  such  methods  as  will  re- 
lieve the  taxpayer  without  injuring  the  labor  or  the  great  productive 
interests  of  the  country. 

We  recognize  the  importance  of  sheep  husbandry  in  the  United 
States,  the  serious  depression  which  it  is  now  experiencing  and  the 
danger  threatening  its  future  prosperity;  and  we,  therefore,  respect 
the  demands  of  the  representatives  of  this  important  agricultural  inter- 


REPUBLICAK  AKD  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS.  553^ 

est,  for  a readjustment  of  duty  upon  foreign  wool,  in  order  that  such 
industry  shall  have  full  and  adequate  protection. 

We  have  always  recommended  the  best  money  known  to  the  civil- 
ized world,  and  we  urge  that  efforts  should  he  made  to  unite  all  com- 
mercial nations  in  the  establishment  of  an  international  standard  which 
shall  fix  for  all  the  relative  value  of  gold  and  silver  coinage. 

The  regulation  of  commerce  with  foreign  nations  and  between  the 
States  is  one  of  the  most  important  prerogatives  of  the  general  gov- 
ernment, and  the  Kepublican  party  distinctly  announces  its  purpose  to 
support  such  legislation  as  will  fully  and  efficiently  carry  out  the 
coDstitulional  power  of  Congress  over  inter-State  commerce.  The 
principle  of  the  public  regulation  of  railway  corporations  is  a wise  and 
salutary  one  for  the  protection  of  all  classes  of  the  people,  and  we 
favor  legislation  that  shall  prevent  unjust  discrimination  and  excessive 
charges  for  transportation,  and  that  shall  secure  to  the  people  and  the 
railways  alike  the  fair  and  equal  protection  of  the  laws. 

We  favor  the  establishment  of  a National  Bureau  of  Labor,  the 
enforcement  of  the  eight-hour  law,  a wise  and  judicious  system  of 
general  education  by  adequate  appropriation  from  the  national  reve- 
nues, wherever  the  same  is  needed.  We  believe  that  everywhere  the 
protection  to  a citizen  of  American  birth  must  be  secured  to  citizens 
by  American  adoption,  and  we  favor  the  settlement  of  national  differ- 
ences by  international  arbitration. 

The  Republican  party,  having  its  birth  in  a hatred  of  slave  labor, 
and  a desire  that  all  men  may  be  truly  free  and  equal,  is  unalterably 
opposed  to  placing  our  working-men  in  competition  with  any  form  of 
servile  labor,  whether  at  home  or  abroad.  In  this  spirit  we  denounce 
the  importation  of  contract  labor,  whether  from  Europe  or  Asia,  as 
an  offense  against  the  spirit  of  American  institutions,  and  we  pledge 
ourselves  to  sustain  the  present  law  restricting  Chinese  immigration 
and  to  provide  such  further  legislation  as  is  necessary  to  carry  out  its 
purposes. 

Reform  of  the  Civil  Service  auspiciously  begun  under  Republican 
administration  should  be  completed  by  the  further  extension  of  the 
reformed  system  already  established  by  law,  to  all  the  grades  of  the 
service  to  which  it  is  applicable.  The  spirit  and  purpose  of  the 
reform  should  be  observed  in  all  executive  appointments,  and  all  laws 
at  variance  with  the  objects  of  existing  reformed  legislation  should  be 
repealed,  to  the  end  that  the  dangers  to  free  institutions  which  lurk  in 
the  power  of  official  patronage  may  be  wisely  and  effectively  avoided. 

The  public  lands  are  a heritage  of  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
and  should  be  reserved  as  far  as  possible  for  small  holdings  by  actual 


554 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


settlers.  We  are  opposed  to  the  acquisition  of  large  tracts  of  these 
lands  by  corporations  or  individuals,  especially  where  such  holdings 
are  in  the  hands  of  non-residents,  aliens,  and  we  will  endeavor  to  ob- 
tain such  legislation  as  will  tend  to  correct  this  evil.  We  demand  of 
Congress  the  speedy  forfeiture  of  all  land  grants  which  have  lapsed  by 
reason  of  non-compliance  with  acts  of  incorporation  in  all  cases  where 
there  has  been  no  attempt  in  good  faith  to  perform  the  condition  of 
such  grants. 

The  grateful  thanks  of  the  American  people  are  due  to  the  Union 
soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  late  war,  and  the  Republican  party  stands 
pledged  to  provide  suitable  pensions  for  all  yho  were  disabled,  and 
for  the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  died  in  the  war.  The 
Republican  party  also  pledges  itself  to  the  repeal  of  the  limitation 
contained  in  the  Areas  act  of  1879,  so  that  all  invalid  soldiers  shall 
share  alike  and  their  pensions  begin  with  the  date  of  disability  or  dis- 
charge, and  not  with  the  date  of  the  application. 

The  Republican  party  favors  a policy  which  shall  keep  us  from 
entangling  alliances  with  foreign  nations,  and  which  gives  us  the 
right  to  expect  that  foreign  nations  shall  refrain  from  meddling  in 
American  affairs — the  policy  which  seeks  peace  and  can  trade  with 
all  powers,  but  especially  with  those  of  the  Western  Hemisphere. 

We  demand  the  restoration  of  our  navy  to  its  old-time  strength 
and  efficiency,  that  it  may  in  any  sea  protect  the  rights  of  American 
citizens  and  the  interests  of  American  commerce;  and  we  call  upon 
Congress  to  remove  the  burdens  under  which  American  shipping  has 
been  depressed,  so  that  it  may  again  be  true  that  we  have  a commerce 
which  leaves  no  sea  unexplored,  and  a navy  which  takes  no  law  from 
superior  force. 

Besotved,  That  appointments  by  the  President  to  offices  in  the  Ter- 
ritories should  be  made  from  the  bona-fide  citizens  and  residents  of 
the  Territories  wherein  they  are  to  serve. 

BesoUed,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  enact  such  laws  as 
shall  promptly  and  effectually  suppress  the  system  of  polygamy  within 
our  territory,  and  divorce  the  political  from  the  ecclesiastical  power 
of  the  so-called  Mormon  Church,  and  that  the  law  so  enacted  should 
be  rigidly  enforced  by  the  civil  authorities,  if  possible,  and  by  the  mili- 
tary, if  need  be. 

The  people  of  the  United  States  in  their  organized  capacity  consti- 
tute a Nation  and  not  a mere  confederacy  of  States.  The  national 
government  is  supreme  within  the  sphere  of  its  national  duty,  but  the 
States  have  reserved  rights  which  should  be  faithfully  maintained. 
Each  should  be  guarded  with  jealous  care,  so  that  the  harmony  of 


REPUBLICAN  AND  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS. 


555 


our  system  of  government  may  be  preserved,  and  the  Union  kept 
inviolate.  The  perpetuity  of  our  institutions  rests  upon  the  main- 
tenance of  a free  ballot,  and  honest  count  and  correct  returns.  We 
denounce  the  fraud  and  violence  practiced  by  the  Democracy  in 
Southern  States,  by  which  the  will  of  the  voter  is  defeated,  as  danger- 
ous to  the  preservation  of  free  institutions,  and  we  solemnly  arraign 
the  Democratic  party  as  being  the  guilty  recipient  of  the  fruits  of 
such  fraud  and  violence.  We  extend  to  the  Republicans  of  the  South, 
regardless  of  their  former  party  affiliations,  our  cordial  sympathy, 
and  pledge  to  them  our  most  earnest  efforts  to  promote  the  passage  of 
such  legislation  as  will  secure  to  every  citizen,  of  whatever  race  or 
color,  the  full  and  complete  recognition,  possession  and  exercise  of  all 
civil  and  political  rights. 


1884.— DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 

Chicago,  July  10,  I884. 

The  Democratic  party  of  the  Union,  through  its  representatives  in 
National  Convention  assembled,  recognizes  that  as  the  nation  grows 
older  new  issues  are  born  of  time  and  progress  and  old  issues  perish. 
But  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  Democracy,  approved  by  the 
united  voices  of  the  people,  remain,  and  will  ever  remain,  as  the  best 
and  only  security  for  the  continuance  of  free  government.  The  pres- 
ervation of  personal  rights;  the  equality  of  all  citizens  before  the  law; 
the  reserved  rights  of  the  States;  and  the  supremacy  of  the  Federal 
Government  within  the  limits  of  the  Constitution,  will  ever  form  the 
true  basis  of  our  liberties,  and  can  never  be  surrendered  without 
destroying  that  balance  of  rights  and  powers  which  enable  a continent 
to  be  developed  in  peace,  and  social  order  to  be  maintained  by  means 
of  local  self-government. 

But  it  is  indispensable  for  the  practical  application  and  enforce- 
ment of  these  fundamental  principles  that  the  Government  should  not 
always  be  controlled  by  one  political  party.  Frequent  change  of 
administration  is  as  necessary  as  constant  recurrence  to  the  popular 
will.  Otherwise  abuses  grow,  and  the  Government,  instead  of  being 
carried  on  for  the  general  welfare,  becomes  an  instrumentality  for 
imposing  heavy  burdens  on  the  many  who  are  governed  for  the 
benefit  of  the  few  who  govern.  Public  servants  thus  become  arbi- 
trary rulers. 

This  is  now  the  condition  of  the  country.  Hence  a change  is 


656 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


demanded.  The  Republican  party,  so  far  as  principle  is  concerned, 
is  a reminiscence;  in  practice  it  is  an  organization  for  enriching  those 
who  control  its  machinery.  The  frauds  and  jobbery  which  have 
been  brought  to  light  in  every  department  of  the  government  are 
sufficient  to  have  called  for  reform  within  the  Republican  party;  yet 
those  in  authority,  made  reckless  by  the  long  possession  of  power, 
have  succumbed  to  its  corrupting  influence,  and  have  placed  in 
nomination  a ticket  against  which  the  independent  portion  of  the 
party  are  in  open  revolt. 

Therefore,  a change  is  demanded.  Such  a change  was  alike  nec- 
essary in  1876,  but  the  will  of  the  people  was  then  defeated  by  a 
fraud  which  can  never  be  forgotten  nor  condoned.  xAgain  in  1880, 
the  change  demanded  by  the  people  was  defeated  by  the  lavish  use  of 
money  contributed  by  unscrupulous  contractors  and  shameless  job- 
bers who  had  bargained  for  unlawful  profits  or  for  high  office. 

The  Republican  party,  during  its  legal,  its  stolen  and  its  bought 
tenures  of  power  has  steadily  decayed  in  moral  character  and  politi 
cal  capacity. 

Its  platform  promises  are  now  a list  of  past  failures. 

It  demands  the  restoration  of  our  navy.  It  has  squandered  hun- 
dreds of  millions  to  create  a navy  that  does  not  exist. 

It  calls  upon  Congress  to  remove  the  burdens  under  which  Amer- 
ican shipping  has  been  depressed.  It  has  imposed  and  has  continued 
those  burdens. 

It  professes  the  policy  of  reserving  the  public  lands  for  small  hold- 
ings by  actual  settlers.  It  has  given  away  the  people’s  heritage,  till 
now  a few  railroads  and  non-resident  aliens,  individual  and  corporate, 
possess  a larger  area  than  that  of  all  our  farms  between  the  two  seas. 

It  professes  a preference  for  free  institutions.  It  organized  and 
tried  to  legalize  a control  of  State  elections  by  Federal  troops. 

It  professes  a desire  to  elevate  labor.  It  has  subjected  American 
workingmen  to  the  competition  of  convict  and  imported  contract 
labor. 

It  professes  gratitude  to  all  who  were  disabled  or  died  in  the  war, 
leaving  widows  and  orphans.  It  left  to  a Democratic  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives the  first  effort  to  equalize  both  bounties  and  pensions. 

It  proffers  a pledge  to  correct  the  irregularities  of  our  tariff.  It 
created  and  has  continued  them.  Its  own  Tariff  Commission  con- 
fessed the  need  of  more  than  twenty  per  cent  reduction.  Its  Congress 
gave  a reduction  of  less  than  four  per  cent. 

It  professes  the  protection  of  American  manufactures.  It  has 
subjected  them  to  an  increasing  flood  of  manufactured  goods  and  a 


REPUBLICAN  AND  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS.  557 


hopelsss  competition  with  manufacturing  nations,  not  one  of  which 
taxes  raw  materials. 

It  professes  to  protect  all  American  industries.  It  has  impover- 
ished many  to  subsidize  a few. 

It  professes  the  protection  of  American  labor.  It  has  depleted  the 
returns  of  American  agriculture — an  industry  followed  by  half  our 
people. 

It  professes  the  equality  of  all  men  before  the  law.  Attempting 
to  fix  the  status  of  colored  citizens,  the  acts  of  its  Congress  were  over- 
set by  the  decisions  of  its  courts. 

It  “ accepts  anew  the  duty  of  leading  in  the  work  of  progress  and 
reform.”  Its  caught  criminals  are  permitted  to  escape  through  con- 
trived delays  or  actual  connivance  in  the  prosecution.  Honey- 
combed with  corruption,  outbreaking  exposures  no  longer  shock  its 
moral  sense.  Its  honest  members,  its  independent  journals  no  longer 
maintain  a successful  contest  for  authority  in  its  counsels  or  a veto 
upon  bad  nominations. 

That  change  is  necessary  is  proved  by  an  existing  surplus  of  more 
than  $100,000,000,  which  has  yearly  been  collected  from  a suffering 
people.  Unnecessary  taxation  is  unjust  taxation.  We  denounce  the 
Republican  party  for  having  failed  to  relieve  the  people  from  crush- 
ing war  taxes  which  have  paralyzed  business,  crippled  industry  and 
deprived  labor  of  employment  and  of  just  reward. 

The  Democracy  pledges  itself  to  purify  the  Administration  from 
corruption,  to  restore  economy,  to  revive  respect  for  law,  and  to  re- 
duce taxation  to  the  lowest  limit  consistent  with  due  regard  to  the 
preservation  of  the  faith  of  the  Nation  to  its  creditors  and  pensioners. 

Knowing  full  well,  however,  that  legislation  affecting  the  occu- 
pations of  the  people  should  be  cautious  and  conservative  in  method, 
not  in  advance  of  public  opinion,  but  responsive  to  its  demands,  the 
Democratic  party  is  pledged  to  revise  the  tariff  in  a spirit  of  fairness 
to  all  interests. 

But  in  making  reduction  in  taxes  it  is  not  proposed  to  injure  any 
domestic  industries,  but  rather  to  promote  their  healthy  growth. 
From  tlie  foundation  of  this  Government  taxes  collected  at  the  custom 
house  have  been  the  chief  source  of  Federal  revenue.  Such  they 
must  continue  to  be.  Moreover,  many  industries  have  come  to  rely 
on  legislation  for  successful  continuance,  so  that  any  change  of  law 
must  be  at  every  step  regardful  of  the  labor  and  capital  thus  involved. 
The  process  of  reform  must  be  subject  in  the  execution  to  this  plain 
dictate  of  justice. 

All  taxation  shall  be  limited  to  the  requirements  of  economical 


558 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


government.  The  necessary  reduction  in  taxation  can  and  must  be 
effected  without  depriving  American  labor  of  the  ability  to  compete 
successfully  with  foreign  labor,  and  without  imposing  lower  rates  of 
duty  than  will  be  ample  to  cover  any  increased  cost  of  production 
which  may  exist  in  consequence  of  the  higher  rate  of  wages  prevail- 
ing in  this  country. 

Sufficient  revenue  to  pay  all  the  expenses  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, economically  administered,  including  pensions,  interest  and 
principal  of  the  public  debt,  can  be  got,  under  our  present  system  of 
taxation,  from  custom-house  taxes  on  fewer  imported  articles,  bearing 
heaviest  on  articles  of  luxury,  and  bearing  lightest  on  articles  of 
necessity. 

We,  therefore,  denounce  the  abuses  of  the  existing  tariff;  and, 
subject  to  the  preceding  limitations,  we  demand  that  Federal  taxation 
shall  be  exclusively  for  public  purposes,  and  shall  not  exceed  the 
needs  of  the  Government,  economically  administered. 

The  system  of  direct  taxation  known  as  the  “Internal  Revenue'* 
is  a war  tax,  and  so  long  as  the  law  continues  the  money  derived 
therefrom  should  be  sacredly  devoted  to  the  relief  of  the  people 
from  the  remaining  burdens  of  the  war,  and  be  made  a fund  to 
defray  the  expense  of  the  care  and  comfort  of  worthy  soldiers  dis- 
abled in  line  of  duty  in  the  wars  of  the  republic,  and  for  the  pay- 
ment of  such  pensions  as  Congress  may  from  time  to  time  grant  to 
such  soldiers,  a like  fund  for  the  sailors  having  been  already  pro- 
vided; and  any  surplus  should  be  paid  into  the  treasury. 

We  favor  an  American  continental  policy  based  upon  more  inti- 
mate commercial  and  political  relations  with  the  fifteen  sister  repub- 
lics of  North,  Central  and  South  America,  but  entangling  alliances 
with  none. 

We  believe  in  honest  money,  the  gold  and  silver  coinage  of  the 
Constitution,  and  a circulating  medium  convertible  into  such  money 
without  loss. 

Asserting  the  equality  of  all  men  before  the  law,  we  hold  that  it 
is  the  duty  of  the  government,  in  its  dealings  with  the  people,  to 
mete  out  equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  citizens  of  whatever  nativity, 
race,  color,  or  persuasion — religious  or  political. 

We  believe  in  a free  ballot  and  a fair  count;  and  we  recall  to  the 
memory  of  the  people  the  noble  struggle  of  the  Democrats  in  the 
Forty-fifth  and  Forty-sixth  Congresses  by  which  a reluctant  Repub- 
lican opposition  was  compelled  to  assent  to  legislation  making  every- 
where illegal  the  presence  of  troops  at  the  polls  as  the  conclusive 


REPUBLICAN  AND  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORMS,  559 

proof  that  a Democratic  Administration  will  preserve  liberty  with 
order. 

The  selection  of  Federal  officers  for  the  Territories  should  be 
restricted  to  citizens  previously  resident  therein. 

We  oppose  sumptuary  laws  which  vex  the  citizen  and  interfere 
with  individual  liberty;  we  favor  honest  civil-service  reform  and  the 
compensation  of  all  United  States  officers  by  fixed  salaries;  the  sepa- 
ration of  church  and  State;  and  the  diffusion  of  free  education  by 
common  schools,  so  that  every  child  in  the  land  may  be  taught  the 
rights  and  duties  of  citizenship. 

While  we  favor  all  legislation  which  will  tend  to  the  equitable 
distribution  of  property,  to  the  prevention  of  monopoly,  and  to  the 
strict  enforcement  of  individual  rights  against  corporate  abuses,  we 
hold  that  the  welfare  of  society  depends  upon  a scrupulous  regard 
for  the  rights  of  property  as  defined  by  law. 

We  believe  that  labor  is  best  rewarded  where  it  is  freest  and  most 
enlightened.  It  should,  therefore,  be  fostered  and  cherished.  We 
favor  the  repeal  of  all  laws  restricting  the  free  action  of  labor,  and 
the  enactment  of  laws  by  which  labor  organizations  may  be  incor- 
porated, and  of  all  such  legislation  as  will  tend  to  enlighten  the 
people  as  to  the  true  relations  of  capital  and  labor. 

We  believe  that  the  public  lands  ought,  as  far  asq)ossible,  to  be 
kept  as  homesteads  for  actual  settlers;  that  all  unearned  lands  hereto- 
fore improvidently  granted  to  railroad  corporations  by  the  action  of 
the  Kepublican  party,  should  be  restored  to  the  public  domain;  and 
that  no  more  grants  of  land  should  be  made  to  corporations,  or  be 
allowed  to  fall  into  the  ownership  of  alien  absentees. 

We  are  opposed  to  all  propositions  which,  upon  any  pretext, 
would  convert  the  general  government  into  a machine  for  collecting 
taxes  to  be  distributed  among  the  States,  or  the  citizens  thereof. 

In  reaffirming  the  declaration  of  the  Democratic  platform  of  1856, 
that  ‘‘the  liberal  principles  embodied  by  Jefferson  in  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  and  sanctioned  in  the  Constitution,  which  make 
ours  the  land  of  liberty  and  the  asylum  of  the  oppressed  of  every 
nation,  have  ever  been  cardinal  principles  in  the  Democratic  faith,’' 
we  nevertheless  do  not  sanction  the  importation  of  foreign  labor,  or 
the  admission  of  servile  races,  unfitted  by  habits,  training,  religion  or 
kindred  for  absorption  into  the  great  body  of  our  people,  or  for  the 
citizenship  which  our  laws  confer.  American  civilization  demands 
that  against  the  immigration  or  importation  of  Mongolians  to  these 
shores  our  gates  be  closed. 

The  Democratic  party  insists  that  it  is  the  duty  of  this  government 


560 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


to  protect,  with  equal  fidelity  and  vigilance,  the  rights  of  its  citizens, 
native  and  naturalized,  at  home  and  abroad;  and  to  the  end  that  this 
protection  may  be  assured,  United  States  papers  of  natmalization, 
issued  by  courts  of  competent  jurisdiction,  must  be  respected  by  the 
executive  and  legislative  departments  of  our  own  government  and  by 
all  foreign  powers. 

It  is  an  imperative  duty  of  this  government  to  efiiciently  protect 
all  the  rights  of  persons  and  property  of  every  American  citizen  in 
foreign  lands,  and  demand  and  enforce  full  reparation  for  any  inva- 
sion thereof. 

An  American  citizen  is  only  responsible  to  his  own  government 
for  any  act  done  in  his  own  country  or  under  her  fiag,  and  can  only 
be  tried  therefor  on  her  own  soil  and  according  to  her  laws;  and  no 
power  exists  in  this  government  to  expatriate  an  American  citizen  to 
be  tried  in  any  foreign  land  for  any  such  act. 

This  country  has  never  had  a well-defined  and  executed  foreign 
policy  save  under  Democratic  administration;  that  policy  has  ever 
been,  in  regard  to  foreign  nations,  so  long  as  they  do  no^  act  detri- 
mental to  the  interests  of  the  country  or  hurtful  to  our  citizens,  to  let 
them  alone;  that  as  the  result  of  this  policy  we  recall  the  acquisition 
of  Louisiana,  Florida,  California,  and  of  the  adjacent  Mexican  terri- 
tory by  purchase  alone,  and  contrast  these  grand  acquisitions  of 
Democratic  statesmanship  with  the  purchase  of  Alaska,  the  sole 
fruit  of  a Republican  administration  of  nearly  a quarter  of  a century. 

The  Federal  Government  should  care  for  and  improve  the  Missis- 
sippi river  and  other  great  waterways  of  the  Republic,  so  as  to  secure 
for  the  interior  States  easy  and  cheap  transportation  to  tide- water. 

Under  a long  period  of  Democratic  rule  and  policy  our  merchant 
marine  was  fast  overtaking  and  bn  the  point  of  outstripping  that  of 
Great  Britain. 

Under  twenty  years  of  Republican  rule  and  policy  our  commerce 
has  been  left  to  British  bottoms,  and  almost  has  the  American  flag 
been  swept  off  the  high  seas. 

Instead  of  the  Republican  party’s  British  policy,  we  demand  for 
the  people  of  the  United  States  an  American  policy. 

Under  Democratic  rule  and  policy  our  merchants  and  sailors, 
flying  the  Stars  and  Stripes  in  every  port,  successfully  searched  out  a 
market  for  the  varied  products  of  American  industry. 

Under  a quarter  century  of  Republican  rule  and  policy,  despite 
our  manifest  advantage  over  all  other  nations  in  high-paid  labor, 
favorable  climates,  and  teeming  soils;  despite  freedom  of  trade  among 
all  these  United  States;  despite  their  population  by  the  foremost  races 


REPUBLICAN  AND  DEMOCRATIC  PLATEORMS.  5G1 


of  men  and  an  annual  immigration  of  the  young,  thrifty,  and  advent- 
urous of  all  nations;  despite  our  freedom  here  from  the  inherited 
burdens  of  life  and  industry  in  Old-World  monarchies — their  costly 
war  navies,  their  vast  tax-consuming,  non-producing  standing  armies; 
despite  twenty  years  of  peace — Republican  rule  and  policy  have  man- 
aged to  surrender  to  Great  Britain,  along  with  our  commerce,  the 
control  of  the  markets  of  the  world. 

Instead  of  the  Republican  parly’s  British  policy  we  demand,  in 
behalf  of  the  American  Democracy,  an  American  policy. 

Instead  of  the  Republican  party’s  discredited  scheme  and  false 
pretense  of  friendship  for  American  labor,  expressed  by  imposing 
taxes,  we  demand  in  behalf  of  the  Democracy  freedom  for  American 
labor  by  reducing  taxes,  to  the  end  that  these  United  States  may  com- 
pete with  unhindered  powers  for  the  primacy  among  nations  in  all 
the  arts  of  peace  and  fruits  of  liberty. 

With  profound  regret  we  have  been  apprised  by  the  venerable 
statesman  through  whose  person  was  struck  that  blovr  at  the  vital 
principle  of  republics — acquiescence  in  the  will  of  the  majority — 
that  he  cannot  permit  us  again  to  place  in  his  hands  the  leadership  of 
the  Democratic  hosts,  for  the  reason  that  the  achievement  of  reform 
in  the  administration  of  the  Federal  Government  is  an  undertaking 
now  too  heavy  for  his  age  and  failing  strength. 

Rejoicing  that  his  life  has  been  prolonged  until  the  general  judg- 
ment of  our  fellow-countrymen  is  united  in  the  wish  that  that  wrong 
were  righted  in  his  person,  for  the  Democracy  of  the  United  States 
we  offer  to  him  in  his  withdrawal  from  public  cares  not  only  our 
respectful  sympathy  and  esteem  but  also  that  best  homage  of  free- 
men— the  pledge  of  our  devotion  to  the  principles  and  the  cause  now 
inseparable  in  the  history  of  this  Republic  from  the  labors  and  the 
name  of  Samuel  J.  Til  den. 

With  this  statement  of  the  hopes,  principles,  and  purposes  of  the 
Democratic  party,  the  great  issue  of  refonn  and  change  in  administra- 
tion is  submitted  to  the  people  in  calm  confidence  that  the  popular 
voice  will  pronounce  in  favor  of  new  men  and  new  and  more  favor- 
able conditions  for  the  growth  of  industry,  the  extension  of  trade,  the 
employment  and  due  reward  of  labor  and  of  capital,  and  the  general 
welfare  of  the  whole  country. 


562 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


COMMEKTS  0^1  THE  KEPUBLICAH  PLATFORM* 

The  Eepublican  platform  adopted  by  the  convention  on 
the  fifth  of  June,  is  courageous,  outspoken  and  unequivo- 
cal in  its  character.  There  is  nothing  in  it  that  can  be 
called  two-faced.  It  takes  direct  issue  with  the  Democrats 
on  many  important  questions,  and  inaugurates  the  Presi- 
dential campaign  in  a clear  tone  of  confidence  and  explicit 
avowals  of  purpose.  Such  qualities  as  these  will  command 
the  attention  and  admiration  of  the  American  people. 
There  is  no  trimming  of  the  platform,  no  compromises, 
no  weak  evasions,  no  planks  that  say  one  thing  and 
mean  another.  It  is,  moreover,  a platform  that  is 
applicable  to  the  candidates,  being  a Blaine  platform 
in  all  its  leading  features,  not  only  expressing  his 
sentiments,  but  also  his  character. 

Bi-metalism  is  endorsed  as  a true  monetary  system  on 
the  basis  of  an  international  standard  which  shall  fix  the 
relative  value  of  gold  and  silver  coinage.  This  is  undoubt- 
edly the  true  solution  of  the  money  question  as  well  as  the 
aim  of  the  leading  thinkers,  both  in  Europe  and  America 
on  this  subject. 

The  declaration  in  favor  of  the  constitutional  power  of 
Congress  to  regulate  inter-state  commerce,  and  the  practi- 
cal exercise  of  such  power  to  prevent  excessive  charges  and 
unjust  discrimination  by  the  railroads  is  received  with 
much  favor.  The  labor  interests  of  the  country  are 
given  full  recognition  and  hearty  consideration  ; and  the 
earnest  pledges  to  go  on  with  the  work  of  civibservice 
reform  is  entitled  to  special  commendation,  since  under 
the  impulse  and  direction  of  the  Eepublican  party,  the 
work  has  already  been  inaugurated.  The  reservation  of 
the  public  domain  for  small  holdings  by  actual  settlers, 
and  the  protection  of  it  from  corporation  greed,  is  a senti- 
ment which  will  find  a universal  response  from  the  people. 
Altogether, the  platform  may  be  regarded  as  a most  vigorous 
and  well-written  exposition  of  the  Eepublican  doctrine. 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS 

COMPILED  FROM 

QFFICIAl  REPORTS  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT. 


EANK  OF  STATES,  WITH  DIVISIONS  OF  POPULATION. 


State  and  Rank 
THE  Union. 

1 New  York 

2 Pennsylvania... 

3 Ohio 

4 Illinois 

5 Missouri 

6 Indiana 

7 Massachusetts . 

8 Kentucky 

9 Michigan 

10  Iowa 

11  Texas 

13  Tennessee 

13  Georgia 

14  Virginia 

15  North  Carolina 

16  Wisconsin  .1 

17  Alabama 

18  Mississippi 

19  New  Jersey 


Population. 


Males. 

Females. 


Native. 

Foreign. 


White. 

Colored. 


5,083,810 

4,383,786 

3,198,339 

3,078,709 

3,168,804 

1,978,363 

1,783,013 

1,648,708 


1,634,630 

1,593,574 

1,543,463 

1,539,048 

1,513,806 

1,400,047 

1,315,480 

1,363,794 

1,131,593 

1,130,983 


3,506,383 

3,577,537 

3,136,635 

3,146,151 

1,614,165 

1,584,074 

1,.587,43:} 

1,491,336 

1,137,434 

1,041,380 

1,010,676 

967,686 

858,475 

934,537 

833,676 

816,033 

863,376 

774,055 

848,334 

776,386 

838,719 

753,855 

769,374 

773,089 

761,184 

777,864 

745,839 

766,967 

688,303 

711,844 

680,106 

635,374 

633,890 

639,904 


,438 


587,533 
2,803,469 
394,743 
3,495,177 
583,592 
1,957,564 
111,240 
1,834,597 
143,765 
1,339,919 
443,093 
1,589,237 
59,471 
1,247,985 
388,346 
1,363,133 
261,488 
1,478,058 
114,516 
1,525,881 
16,583 
1,528,733 
10,315 
1,498,139 
14,667 


3,679 
910,063 
405,417 
1,253,131 

9,673 

1,132,429 

9,168 

909,098 

231,585 


5,017,116 

66,694 

4.197,106 

85,680 

3,118,344 

79,895 

3,032,174 

46,595 

2,023,568 

145,236 

1,939,094 

39,368 

1,764,004 

19,008 

1,377,187 

371,521 

1,614,078 

22,353 

1,614,666 

9,954 

1,197,499 

395,075 

1,139,130 

403,343 

814,251 

724,797 

880,981 

631,825 

867,478 

532,569 

1,309,623 

5,858 

662,328 

600,466 

479,371 

652,231 

1,091,947 


563 


564 


POLITICAL  STATIITIOi, 


Bank  of  States,  with  Divisions  of  Population— [Continued.] 


State  and  Rank  in 
THE  Union. 


20  Kansas 

995,966 

21  South  Carolina 

995,622 

22  Louisiana 

940,103 

23  Maryland 

934,632 

24  California 

864,686 

25  Arkansas 

802,564 

26  Minnesota 

780.806 

27  Maine 

648,945 

28  Connecticut 

622,683 

29  West  Virginia.  ... 

618,443 

30  Nebraska 

452,433 

31  New  Hampshire... 

346,984 

32  Vermont 

332,286 

33  Rhode  Island 

276,528 

34  Florida 

267,351 

35  Colorado 

194,649 

36  Dis’t  of  Columbia . . 

177,638 

37  Oregon 

174,767 

38  Delaware 

146,654 

39  Utah* 

143,906 

40  Dakota* 

135,180 

41  New  Mexico* 

118,430 

42  Washington* 

75,120 

43  Nevada 

62,265 

44  Arizona* 

40,441 

45  Montana* 

39,157 

46  Idaho*  

32,611 

47  Wyoming* 

20,788 

* Territories. 

Totals 

50,152,866 

Population, 


Males. 

Females. 


Native. 

Foreign. 


White. 

Colored. 


536,725 

459,241 

490,469 

505,153 

468,833 

471,270 

462,004 

472,628 

518,271 

346,415 

416,383 

386,181 

419,262 

361,544 

324,084 

324,861 

305,886 

316,797 

314,479 

303,964 

249,275 

203,158 

170,575 

176,409 

166,888 

165,398 

133,a33 

143,495 

135,393 

131,958 

129,471 

65,178 

83,594 

94,044 

103,388 

71,379 

74,153 

72,501 

74,470 

69,436 

82,302 

52,818 

63,751 

54,679 

45,977 

29143 

42,013 

20,252 

28,202 

12,239 

28,180 

10,977 

21,818 

10,793 

14,151 

6,637 


886,261 

109,705 

987,981 

7,641 

885,964 

54,139 

851,984 

82,648 

572,006 

292,680 

792,269 

10,295 

613,107 

267,699 

590,076 

58,869 

492,879 

129,804 

600,214 

18,229 

355,043 

97,390 

300,961 

46,023 

291,340 

40,946 

202,598 

73,930 

257,631 

9,720 

154,869 

39,780 

160,523 

17,115 

143,327 

30,440 

137,182 

9,472 

99,974 

43,932 

83,387 

51,793 

108,498 

9,932 

59,259 

15,861 

36,623 

25,642 

24,419 

15,022 

27,640 

11,515 

22,629 

9,982 

14,943 

5,845 


952,056 

43,910 

391,224 

604,398 

455,007 

485,096 

724,718 

209,914 

767,266 

97,420 

591,611 

210,953 

776,940 

3,866 

646,903 

2.042 
610,884 

11,799 

592,606 

25,837 

449,806 

2,627 

346,264 

720 

331,243 

1.043 

269,931 

6,597 

141,832 

125,519 

191,452 

3,197 

118,236 

59,402 

163,087 

11,680 

120,198 

26,456 

142,380 

1,526 

133,177 

2,003 

108,127 

10,303 

67,349 

7,771 

53,574 

8,691 

35,178 

5,263 

35,446 

3,711 

29,011 

3,600 

19,436 

1,852 


25,520,582 
24,632,284 


43,475,506 

6,677,360 


43,404,876 

6,747,900 


statement  showing  the  Receipts  and  Disbursements  of  the  Government  from  its  Organization  to  June  SO,  1879,  and  the  amount 
of  Losses,  and  the  ratio  ot  such  Losses  per  $1,000  to  the  aggregate  Received  and  Disbui'sed,  arranged  as  nearly  as  practi- 
cable  in  periods  of  Administrations. 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS.  565 


Recapitulation.* 

Loss  on 
$1,000. 

$2  22 
2 59 

2 75 
4 16 
8 58 
4 39 
7 52 

11  71 
6 40 
4 08 
4 19 

3 56 
3 81 

76 

67 

8-1124 

10ml 

o 

iO 

cc 

CO 

o 

"a 

■M 

o 

H 

OtMCOOt-'rt^'MtM  CO  tH  05 

l-  r-  CO  O =C  1-  T-(  05  Q lO  C3  OO  O OO  O 

05-^'tH  O t^CO  rH  L-  05  C50  05  r-i_05  CO '?j^CD 

i-'T  cT  P"  PcTocTof'?!' 

»OCCQC5CtOOCC-f  CO  C D 1-H  CO  UO  O *-l  Ol 

C'MCOt-iTIOCI-CC  lO  1-  OO  i-<COlMCOCO 

^ cfco  coco  P P P wwPPof 

OO 

ig 

cc 

cc 

CO 

1 i 
3 I 

p ^ 

c z> 

it 

•^OICOO'Ct-COOD  CO  1-  CO^-^-fCOCO 

o I— 1 CO  O I--  1-  '•+1  »0  00  t-  I— 1 1--  CO  00  tO 

iCCOL-OWCDt-O^  r-^  CO  CO  CO  00  i-^C5  O ci5 

ocodTPodcoPP  ^ CO  P PoPcoofcT 

O C'J  CO  00  OJ  05  rH  CO  0 0050  010^ 

l-i  O 1- CO -^^O^co  O C»  So  W 10^-05^05  05,C0 

oio’o5cocopQio'  P cp  of  coPco'Pwco 

r-'05rHC'll-OOC0  01  CO  OCT5CO— 

tH  01  O CO  O O'*  0<  '<JH  COCOCOOOOCO 

^ cscd'o'co 

rH 

t- 

cf 

ci 

t- 

Jo  S 

f-H 

P OO 
o 

^ CO 

Total  Disbursements  on  accountof 
Public  Debt,  Premiums,  War, 
Navy,  Pensions,  Interest,  Indians 
and  all  civil  expenses  exclusive 
of  Post  Office,  which  receiv'es 
and  disburses  its  own  revenues. 

H 

coo 

05i0  05l^0lop^l0  I—  C000-^00»— Q 

Ort  XOlO^OiCOr-t  CO  CO  CO  OOCS-Tfi^OlO 

O ^ 2 ^ »occ-^ 

1 ^ 

CO 

1 t-  (M 
CO 
OO 

CO 

o 

CO 

to 

o 

yA 

liiSiiHi  i g S giiSSi 

gg'SWs'SSf  SS  £5  S spgfffiS" 

<^,riCOo6'»r^iOCOOC5  COOl_uOOC^rH 

Pof  olof  P P P PoTcoPP 

CO 

00 

t" 

!i  1 

C5  w 
c»  CO 
CO  C5 

m 

£.2 
.O  <D 

.22  a 
p 

WCOOICCOQQCQ  ^ CO  C0QC^05C0^ 

ocStcoSi-So^  ^ 5 oo^So^occ 

B §s?LoWS 

COCO’-H 01»0  O CO  1-H IC  3 CD 

»ocoP^oocTPcoP  ® P P >ocoPPPP 

>0'«fO»Q  00  05  01  CO  O O 05  o5  Ol  CO  05  GO  1.0 
^ riWr-<  6^T-1r-i05rH  CO  CO  OD  »0 

PcooP 

i 

8 

S- 

s. 

1- 

S i 

P CO 

K 

8 c5 

OJ 

Total  Receipts  from  Customs, 
Internal  Revenue,  Public 
Lands,  Loans,  Dividends,  Inter- 
est, Premiums,  Direct  Tax,  and 
Miscellaneous. 

og 

esssssss  § S 8 

CO  (MrHCOCOOCO  CO  r-<  § 

c 

1 o 

05  t- 

O <M 

i 

p 

S?Sg!£5Si?S  s s g 83S?iS„ 

05^05  0^00  CO  05  W O O a 

cToi PPcTcJoiof  05  CO  CO  coPccPo5  z; 

P^CO^OIC^— 05  01  f-(  1-  r-(05025X)C 

(M  01  CO  c«i CO  <M  <M  — mxo— ' o 

^ P of—  1 

CO 

i 

cc 

il  i 
1 

a 

'S 

o 

<D 

^C0a0u0-^1C»C05  ic  OO  CO  OOCOCOTfl- 
(M.—  O Q y-^  COOOCOCOG^O 

05  o O Jc  CO  ODCO*-Ht^COO 

C0^0o''«O  oscdtcfoo  CD  P OO  oTo5Q»OOOr 

2S85SS3SS  e S 8 £CS?S3$S 
SSSS'SSifS  § 3 S S'£r8£SS?$ 

^ C^i— IIHOIOIOICO  CO  O CO 

PP»cP 

00 

p 

lit 

1 
00 

S 8 

s 

co^ 

CO  o’ 
so  cc 

01  L- 

P xet 

^ r-( 

-AJ9S  JO  rajaji 

00 OO  00  CO 00 Ti<  GO  Ol 

Administration. 

Washington 

Adams,  J 

Jefferson 

Madison 

Monroe 

Adams,  J.Q 

.Tackson : . . 

Van  Buren 

Harrison  1 

Tyler..  ..  f 

Polk 

'Baylor ...  { 

Piilmore.  ) 

Pierce 

Buchanan  

Lincoln  

Johnson  

Grant 

Hayes 

Prior  to  June  30, 
1861. 

From  July  1,’61,  to 
June  30,  1879. 

♦ Including  all  other  amounts  collected  or  disbui*sed,  and  the  losses  thereon. 


SPEAKERS  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES, 


566 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


« 

m 

o 

w 


T-(COtOi>OiTHCOlOi>Oi'r-!CO'^lCJ>050’HCO)OI>OiTHCOTHia 
O^OOiOOiOOOOOTHT-HT-iT-trHT-HC^OJCQO^CQOiCOCOCCCO 
t>i>i>i>i>OOOOOOOOOOOOOOaOGOOOOOOOXiGOOGOOOOOOOOOOOO 
tHtHt—It— i-rH-i— (T—lTHrH'rH'rH-rH'rHT— (t— (tHtHtHtH-tHtHtH-tH 

CO  to  rtT c<f  t^jT 

^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 

OOOOOOOOOOOO  000.0000000 

^o3rac3CTC3cS(rfroC3C3c3tjc3o3(?3o3c3o3c3o3o3o3o3'^cS 

■ “^^“'oqoooooooooooooooococ 

CO  lo  Oi  t-h  2>  O^r th' CO  iriT J>  cT o" T-^"  co'  i>' cT th' cr^^*' 

GOOiO^C5i050iOOOOOT-l'r-!-pHT-*THTHCQC5C-'?CQC<?CQCCCOCO 
j^t-£^j^j^i^QOooooODOOaOOOOOOOQOCOOOooOOQOOOOOOO^X' 

T-It-It-It-(tHt— ItH'i-HtHtHtHtH'!— ItHtHtHtHtHtH-i— (irHTHT-lTHT-t-r-i 


*5  +J  o’  O*  ^ O*  o’  o’  +3  ^ ^ rj  c5  o’  d > o’  o’  o’  o’  o’  o’  d § 

Pt  o o o o o o o o,<^  O.C3  boooOoooooooS 

<jOftfiSPPOQO^^S^?QPQ^OPPQflfift>^ 


o 

12; 

o 

Q 


K'n5n3'S'355555555'55’S'S’S'55’S'SM^^T3 

'rHC<iCO^OOi>00050-»-lC^COCO^lOCDOi>OOOiO-rHCN>COCO 

tH  tH  tH  tH  tH  ■tH  -r^  rH  t— I rH  t— ! tH  CQ  CQ  GQ  GQ 


I 

<1 

m 


^•■5 

^ S 

c ^ 
o o 
P^O 


P ^ 

O 

> ^ 


c3 
WJ  .S 

2 

to  ^ 


¥-. 

03 

02  T3 


' § J J s 

ifclzi  Slz; 


to. 

o 

to 

P 

o : 

o3 

to 

to 


o 

-I^  - 

p 

o 


c3  ^ 
^ o 

-tJ  ■- 

§ § 

02  W 


• bl.-^ 

O O 

>^a  §^a 

^ £»a  ^ §)■ 
o -G2  o o .S 
!z;t>W!z:> 


I 


bJD_g  bO^ 

o d o o 
p q 


O o 


o3 


k3  ^ fe2  ^ 

S o3g  03 


'$'o 
o S 

23 

T3  03  V 
O ^ ' 
O ^ 
o3 


a 

p 

P z 


pq 

pd 

p 
o ^ 

02  ^ 


C3 

o'* 

b 

g- 


o b. 
gS'* 


03  03 


d 
o 
02 
^ cd 

^ Ov 


O - 
'd 
bI3^ 
a q 


cs 

W iJW 


S'S  •1‘i 

ddi  ^ dpd: 

13  q '5  d 


pq 

" 3 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


i>OiTHCOi.'^!>oat-Heoicj>0'^coio?>CbTHCOiocoi>as''-icoio 
C0c0'^'^':^'^^i0id0i0i0  0 0':c)00«>«>i>i'-t-i-00  00  00 
OOGOOOOOOOOOGOOOOOaOOOOOCOGOaOCOOOCOOOGOOOOOODGOOOOO 

T— ( tH  tH  t-H  tH  t-H  t-H  T—f  ■rH  tH  tH  t-H  tH  tH  t— < rH  tH  t—I  tH  tH  tH  t-H  -tH  t-H 

TfT  rjT  ^tT  riT  cT  tjT 

ooooocoooaoooooooooo^-ooooo 

■ ‘ f-i  f-i 


ooooocoooaoooooooooo.-oo 

^cdo3c3o3c3c3c3c3o3c;c3i'ic3c3c3'^o3cCc33  XCio3ow03 

OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOoO 

iS Z>  rH  CO  lo  |>  oT  rH  CO  CO  O'  rH  CO  lo'  t>**'  <0  rH  CO  *C  o"  l>  tH  CO 

COCOCO-^rt<-rt<Ttl'^10l-Cl0  1000000COt-£-i>J>i>^00  00 
OOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOGOOOOOQOOOOOOOOOGOOOOOaOOOOO^ScOOO 

tH  ■*--<  -T—I  tH  tH  tH  t— I T— I t-H  tH  t-H  t-H  t-H  tH  t-H  t-H  t— ( t-H  tH  t-H  t-H  tH  T“H  r~^  ■_. 


H CO  tK'  ic  ^ jo"  LO 


^ ^ ^ ^ ^ tO  o rO  ^ d d »3  Jr  d d d ^ d Q 

p;^pSOfiQooi=iix,ftfe.?fiQ;^gsofiPos«Q 


fl 

o 

o 


^ ^ ^ ^ XI  ^ 


H3 

a 


• fe>  : -3  : Si' 

c3  c3  ^ X3  rH 

2 o.S2  o 

: .9  .2  9 c3  fcjo^  ^ 

^"a  ^ o o ■* 

• is  O .2  ^ 03  GJ  Il> 


a ^ o w 
o ^ 03  d)  '3-> 

5 g o W 


d *^- 

>wt>i 


c3 
w _C3 

o 'o  ^’3  • 

s ^ ^ > • 

C5  ^ cc  H 

a 


a jH  a 9 

w '2  s.  H .9  : 


3®? 


o 

.9 

*cc  - 

S 


fl 
c3 
> 

a 

.2  a 

rrt 

►9  Ph 


G 

tG  o 

CM 


(D 

G 

G 

w 


* ^ .9 


o'O 

d«  fe*- 


:||||||| 
W l-S  l“5  Hj  p p p 


JL  ^ 


bD^ 

.9  2^ 

e ^ O 
Q 


.is  H — -a  ^ 

§ w >> 

a 9-  ^ 


w 

d 

CQ 

O 

9: 


9 ^ 

W(3 


CS  G 

.H  I' 


«4-H  d) 

• wl 

. C3 
pqO 

: ^ G 

.CSrG 


668 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS, 


STATEMENT  SHOWING  THE  EXPENDITTJRES,  ' 

As  far  as  ascertained,  necessarily  growing  out  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion, 
from  July  1, 1861,  to  June  30, 1870,  inclusive. 


Gross 

Expenditure. 

Expenditure 
other  than  for 
the  war. 

Expenditure 
growing  out 
of  the  war. 

$ 51,523,730  77 

$ 51,522,730  77 

59,738,167  73 

59,738,167  73 

1,809,301,485  19 

$ 45,045,386  74 

1^764,256,198  45 

99,690,808  31 

57,151,550  14 

42,539,257  87 

5,516,260  75 

551,626  07 

4,964,634  68 

9,315,753  19 

9,315,753  19 

371,321  82 

371,321  82 

295,878  54 

295,878  54 

1,929,819  00 

1,929,819  00 

244,815  40 

244,815  40 

253,231 12 

253,23112 

7,095,968  05 

1,870,180  00 

5,225,788  05 

15,331,956  58 

2,712,693  79 

12,619,262  79 

33,944,017  67 

10,110,745  70 

23,833,271  97 

113,803,841 31 

112,803,841  31 

2,664,199  82 

456,714  21 

2,207,485  61 

420,041,037  75 

38,623,489  17 

381,417,548  58 

357,518,966  61 

58,037,048  95 

299,481,917  63 

101,528,573  37 

16,185,839  74 

85,342,733  63 

407,463,334  81 

70,669,439  25 

336,793,885  56 

4,626,319  66 

1,601,000  00 

3,025,219  66 

356,651,466  31 

11,107,586 11 

345,543,880  20 

130,990,763  95 

4,318,339  51 

126,672,423  24 

49,872,669  40 

18,801,822  89 

31,070,846  59 

487,881 45 

39,150  CO 

448,731  45 

184,473,731  26 

106,388,991  79 

78,084,729  47 

1,041,103,703  58 

1,041,102,702  58 

866,305  41 

886,305  41 

14,386,778  29 

14,386,778  29 

6,126,953  65 

6,126,952  65 

844,150  55 

844,150  55 

4,824,877  68 

4,824,877  68 

38,522,046  20 

38,522,046  20 

APPROPRIATION. 


Expenses  of  national  loans  and 

currency 

Premiums 

Interest  on  public  debt. . 
Expenses  of  collecting  revenue 

from  customs 

Judgment  of  Court  of  Claims. 
Payments  of  judgments  Court 

of  Alabama  Claims 

Salaries  and  expenses  of  South- 
ern Claims  Com’n 

Salaries  and  expenses  of  Am. 

and  Brit.  Claims  Com’n 

Award  to  British  claimants  . . . 
Tribunal  of  arbitration  at  Ge- 
neva   

Salaries  and  expenses  of  Ala- 
bama Claims  Com’n 

Salaries  and  contingent  ex- 
penses of  Pension  Office 

Salaries  and  contingent  ex- 
penses of  War  Department. 
Salaries  and  contingent  ex- 
penses of  Ex.  Dept,  (exclu- 
sive of  Pension  Office  and 

War  Department 

Expenses  of  assessing  and  col- 
lecting internal  revenue 

Miscellaneous  accounts 

Subsistence  of  the  army 

Quartermaster’s  Department. 
Incidental  expenses  of  Quar- 
termaster’s Department 

Transportation  of  the  army . . . 
Transportation  of  officers  and 

their  baggage 

Clothing  of  the  army 

Purchase  of  horses  for  cavalry 

and  artillery 

Barracks,  quarters,  etc 

Heating  and  Cooking  stoves.. 
Pay,  mileage,  general  expenses 

etc.,  of  the  army 

Pay  of  tAvo  and  three  years’ 

volunteers 

Pay  of  three  months’  volun- 
teers   

Pay,  etc.,  of  one  hundred  days’ 

volunteers 

Pay  of  militia  and  volunteers. 
Pay,  etc.,  to  officers  and  men 
in  Department  of  Missouri. . 
Pay  and  supplies  of  one  hun- 
dred days’  volunteers 

Bounty  to  volunteers  and  reg- 
ulars on  enlistment 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


569 


STATEMENT  SHOWING  THE  EXPENDITURES-CContinued.] 


APPROPRIATION. 


Bounty  to  volunteers,  their 
widows  and  leg'al  heirs 
Additional  bounty  act  of  July 

28, 1806 

Collection  and  payment  of 
bounty,  etc.,  to  colored  sol- 
diers, etc 

Reimbursing-  States  for  mon- 
ej^s  expended  for  payment 
of  military  service  of  the 

United  States 

Defraying  expenses  of  minute- 
men  and  volunteers  in  Penn- 
sylvania, Maryland,  Ohio, 

Indiana  and  Kentucky 

Refunding:  to  States  expenses 
incurred  on  account  of  vol- 
unteers   

Reimbursements  to  Baltimore 
for  aid  in  construction  of 

defensive  works  in  1863 

Payment  to  members  of  cer- 
tain military  organizations 

in  Kansas 

Expenses  of  recruiting- 

Draft  and  substitute  fund 
Medical  and  Hospital  Depart. 
Medical  and  Surgical  History 

and  Statistics 

Medical  Museum  and  Library 
Providing  for  comfort  of  sick, 
wounded  and  discharged  sol- 
diers   

Freedmen’s  Hospital  and  Asy- 
lum   

Artificial  limbs  and  appliances 

Ordnance  service 

Ordnance,  ordnance  stores  and 

supplies 

Armament  of  fortifications. . . 
National  armories,  arsenals, 

etc 

Purchase  of  arms  for  volun- 
teers and  regulars 

Traveling  expenses  of  First 
Michigan  Cavalry  and  Cali- 
fornia and  Nevada  Volun- 
teers   

Payment  of  expenses  under 

reconstruction  acts 

Secret  Service 

Books  of  Tactics 

Medals  of  Honor 

Support  of  National  Home  for 
disabled  volunteer  soldiers. . 
Publication  of  official  records 
of  war  of  the  rebellion 
Contingencies  of  the  Army  and 
Adjutant  General’s  Depart. 
Payments  under  special  acts 

of  relief 

Copying  ofiBcial  reports. . 


Gross 

Expenditures. 

Expenditure 
other  than  for 
the  war. 

Expenditure 
growing  out 
of  the  war. 

31,760,345  95 

31,760,345  95 

69,998,786  71 

69,998,786  61 

268,158  11 

268,158 11 

9,635,512  85 

9,635,512  85 

597,178  30 

597,178  30 

31,297,242  60 

31,297,242  60 

96,152  00 

96,152  00 

206,097  28 

296,097  28 

2,568,639  91 

1,270,673  56 

1,297,966  35 

9,713,873  13 

9,713,873  13 

46,954,146  83 

1,845,376  47 

45,108,770  36 

196,048  32 

196,048  32 

55,000  00 

55,000  00 

2,232,785 12 

2,232,785  12 

123,487  49 

123,487  49 

509,283  21 

609,283  21 

6,114,533  38 

1,561,001  67 

4,553,531  71 

59,798,079  70 

S,834,146  87 

55,933,932  83 

12,336,710  88 

2,118,238  79 

10,218,472  09 

29,730,717  53 

6,127,228  21 

23,603,489  32 

76,378,935  13 

76,378,935  13 

84,131  50 

84,131 50 

3,128,905  94 

3,128,905  94 

681,587  42 

681,587  42 

172,568  15 

172,568  15 

29,890  00 

29,890  00 

8,546,184  76 

8,546,184  76 

170,998  98 

170,998  98 

3,291,830  14 

565,136  39 

2,726,698  75 

1,088,406  83 

1,088,406  83 

5,000  00 

6,000  00 

POLITICAL  STATISTICS, 


670 


STATEMENT  SHOWING  THE  EXPENDITTTEES-CContlnued.l 


APPKOPRIATION. 


Gross 
Expenditures. 


Expenditure 
other  than  for 
the  war. 


Expenditure 
growing  out 
ot  the  war. 


Expenses  of  Court  of  Inquiry 

in  1868  and  1869 

United  States  police  for  Balt. . 
Preparing  register  of  volun- 
teers  

Army  pensions 

Telegraph  for  military  pur- 

po?es 

Maintenance  of  gunboat  fleet 

proper 

Keeping,  transporting  and 
supplying  prisoners  of  war. 
Permanent  forts  and  lortitica- 
tions;  surveys  for  military 
defenses ; contingencies  of 
fortilicatioiis ; platform  for 
cannon  of  large  calibre,  etc., 

from  1802-68 

Construction  and  maintenance 

of  steam  rams 

Signal  Service  

Gunboats  on  Western  rivers. . 
Supplying,  transporting  and 
delivering  arms  and  muni- 
tions of  war  to  loyal  citizens 
in  States  in  rebellion  against 
the  Government  of  the 

United  States 

Collecting,  organizing  and 

drilling  volunteers 

Bridge-trains  and  equipage... 

Tool  and  siege  trains 

Completing  the  defenses  of 

Washington  

Commutations  of  rations  to 

Prisoners  of  war  in  rebel 

tates 

National  cemeteries 

Purchase  of  Ford’s  Theatre. . 
Temporary  relief  to  destitute 
people  in  Dist.  of  Columbia 
Headstones,  erection  of  head 
stones,  pay  of  Superintend- 
ents, and  moving  the  re- 
mains of  officers  to  national 

cemeteries 

State  of  Tennessee  for  keep- 
ing and  maintaining  United 
States  military  prisoners. 

Capture  of  Jeff.  Davis 

Removing  wreck  of  gunboat 
Oregon  in  Chefunct  River, 

Louisiana 

Support  of  Bureau  of  Refug- 
ees and  Freedmen 

Claims  for  quartermaster’s 
stores  and  commis.  supplies. 
Miscellaneous  claims  audited 

by  Third  Auditor 

Claims  of  loyal  citizens  for 
supplies  furnished  during 
the  rebellion 


5,000  00 

100,000  00 

1,015  45 
437,744,193  80 

3,500,085  80 

5,344,684  33 

7,659,411 60 


20,887,756  96 

1,370,730  43 
333,369  79 
3,339,314  18 


1,649,596  57 

29,091,666  57 
1,413,701 75 
703,350  00 

912,383  01 


330,636  63 
4,162.848  39 
88,000  00 

57,000  00 


1,080,185  54 


23,749  49 
97,031  62 


5,500  00 
11,454,237  30 
850,220  91 
94,233 11 

4,170,304  54 


30,315,000  00 


7,483,765  87 
'*‘78,473^ 


47,11211 


5,000  00 

100,000  00 

1,015  45 
407,439,193  80 

2,500,085  80 

5,244,684  33 

7,659,411  GO 


13,403,991  09 

1,370,730  43 
143,797  56 
3,239,314  18 


1,649,596  57 

29,091,666  57 
1,413,701  75 
703,350  00 

912,383  01 

320,636  63 
4,163,848  39 
88,000  00 

57,000  00 


1,080,185  54 


22,749  49 
97,031 63 


5,500  00 
11,454,237  30 
850,220  91 
47,111 00 

4,170,304  54 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS, 


571 


STATEMENT  SHOWING  THE  EXPENDITT7RES-[Continued.] 


APPROPRIATION. 


Payment  for  use  of  Corcoran 

Art  Gallery 

Expenses  of  sales  of  stores  and 

material 

Transportation  of  insane  vol- 
unteer soldiers 

Horses  and  other  property  lost 

in  military  service 

Purchase  ol  cemetery  grounds 

near  Columbus,  Ohio 

Fortifications  on  the  Northern 

Frontier 

Pay  of  the  Navy 

Provisions  of  the  Navy 

Clothing  of  the  Navy 

Construction  and  repair 

Equipment  of  vessels 

Ordnance 

Surgeons’  necessaries 

Yards  and  docks 

Fuel  for  the  Navy 

Hemp  for  the  Navy 

Steam  machinery 

Navigation 

Naval  hospitals 

Magazines 

Marine  corps,  pay,  clothing, 

etc 

Naval  Academy 

Naval  Asylum,  Philadelphia  .. 
Temporary  increase  of  the 

Navy 

Miscellaneous  appropriations. 

Naval  pensions 

Bounties  to  seamen 

Bounty  for  destruction  of  en- 
emy’s vessels 

Indemnity  for  lost  clothing. . . 

Total  expenditures 


Gross 

Expenditures. 

Expenditure 
other  than  for 
the  war. 

Expenditure 
growing  out 
of  the  war. 

125,000  00 

125,000  00 

5,842  43 

5,842  43 

1,000  00 

1,000  00 

4,281,724  91 

4,281,724  91 

500  00 

500  00 

6a3,748 12 

683,748  12 

144,549,073  96 

70,086,769  62 

74,462,304  34 

32,771,931  16 

16,403,307  34 

16,368,(523  82 

2,709,491  98 

1,114,701  00 

1,594,790  98 

170,007,781  25 

35,829,684  80 

134,178,0^)6  Go 

25,174,614  53 



25,174,614  53 

38,063,357  67 

6,641,263  30 

31,422,094  37 

2,178,769  74 

241,025  68 

1,937,744  06 

33,638,156  59 

3,;337,854  52 

30,:i00,302  07 

19,952,714  36 

8,612,.521  68 

11,340,232  68 

2,836,916  69 

1,938,664  42 

898,252  27 

49,297,318  57 

49,297,318  57 

2,526,247  00 

2,526,247  00 

875,452  34 

375,789  40 

499,662  94 

753,822  13 

349,290  48 

404,531  65 

16,726,906  00 

8,969,290  82 

7,757,615  18 

2,640,440  87 

778;308  86 

1,862,132  01 

652,019  89 

65,394  00 

586,655  89 

8,123,766  21 

8,123,766  21 

2,614,041  77 

2,614,044  77 

7,540,043  00 

950,000  00 

6,590,043  00 

2,821,530  10 

2,821,530  10 

271,309  28 

271,309  28 

389,025  33 

389,025  33 

$6,844,571,431  03 

$ 654,641,522  45 

$6,189,929,908  58 

Note.— Only  the  appropriations  from  which  war  expenditures  were 
made  are  included  in  the  above. 


.BY  Qg  POFTTLAR  AND  ELECTORAL  VOTES  IN  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTIONS,  1789  to  1880. 


573 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


•aiOA 


•9^0A 


^ 05  «0  CD  ^ CO  01  tH  «H  tH  ^ ^ g tH  CO 


05Q»D^t-OCOOlOl(Mr-l 


ir-CO»D60i-i 


S . 

3S 

Ph 


■§>  ;|| 
a sf  M S H • ° 

§.§>025  a.5-S,g 

glS-SsJ’-’Si 

§.g|«5.acg.3ca^ 


O o 

-+^SM 

^ CQ  S*S  <0  ^ 
5 05  2^ 

' cO  5:;  C 5:^  § p 
tP*  <d’3  0>;d  c3 


fl  >» 
o o 

£S 

1W§ 


ill 

•r|  ^ 

I ^ O0!d 


:-a 

: PJ 


IS 


0 S O *S  ^ ^ 'm*r^  • ^ c ’ 

.gsH,pM3^3S!,;2^ggd 

•?  Eh  B <! !»  O !S  I?  4 O t?  tn  C> 


>» 

I 

Pk 


cj  c d 
-p-p  c3  d d 
,®^.S2  o o o 

g g33iS 

o ® d d d 
»d'd  PhP^P- 
0)  0?  ® Q>  © 
pkpkp^«« 


d • d 

g3^io 

© d o d 
fd  P-'d  P- 

05  © 03  ® 


•9^0A 

t^jo^^ojoa; 

mox 


•S9^T?C^S 

JO 

J9qmn^ 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS, 


573 


gj^COW^acOrHjHggrHO§«^.«^CO-*^COCO^rHrHCCggO^COOSNrH^g5t 
r-t  tH  t-i  tH  tH  tH 


|o 

«3^|i2§l 

Sts  f2  2 

o'w  o S't;5  a 


CO  jT 

•Sg 

tog’s® 

:^o^oO 


. ^ o .0)  . 

• 0)  ^ J 

i^l|Kg 

• f^'O  _^'0 

• • a3.2>  ^ c3 
;Q^-S_g43 

■ .a^oa 

:p«PWP^ 


- d c3  S 

S'S§§S 

Pro  to^ 
o ® cj^W 
5cS2j.. 

•§■§■§'§«  § 
•?|z;Z<CS|l) 


P 

d 

o^ij 

X!  05*'^ 

dS| 

r- 


CO  05  ;:^  T-<  t- 


eQr-MMt- 

OOCf^SS 


§58 


2 


>» 

«fl  - -- 

I'gdfl'g 

|sg3.s 

*§^'^.5Ph 


►^g|d>»^d|bd 

|pssj|sa|3 

g446^s64oS 


a o 

.2  P - u V 
^ o W 0? 

§-2&«§S 

5*'  § OK*"  § 3 
,^0  ,?« 


P '-' 

sgS 

P I 


03  05  CS  ^ 
O CC^  ;h  ^ 

§2?^b 

>=■51© 


fl  : 
O CO 

\SB 

■S’© 

Ilf 

>“ll 

<1^5 


P P <D  CU  a 
P-P.'d'p'p 
O O 0)  o o 


s^ssss 

p <D  P P (D 
P.rd  P-P.'d 
O Q)  o o c? 
Pp^pppb 


0.2 

Si 

P o» 
Pur? 
o o 


|i 

5 ® 

P.’d 

ap 


p p p p 

03  c3  c3  cS 

.2 .2  a a 

2B32 

p p p p 
p.ap,p. 

O O O <0 

Pi:^PP 


OaP 
+3  P 
p a 

g« 

O csS 

Q!2; 


138 

«o 

€0 

00 

rH 

* t- 

t- 

w 

i 

i 

s 

t- 

rH 

t- 

1— 1 

CO 

s 

Cl 

hiijhest  eJeetoviil  vote  becume  Vice-President. 


SUMMARY  OF  POPULAR  AND  ELECTORAL  VOTES.-Continued. 


574 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS, 


X'BJo:^03ia[ 


rHTHOiS 

SS 


T-li—l  r-l 


HgS  :3 


c2^a 

^.2^a 

. o'j  C3 
^ csx::;:) 


b.  ^ 


C3 

^ . . <I» 

^ oS  S 

a>  . u 

•is^ 


iaSacS 

2 cS  O ^ 


§®ii»S.2'i5g§i§ 

S«1W^^gfi§-33-§ 

I a|  a a go  § |i>. 


•a»OA 

XBaocxoaia; 


■^'<i<cooeciN 


P-5 

Oh 


0^05  00 

sss 


5'«t<00O5O5'^'t!<i^c5*^ 

Dt^t^'^COCQCOiO^OiC 

ocooocococo 


^t-C^THr-IOifc- 


05r-lTHl^rH^ 


S2>. 


'd  Cd!  S 


oi 

h y • • • ;r  t>^ 

:p=-E|sif«s 

SgStellSag 

a-g  a’Sgfe  rtg  a 

'iUiiM 


K:“llJ|il|a 

^•^“^il^“K§i£ial“ 

>>3^.S'p  ^ II  o 

CO  >sCC  ^ 

|pS'g?'^i|5l55|d<j 


.s-p  p 

h3  d o 

S&J 

S-p’-^ 

Odd 

P!25<1 


Q^kT 


bog's 

^pa 


o : § o d ’d.2.g 

^^’■p  ‘ d-5  33  d d'-p+3 

ddl  d ddoSodd 
POP  . o Pd3  P P 

OstT:ajS”§b««  §•§•=§§§ 

ssSssgassaRgaaa 

o^^.-d^r  o ^ o;d  p <ij  o d o o o 

0^^;isroPRp^feppj^aRQ 


•S^OA 

xmo^09xa 

moj, 

*S3:X'b:XS 

JO 

jaqmn^ 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


575 


xOCO»CCOr-<r-liH'«^iC'»*< 

r-(QOCO 


CJr-l 


• : fl 
^ d o 
0'S 

o 03  O 

0 S'^ 
O H? 

^^PU| 

1 ltd 

^ d O 
fd  0 <D 

^<o 


X 

d . 
0>-5 

o3 

1^ 


^d2.;o_,o'3o 

d > d o rt  d^ 

o o §S  o 


do 

o-r 

g-i 


S * 2 

-M  d ~^.  fl) 


•dSiSS^tdo 

S'7 

^ c^c0m^?C3 


0 r-(  Cvl  CO  r-l  CO  S' 


^lO 

nJh 


tH  I—  »0 


d s<< 
P3  c3„- 

d d • 
£ d o 


. ee^-g|§ 
|^5?|^l§ 

ox<^  dccOp 

|§-sisg^' 
t=M  t>w6 


1 M .Si  O ri*l 

1|  = ll 

’3|«^o 

'S“|^2 

"ttpgp 


-H- 

T3 

f-oci 

d O- 

|2|6u-<32»i 

:op2^do|«3|| 


^ C5-2 

^ d aj 

II  § 
§0.0 
Odd 

5 P^P 


« 


4d 

d.2  dP  oo 

' '|dlg 

^ y *3  d d d 
d § • o d § g* 

P.S  • ftd  d S 
d d : d d d 0 

«q  -«PPH 


d d 


V o 
d d d.2 
cS^  c3+^ 

s^’ga 

p§d£ 
d 2 d o 
p^di  ^ 
d dOA 
«P:  2 


d «X5 

§§§ 

d dO 
tfpj 


i 

I 

os 

lo 

i 

i 

i 

i 

♦ Not  voting— Alabama,  Arkansas,  Florida,  Georgia,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee, 
Texas  and  Virginia. 

+ Not  voting— Mississippi,  Texas  and  Virginia. 

t Seventeen  votes  rejected,  viz : 3 from  Georgia  for  Horace  Greeley  (dead),  and  8 from  Louisiana,  and  6 from  Arkansas  for 


PRESIDENTS  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


m 


POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 


P 


I 

pH 


'S 

a 

p . 

^ - 
d (X>  d - 
^ 


3 - 


= i. 


M d oj 

<X)  Q-M 

CG  ^3 


•|  g I ' 

•d  d .d 
> ^ 


^ sy 


^ .2 

O 43 

12;  o 


be  ^ 'd 


^ o o ^ 


d .d 


> H ^ ^ S 


QJ  ;:H  0 j-j 


d .2  i 


S 43 

o 


d 

^2; 


d _d  . 

"So  M *Sb  ■ 

.b  § S 
> ^> 


o 


b» 


?Dl^rHl-.lO(MrH(MC50'^C5CO 

COCOOO(»COOOOOOOClDaOOOoOOO 


-^t-iOOSCOOOr-i»CT2 


C?  ^ 

P ^ 


b ^ 0 ^ ^ d^'S 


d d lb  d -P 
d d d ^ d d ^ d d d 3 o 


5“ 

<i 


s a 


i 

'd 


3 


CO  OQ  r/3  ^ 


ddddddoMd  .coddtocoddH 
OCDOOdtDrtHdHHOJCDJ-iPOa)*^ 

CCOOCO''i^QO^r-iCO'^r-l<M'«*H'«*<'^COCO'<iHCC 


rH®l^-U555l^’^’^’^C50COT--THU505 


t-  tH  — 


•rt<  «C  "!h  © 


U'^  »0 


'ppjjiissj 


< ^ 


H J ^ S i 2 


3 2 

P-  d 

<i  1^ 


e 

o 

m 


gCOr-l©t-t^C3COQxl5::^Q'4<THg?CO 
3jpiO»0«0?OCOt-OS©COQO©00 
T^t-t-t-ir-t-b-t-t-t-OOQOl'*oDOO 


ss 


8 
'o  ^ 


i i 4 i i i a i 4 


<l)OPidP(23.^dOL^dd§d^<D 


d **-(  jj 

O Pi  O O o 


d o 


2 .2 
dJ 


d O d 

OHO 

w b w 

^1  a H 


d 'd  d d d d o 


P o 
H 


swrtO^i'^.^a.s 
■o  £ g a 


<y 


S -S 


w Z5 

o a a 


o ^ 


►>  2 w 

d a H «, 

I a ^ “ 


o 2 

2 d 

^ S 
u P 


d d O O 
o d 2 S2 

H d d d 
0)  43  □ 43 


I' 


d 

S 5 § 


£«  1^ 


o 


3 d 2 ^ 


-p  d d 


< u 

S I 
a § 


•OH 


